PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

Purchased  by  the  Hammill  Missionary  Fund. 

Division  ID  5 T 0 S) 
Section  “ 

1 

Number 

& 


I 

< 


CHINA 


TRAVELS  AND  INVESTIGATION'S  IN  THE 
“MIDDLE  KINGDOM” 

A STUDY  OF 

ITS  CIVILIZATION  AND  POSSIBILITIES 


WITH  A GLANCE  AT  JAPAN 


BT 


JAMES  HARRISON  WILSON 


LATE  MAJOR-GENERAL  UNITED  STATES  VOLUNTEERS,  AND 
BREVET  MAJOR-GENERAL  UNITED  STATES  ARMY 


NEW  YORK 

D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 
1888 


Copyright,  188T, 

By  D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY. 


TO 

COLONEL  LEGRAND  B.  CANNON, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 

A LOYAL  CITIZEN,  A GOOD  SOLDIER,  AND  A TRUE  FRIEND, 
THE  FOLLOWING  PAGES  ABE  INSOEIBED, 


WITH  THE  AFFECTIONATE  REGARDS  OF 

THE  AUTHOR. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/chinatravelsinve00wils_0 


V 


PEEFACE. 


Owing  to  the  universal  depression  in  trade  for  the 
last  five  years,  China  has  strongly  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  whole  world,  and  especially  of  England, 
Germany,  France,  and  the  United  States,  as  the  only 
great  country  yet  remaining  to  be  provided  with  rail- 
roads. In  the  spring  of  1885  I turned  my  attention  in 
that  direction  ; but,  when  I sought  to  obtain  specific  in- 
formation as  to  the  actual  condition  of  affairs  in  respect 
to  railroads  and  other  modem  improvements,  and  the 
readiness  of  the  Chinese  Government  and  people  for 
their  introduction,  I could  learn  nothing  whatever  upon 
which  it  seemed  to  be  safe  to  base  calculations  or  draw 
conclusions.  After  conferring  with  a few  friends  in 
New  York,  who  had  also  been  impressed  with  the  same 
general  fact,  and  were  looking  about  to  discover  new 
fields  for  American  skill,  enterprise,  and  capital,  and 
who  also  found  themselves  utterly  unable  to  get  trust- 
worthy information,  I resolved  for  our  common  benefit 
to  visit  the  countries  beyond  the  Pacific,  and  see  for 
myself  whether  they  were  ready  for  railroads,  whether, 
if  built,  railroads  would  probably  pay,  and  also  whether 
the  construction  and  management  of  them  could  be  se- 
cured for  Americans,  under  such  terms  and  conditions, 


VI 


PREFACE. 


as  promised  fair  returns  for  the  skill  and  capital  em- 
plo_yed,  and  the  risk  involved. 

I saw  no  other  means  of  satisfactorily  solving  the 
questions  which  presented  themselves.  The  corre- 
spondence of  our  diplomatic  and  consular  agents  was 
silent  on  those  points,  or  unattainable ; and,  even  if  it 
had  not  been,  it  could  not  have  been  expected  to  con- 
tain anything  more  than  the  most  general  statement  of 
facts.  Hitherto  our  diplomatic  agents,  with  a few  excep- 
tions, in  Oriental  countries  at  least,  had  imitated  the  tra- 
ditionary diplomatic  policy  of  Europe,  and  ignored  such 
questions,  avoiding  as  far  as  possible  all  official  notice 
and  discussion  of  commerce,  manufactures,  and  the  mul- 
titude of  industries  and  public  undertakings  usually 
carried  on  by  associated  capital  and  labor,  and  which 
constitute  the  chief  feature  of  what  we  call  modern 
progress.  An  occasional  traveler  of  a more  practical 
turn  of  mind,  or  here  and  there  a still  more  occasional 
newspaper  correspondent,  had  called  attention  to  the  ab- 
sence of  railroads,  collieries,  furnaces,  and  rolling-mills 
in  China,  so  that  the  general  fact  became  known;  but 
neither  diplomatist,  traveler,  nor  correspondent  had  yet 
furnished  to  the  public  any  information,  worthy  of  the 
name,  bearing  on  the  great  question  herein  alluded  to. 

Turn  which  way  I might,  I could  get  no  adequate 
account  of  the  real  situation  in  China.  I therefore  left 
New  York  for  San  Francisco  on  the  8th  of  September, 
1885,  and  sailed  thence  for  Yokohama  and  Shanghai  on 
the  19th  of  the  same  month,  by  the  Pacific  Mail  Com- 
pany's steamship  City  of  Peking,  Captain  Berry  com- 
manding. I had,  of  course,  provided  myself  with  a 
letter  of  credit,  and  such  letters  of  introduction  to  dip- 
lomatic and  consular  agents,  and  to  American  merchants 


PREFACE. 


vu 


residing  in  the  treaty  ports,  as  I could  obtain  in  the  short 
time  left  me  after  I had  made  up  my  mind  to  go.  The 
voyage  to  Yokohama  lasted  twenty-two  days,  and  to 
Shanghai  eight  days  more. 

Without  any  definite  information  or  prearranged 
plan,  I hoped  my  travels  and  investigations  would  not 
require  more  than  five  or  six  months  at  the  outside, 
and,  as  winter  was  approaching,  I hurried  forward  to 
Tientsin,  the  port  of  Peking  and  of  Northern  China,  but 
specially  important  as  the  principal  residence  of  Li-IIung- 
Chang,  First  Grand  Secretary  of  the  Empire,  Viceroy  of 
Chihli  (the  metropolitan  province),  and,  since  the  sup- 
pression of  the  Taiping  rebellion,  one  of  the  most  con- 
spicuous and  infiuential  men  in  China.  Having  been  I’e- 
ceived  by  him  with  every  mark  of  distinction,  and  after 
several  conferences,  during  which  he  imparted  his  views 
fully  and  frankly  to  me,  at  his  personal  request  I made 
journies  to  Taku,  Kaiping,  Peking,  the  Great  Wall, 
and  finally  to  the  Yellow  River  and  beyond,  for  the 
purpose  of  inspecting  its  embankments,  and  also  of  ex- 
amining the  Grand  Canal  and  the  country  adjacent  to 
them.  During  this  last-mentioned  journey,  which  was 
made  in  midwinter,  I traveled  over  fifteen  hundred 
miles  on  horseback,  through  the  provinces  of  Chihli, 
Honan,  and  Shantung.  I visited  Kaifongfu,  the  capi- 
tal of  hlonan,  and  Chinanfu,  the  capital  of  Shantiing; 
and  also  Kiifu,  celebrated  as  the  home  and  burial-place 
of  Confucius.  I climbed  Taishan,  the  sacred  mountain 
of  China,  and  passed  through  many  important  towns 
and  cities. 

On  my  return  to  Tientsin  I had  several  interviews 
with  the  Viceroy  Li  and  other  high  Chinese  officials, 
again  visited  Peking  for  two  weeks,  and,  finally,  al- 


F REFACE. 


viii 

most  immediately  after  the  ice  broke  up  in  the  Pei-ho 
and  navigation  was  resumed,  I sailed  for  Shanghai. 
From  this  place  I made  a trip  up  the  Yang-tse-kiang, 
during  which  I visited  Chinkiang  and  I^anking,  and  had 
an  interview  with  Tseng-Quo-Chu’an,  the  venerable  and 
distinguished  Yiceroy  of  the  Kiang  provinces.  E,etum- 
ing  to  Shanghai,  I sailed  for  Japan,  touching  again  at 
Nagasaki  and  Simonoseki,  and  landing  at  Kobe.  From 
the  latter  place  I went  by  rail  to  Osaka  and  Kioto,  where 
I remained  for  several  days.  Resuming  my  journey,  I 
went  by  rail  to  Otsu,  at  the  eastern  end  of  Lake  Biwa, 
crossed  by  steamer  to  Nagahama  and  took  the  railroad 
again  thence  to  Sekigahara.  Here  I employed  jinri- 
Tcishas,"^  or  man-power  carriages,  and  continued  my  trav- 
els by  the  Nakasendo,  or  the  road  of  the  central  mount- 
ains to  Yokogawa  and  Sakimoto,  where  I again  took 
rail  for  Tokio  and  Yokohama. 

Having  spent  the  whole  of  May,  the  loveliest  month 
of  the  year,  in  traveling  through  the  most  beautiful 
country  in  the  world,  I returned  to  Shanghai,  and  at  the 
invitation  of  Liu-Ming-Chu’an,  the  energetic  and  capable 
Governor-General  of  Formosa,  I visited  that  island  and 
spent  a week  in  traveling  over  its  northern  end,  examin- 
ing its  rivers  and  harbors,  and  studying  its  resources. 
"While  there  I received  an  invitation  by  telegraph  to  re- 
visit the  Yiceroy  Li,  and  accordingly  re-embarked  on 
the  Chinese  steam-transport  Way  Lee,  Captain  Daniel- 
son commanding,  for  Shanghai,  where  I transferred  to 
an  English  steamer  for  Tientsin.  I remained  at  the  last- 
mentioned  place  for  two  weeks,  and  then  set  out  for 
home  by  the  way  of  Shanghai,  Nagasaki,  Kobe,  Yoko- 
hama, and  San  Francisco.  I arrived  at  New  York  with- 
* Invented  by  an  Anaerican  missionary. 


PREFACE. 


IX 


out  accident  or  unusual  delay ; but,  instead  of  having 
been  gone  only  six  months,  as  I had  hoped,  my  absence 
had  extended  to  within  three  weeks  of  a year. 

Although  my  travels  had  carried  me  over  nearly 
thirty  thousand  miles  by  sea  and  land,  and  had  taken 
me  to  many  places  out  of  the  usual  path  of  travelers,  I 
doubt  if  they  would  of  themselves  justify  another  book 
on  China  and  Japan  ; but  in  view  of  the  important  per- 
sonages I met,  the  information  I obtained,  and  the  class 
of  questions  which  principally  engaged  my  attention,  it 
seems  to  me  that  I am  warranted  in  submitting  the  fol- 
lowing pages  to  the  public,  and  in  requesting  its  indul- 
gent consideration  of  the  same.  In  this  my  friends  and 
correspondents  at  home  have  expressed  their  concur- 
rence, and  must  bear  with  me  the  responsibility  for  any 
disappointment  which  they  or  the  public  may  suffer  at 
my  hands. 

It  is  suggested  furthermore  that,  notwithstanding  the 
great  number  of  books  on  China,  there  is  at  this  time 
room  for  another,  which  should  briefly  tell  what  China 
and  the  Chinese  were  before  foreign  influences  had  ma- 
terially changed  them,  what  foreigners  have  done  for 
or  forced  them  to  do,  and  what  remains  for  foreigners 
to  do,  with  the  prospect  of  their  doing  it.  In  other 
words,  it  should  make  progress  in  China  its  burden  and 
text,  and  in  the  narrative  which  follows  I have  kept 
that  text  constantly  in  mind,  and  aimed  to  give  the 
reader  the  materials  for  forming  an  intelligent  opinion 
in  reference  to  it.  If  any  one  wishes  to  obtain  a more 
comprehensive  account  of  China  and  the  Chinese,  with- 
in the  limits  of  a single  work,  he  can  not  possibly  do 
better  than  to  study  carefully  and  diligently  the  latest 
edition  of  the  “Middle  Kingdom,”  by  S.  Wells  Will- 


X 


PREFACE. 


iams,  for  many  years  a leading  missionary,  and  at  vari- 
ous times  secretary  of  legation  and  charge  d'affaires 
for  the  United  States  at  Peking.  These  volumes  are 
the  adopted  standard  authority  of  all  foreigners  and  for- 
eign legations  in  China,  and  are  an  enduring  monument 
to  the  profound  learning  and  the  great  application  of 
their  author.  I have  drawn  freely  upon  them,  and 
hereby  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  them. 

The  history  of  the  Chinese  Government  and  the  dy- 
nasties which  have  controlled  it  is  for  the  greater  part 
an  arid  waste  of  intrigue,  anarchy,  and  violence,  varied 
with  an  almost  endless  series  of  internal  and  external 
wars.  Here  and  there  a great  soldier  or  an  honest  and 
capable  ruler  emerges  from  the  chaos  and  confusion, 
and  governs  the  country  wisely  and  well.  He  may  be  a 
Mongolian  border-man,  like  the  great  Genghis  or  his 
son  Kublai  Khan ; a native  Chinaman,  like  Hung-'Wu  ; 
or  a Manchu  Tartar,  like  Tienming,  the  founder  of  the 
present  dynasty ; but  the  great  rulers  of  China  can  be 
counted  on  the  fingers  of  one  hand,  while  the  essence  of 
their  history  can  be  told  in  a few  short  chapters.  But  a 
full  and  faithful  account  of  dynasties  and  rulers,  whether 
good  or  bad,  can  be  found  in  Boulger’s  “ China,”  to 
which  I refer  the  reader  who  has  the  time  and  inclina- 
tion to  devote  to  the  subject. 

There  are  besides  many  interesting  books  of  travel, 
describing  with  greater  or  less  detail  the  various  parts 
of  the  country.  At  the  head  of  this  list  stands  the 
story  of  Marco  Polo,  edited  by  Colonel  Yule,  but 
candor  compels  me  to  say  of  even  this  remarkable 
narrative  that  the  editor’s  notes  are  much  more  in- 
teresting and  instructive  than  the  text  to  which  they 
refer.  I wish  to  acknowledge  here  my  indebtedness 


PREFACE. 


XI 


to  both  Boulger  and  Yule,  and  also  to  "Wilson’s  “Life 
of  Gordon,”  and  various  other  works  of  minor  im- 
portance bearing  upon  the  history  of  the  Taiping  rebel- 
lion. I am  satisfied,  however,  that  no  proper  account 
has  yet  been  written  of  that  important  period  of  mod- 
em Chinese  history,  unless  it  is  contained  in  the  forth- 
coming “Life  of  Li-Hung-Chang,”  by  William  K.  Pe- 
thick.  Esq.,  United  States  Yice-consul  at  Tientsin,  to 
whom  1 am  especially  indebted  for  information  upon 
every  topic  connected  with  China  and  the  Chinese. 
Ilis  long  residence  in  China  and  his  intimate  association 
with  Li-Hung-Chang,  to  whom  he  has  also  filled  the 
position  of  secretary  for  many  years,  naturally  make 
him  an  acknowledged  authority,  at  least  with  Ameri- 
cans, on  all  Chinese  questions.  He  is,  besides,  an  ac- 
complished scholar  of  Chinese  literature,  and  both  speaks 
and  writes  the  language  with  great  facility.  I am  also 
indebted  to  Dr.  "Y.  A.  P.  Martin,  President  of  the 
Tung-Wen  College  at  Peking,  and  author  of  the  “ Han- 
lin  Papers,”  for  much  valuable  information. 

To  Colonel  Charles  Denby,  our  able  and  distinguished 
minister  at  Peking,  I am  specially  indebted  for  introduc- 
tions and  presentations,  as  well  as  for  information  and 
assistance  which  could  not  have  been  obtained  from  any 
other  source,  and  without  which  my  mission  would  have 
come  to  a speedy  close.  It  must  be  as  gratifying  to 
every  American  citizen,  without  reference  to  party,  to 
know  that  his  country  has  never  been  more  ably  or 
creditably  represented  in  China  than  it  is  now,  as  it  is 
for  me  to  make  this  statement.  Hot  only  the  minister 
and  his  family,  but  his  secretaries,  Mr.  W.  W.  Rockhill, 
Mr.  Charles  Denby,  Jr.,  and  Mr.  F.  D.  Cheshire,  are  in 
every  way  worthy  representatives  of  the  countiy,  and  it 


PREFACE. 


xii 

is  a source  of  unalloyed  satisfaction  to  me  to  be  able  to 
speak  of  them,  conscientiously  as  I do,  in  terms  of  un- 
qualified praise  and  respect. 

Finally,  I am  under  many  obligations  for  informa- 
tion and  assistance  to  tbe  American  bouse  of  Russell  & 
Co.,  and  its  able  and  enterprising  partners  and  agencies 
in  all  tbe  treaty  ports  as  well  as  in  Formosa,  and  espe- 
cially to  C.  Vincent  Smith,  Esq.,  tbe  senior  partner  at 
Shanghai ; also  to  E.  J.  Smithers,  Esq.,  acting  consul- 
general  at  Shanghai ; to  George  T.  Bromley,  Esq.,  con- 
sul at  Tientsin ; Richard  B.  Hubbard,  Esq.,  our  minis- 
ter to  Tokio ; to  Henry  W.  Denison  and  Durham  W. 
Stevens,  Esqs.,  advisers  to  the  Japanese  Foreign  Office; 
and  to  Thomas  and  John  Walsh,  Esqs.,  of  Messrs. 
Walsh,  Hall  & Co.,  Yokohama. 

Stockfoed,  near  Wilmington,  Delaware,  March  12,  1887. 

Note. — The  best  map  of  China  is  Keith  Johnson’s,  in  one  or  four 
sheets. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

First  visit  to  Japan — Genuine  progress  of  the  Japanese — Inland 
Sea — Return  to  Japan — The  Nakascndo — Tokio — Received  by 
the  Emperor — The  palace — The  ministers  and  attendants — The 
Emperor  — Ceremonials  — The  emancipation  of  the  Emperor 
from  the  domination  of  the  Tycoon — Tifl&n  at  Uyeno  Park — 
Dinner-party  in  Japanese  style — Country-place  and  duck-pond 
— Gaishas — Wrestlers  and  wrestling — Saki  and  health-drinking 
— Kissing  an  innovation — Excursions — The  progress  and  civili- 
zation of  the  Japanese  genuine — The  government  and  ministry 
— The  governing  class — Schools  and  colleges — Railroads — The 
prosperity  of  the  people — Art  and  artisans — The  original  con- 
servatism of  the  Japanese — The  progressive  movement — The 
Satsuma  rebellion — The  triumph  of  the  progressive  party — 
Acknowledgment  of  Japanese  autonomy  by  the  American  Gov- 
ernment— Treaty  revision — No  field  for  American  railway- 
builders — Demand  for  American  products — Delightful  country 
for  the  traveler 1 


CHAPTER  II. 

Voyage  through  the  Inland  Sea — Mouth  of  the  Yang-tse-kiang — 

The  Wusung  River — Shanghai — Foreign  and  Chinese  city  con- 
trasted— Chinese  civilization — Ward  and  the  Taiping  rebellion 
— Li  Hung-Chang  and  Tseng-Quo-Fan — Future  importance  of 
Shanghai 19 


CHAPTER  III. 

Area  of  China — Reached  its  greatest  extent  under  Eublai  Khan — 
Almost  as  great  under  the  late  Regent — China’s  isolated  posi- 
tion— Approach  of  railroads  toward  western  border — Communi- 


XIV 


COXTENTS. 


PAGE 

cation  by  steamships — Civilization  different  from  any  other — 
Origin  of  names  of  country — Provinces — Climate — Surface — 
Hoang-ho,  or  Yellow  Kiver — Delta,  or  Great  Plain — Inundations 
— Embankments — Change  of  river-bed 26 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Yang-tse-kiang — Its  navigation — Its  various  names — Its  tribu- 
taries— Its  floods — Canals  and  creeks  in  the  delta — Area  of  its 
water-shed — The  Chukiang  or  Pearl  River — The  Min — The  Pei- 
ho  and  its  tributaries — The  Peh-tang — The  Xew-Chwang  and 
the  Ta-wen-ho .40 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  surface  of  the  country — Sinian  Mountain  system — The  high- 
lands and  hill  country — Origin  of  the  loess  terraces — The  out- 
lying dependencies — Corea,  Manchuria,  Mongolia,  Hi,  Turkistan, 
and  Thibet — The  Great  Plain  or  delta — Coal,  iron,  and  other 
minerals — The  Kaiping  coal-mines  and  railroad — The  first  loco- 
motive built  in  China — The  coal-mines  of  Formosa  and  Shansi 
— Coal  transported  in  wheelbarrows — The  development  of  coal 
and  iron  receiving  Government  attention — Foreign  experts  re- 
quired— Conservatism  of  the  Govenunent  . . . .48 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Population  of  China — Xo  complete  census  ever  taken — The  country 
not  overcrowded — Influence  of  famines,  rebellions,  pestilence, 
and  floods — Reproduction  normal  and  active — Population  prob- 
ably greater  than  ever  before — Country  capable  of  supporting 
three  times  as  many  inhabitants — Origin  of  the  Chinese  race — 
Physical  characteristics — Compression  of  feet — Manchus  do  not 
practice  the  custom — Its  origin — Failure  to  practice  it  looked 
upon  as  evidence  of  abject  poverty  and  distress — Food  of  the 
Chinese  people — ^Domestic  animals 63 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  houses  of  the  Chinese — The  clothing — The  great  public  works 
— The  walled  cities — The  only  crystallized  and  accumulated 
labor  of  the  Chinese — The  effect  of  depopulation — The  com- 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


PAGS 

mon  people  everywhere  poor — No  system  of  popular  education 
— No  conception  of  or  vocabulary  for  science — Diversity  of 
dialects — The  classical  or  literary  language  of  the  country — 

The  greater  wall  of  China — Chinese  civilization — The  charac- 
teristics of  the  race — Arrested  development — Future  progress  . 76 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Voyage  from  Shanghai  to  Tientsin — China  Merchants’  Steam  Naviga- 
tion Company — American  house  of  Russell  and  Company  put 
the  first  steamboats  on  the  Yang-tse — Sold  them  to  the  China 
Merchants’  Company — Coast  of  Shan-tung — Chee-foo — Naval 
station  at  Port  Arthur  badly  located — The  northern  fleet — 
Board  of  Admiralty — Command  of  the  northern  fleet — Need  of 
educated  oflBcers — The  Taku  forts  and  dock-yard — “ Heaven- 
sent barriers” — Chinese  troops  drilled  by  foreign  officers  in 
English — Chinese  army  badly  organized,  armed,  and  administered 
— The  Pei-ho — Villages  on  its  banks — Grave-mounds,  and  burial 
of  the  dead — Fung-shuy  or  geomancy — Difficulty  of  laying  out 
railroads  without  removal  of  graves — How  that  can  be  managed . 86 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Races  at  Tientsin — Chinese  band  playing  American  airs — No  social 
intercourse  between  Chinese  and  foreigners — Removal  of  grave- 
mounds  to  make  way  for  the  race-course — Political  and  com- 
mercial importance  of  Tientsin  — The  foreign  settlement  — 
Foreign  gunboats — The  Viceroy  Li  Hung-Chang — His  American 
secretary — First  call  upon  the  Viceroy — His  official  residence 
or  Yamen — Subjects  discussed — Railroads  and  canals — Intelli- 
gence and  interest  displayed  by  the  Viceroy — Ceremony  of 
leave-taking — “ Setting  the  watch  ” 101 

CHAPTER  X. 

Li  Hung-Chang — His  public  career — Influence  of  Generals  Ward 
and  Gordon — English  misconception  of  their  character — The 
career  of  Burgevine — The  influence  of  the  war  threatened  with 
Russia — Gordon  revisited  China  — The  introduction  of  tele- 
graphs— Messages  sent  in  English,  or  cipher — Memorial  of  Liu 
Ming-Chu’an  on  the  introduction  of  railways — Referred  to  Li 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


Hung-Chang  and  Lin  K’un-Ti — The  memorial  of  Li  Hung- 
Chang  and  Lin  K’un-Yi — Tso  Tsung-Tang’s  dying  memorial  on 
the  same  subject — Xo  ofiBcial  action  yet  taken  thereupon — The 
essence  of  progress  and  the  death-knell  of  conservatism  . .118 

CHAPTER  XL 

Visit  to  Peking — The  unspeakably  city  of  the  world — Its 

origin  and  characteristics — Xo  suburbs  or  villas — Streets  not 
paved — The  foreign  legations  and  society — Xon-intercourse  be- 
tween court  and  diplomatic  corps — The  young  Emperor — The 
Empress-Dowager — Her  unlimited  power — The  censors — The 
Emperor  worships  at  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors — The  influences 
which  control  him — He  can  hardly  become  a conservative — The 
difficulties  of  his  situation — Unprepared  for  a foreign  war  . 160 

CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Emperor  an  absolute  monarch — The  Government  patriarchal  in 
form — Liberty  unknown — Slavery  exists — Xo  hereditary  no- 
bility except  the  imperial  clan  and  heads  of  the  families  of 
Confucius  and  Koxinga — The  literati  are  the  office-holders — 

The  Imperial  Government — The  Grand  Secretariat — The  General 
Council — The  “ Peking  Gazette  ” — The  Six  Great  Boards — The 
Tsung-li  Yamen — The  Censorate  or  all-examining  court — The 
minor  courts  and  boards — The  functions  <‘f  the  great  boards — 
Power  greatly  divided  and  distributed — The  provincial  govern- 
ments— AU  officers  selected  by  public  examination — Defects  of 
the  system — Li  Hung-Chang’s  position  somewhat  like  that' of 
the  British  Premier — Foreign  ministers  not  yet  received  by  the 
Emperor  or  Empress-Dowager — Much  of  the  foreign  business 
done  by  provincial  governors — The  central  Government  isolated 
and  inaccessible — Difficulty  of  communicating  or  transacting 
business  with  it . . .179 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  eyes  of  the  world  now  turned  toward  China  as  a field  for  in- 
vestment in  public  undertakings — Its  financial  system — No 
statistics  except  those  of  the  maritime  customs — The  revenues 
collected  by  “farmers” — The  growth  of  the  system — The 


CONTENTS. 


xvii 


sources  of  the  imperial  Chinese  revenue — The  land-tax — The 
salt  monopoly — The  likin,  or  internal  transit  tax — Miscellane- 
ous taxes — Maritime  customs  duties — Summary — Comparison 
of  Chinese  and  British  Indian  revenues — Estimates  made  by 
various  persons — No  correct  account  can  be  given  of  the  ex- 
penditures of  the  Chinese  Government — Approximate  estimate 
— The  funded  debt — Fear  of  the  Chinese  Government  to  nego- 
tiate foreign  loans — Its  obligations  good  and  negotiable  for 
$100,000,000 — The  Chinese  slow  to  lend  to  their  Government 
— No  statistics  of  private  wealth — Thought  to  be  capable  of 
raising  $100,000,000,  if  properly  secured — Necessity  of  meas- 
ures to  promote  confidence 200 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Visit  to  the  Great  Wall — Decay  of  the  ancient  road  through  the 
Nankou  Pass — Mongolian  caravans — Origin,  uses,  and  descrip- 
tion of  the  wall — The  return  to  Nankou — The  ride  to  the  Ming 
tombs — Description  of  the  inclosures  and  buildings — The  Ave- 
nue of  Statuary — The  return  to  Peking 216 


CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Kai-ping  coal-mines  and  railway — The  first  locomotive-engine 
built  in  China — Extension  of  the  railway  to  Lutai — The  Kai- 
ping  coal-measures — Output  of  the  mines 226 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Trip  to  the  Yellow  River — “China’s  Sorrow” — Organization  of  the 
party — The  route — The  roads — The  winter  climate — The  inns 
and  inn-keepers — The  old  towns — The  Grand  Canal  and  its 
embankments — The  sluices — Impracticability  of  keeping  the 
canal  open  by  Chinese  methods — Necessity  for  a railway — The 
Yellow  River  and  its  embankments — Worship  of  the  river-god 
— Change  of  channel  at  Lung-mun-Kou  in  1863 — Views  of  Dr. 
Williams  and  Ney  Elias — ^Error  of  Abbe  Hue — Probable  cause 
of  change — Embankments  can  be  maintained — The  river  can 
be  regulated  and  controlled  by  the  resources  of  modern  en- 
gineering— Railways  can  be  built  and  maintained  in  the  delta  . 233 


xviii 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PAGE 

Visit  to  the  city  of  Kai-fung-fu — The  immense  number  of  wheelbar- 
rows on  the  road — The  curiosity  of  the  citizens — Difficulty  of 
securing  an  inn — Inn-yard  invaded  by  the  mob — ^Visit  of  the 
officials  from  the  yamen — Mob  finally  driven  out — Respectable 
merchant  compelled  to  crawl  out  under  the  gate — Call  of  two 
young  ofiScials  from  the  governor’s  yamen — Tung-ming  district 
— Approach  to  the  Shantung  hills — Cross  the  Grand  Canal  at 
Chi-ning-Chou — Visit  to  Chii-fu,  the  home  and  burial-place  of 
Confucius — The  “Ever-Sacred  Duke”  and  his  descendants — 

The  Grand  Pavilion  and  grounds — The  avenue — The  Confucian 
cemetery — The  tomb  of  the  sage — Burning  of  the  Confucian 
residence — Singular  superstition  in  regard  to  it — Visit  to  Tai- 
shan,  the  sacred  mountain  of  China — Ascent  of  the  mountain 
— Beautiful  scenery  — Temples  and  shrines  — Return  to  the 
Grand  Canal  and  journey  to  Chi-nan-fu — American  Presbyterian 
mission — But  few  Christian  converts — Superiority  of  technical 
instruction — Influence  of  war,  commerce,  and  the  missionaries 
— The  city  of  Chi-nan-fu — The  Yellow  River  again — Navigable 
from  Chinan-fu  to  the  sea — Chinese  are  ignorant  of  science  in 
the  work  of  controlling  the  floods — Journey  back  to  Tientsin — 

Old  embankments — The  country — Mission  at  Pang-Chia-Chwang 
— Case  of  first  convert — Chinese  New-Year — Ancestral  worship 
— New-Year’s  dinner — Lost  in  a dust-storm — Dreariness  of  the 
Great  Plain — Not  over-populated — Condition  of  the  people — 

The  Yellow  River  can  be  crossed  by  railroads — Return  to 
Peking — Received  by  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  ....  266 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Visit  to  Formosa — Description  of  the  island — The  inhabitants — 
The  savages — Mountain-ranges — Camphor-wood — Eastern  coast 
— Lack  of  harbors — Port  of  Kelung — Tamsui — City  of  Twatutia 
— The  governor’s  yamen — Chang-hwa,  the  future  capital — Val- 
leys of  the  Tamsui — Tea-plantations — Tea-culture — Energetic 
operations  of  Governor-General  Liu  Ming-Ch’uan — Foreigners 
in  Formosa — Mats  and  opium-smoking — Houses  in  Formosa- 
Prevalent  diseases — Domestic  animals — Climate — Future  value 
of  Formosa 


CON~TEXTS. 


XIX 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

PACE 

Cliinese  system  of  education — Confined  to  classics,  jurisprudence, 
and  history — Influence  upon  the  governing  class  and  common 
people — The  arrest  of  development — How  China  is  to  be  pre- 
pared for  the  higher  civilization — Substitution  of  Western  sci- 
ences for  the  dry  husks  of  their  worn-out  philosophy — The 
earliest  communication  with  the  Chinese  by  the  Portuguese — 

The  Spaniards — The  French — The  Russians — The  English — 

The  East  India  Company — The  Americans — The  Chinese  au- 
thorities have  from  the  first  sought  to  restrain  trade — The 
period  of  small  ships — The  first  Protestant  missionaries — The 
attitude  of  the  Chinese  oflficials  in  reference  to  trade — The 
hong-merchants — Lord  Napier’s  refusal  to  confer  with  them — 
Action  of  the  English  merchants — The  discussion  at  Peking — 

The  opium-traffic — The  Emperor’s  efforts  to  suppress  it — Cap- 
tain Elliot — The  destruction  of  the  opium — The  Opium  War — 

The  conclusion  of  peace — ^the  Chinese  concessions — The  settle- 
ment of  Hong-Kong — The  influence  of  the  war  . . . 308 

CHAPTER  XX. 

History  of  the  Taiping  rebellion  again  adverted  to — The  operation  of 
the  treaties — The  rapid  increase  of  trade — The  establishment 
of  the  maritime  customs  under  foreign  management — The  in- 
fluence of  Canton  and  the  Cantonese — The  affair  of  the  Chinese 
lorcha  Arrow — The  first  and  only  difficulty  with  Americans — 
Demands  of  England,  Russia,  France,  and  the  United  States 
upon  the  Peking  Government — The  Emperor  and  court  greatly 
alarmed — The  practice  and  doctrine  of  co-operation — The  allied 
fleets  proceed  to  the  Pei-ho — Negotiation — Signature  of  the 
treaties — Principal  concessions — The  affairs  of  the  Taku  forts 
— The  British  repulse — Return  of  the  allies — Capture  of  the 
forts  and  the  advance  to  Peking — Treaties  ratified  and  ex- 
changed— Death  of  the  Emperor  Hien-fung — The  regency — The 
influences  surrounding  the  present  Emperor — The  necessity  for 
Western  education 331 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

The  rights  of  missionaries  in  China — The  Tientsin  massacre  — The 
French  and  Russians  indemnified — The  influence  of  the  mis- 


XX 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

sionaries  generally  minimized — Ancestral  worship  and  supersti- 
tion— The  practice  of  fung-shuy — The  conversatism  of  the 
governing  class — The  censors — Chinese  statesmen  are  progress- 
ing— The  establishment  of  the  Tung- wen  College — The  Bur- 
lingame mission — The  Chinese  students  in  America  — Their 
recall — The  Emperor  all-powerful — Railways  wanted  by  leading 
statesmen — Difficulties  to  be  overcome — Probable  solution  of 
the  question — The  duty  of  our  own  Government — Impossible 
to  predict  when  China  will  move — Surrounded  by  great  perils 
— Russia’s  menacing  position — The  British  Indian  Empire — 
Their  permanent  interests — But  httle  danger  from  Germany 
and  France — The  Chinese  may  perceive  their  real  danger — 

Not  a warlike  people — Their  true  policy — The  victories  of 
peace  346 


VTcBt  t\-oiu  17&*  Waabiagtop. 


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CHINA: 

A STUDY  OF  ITS  CIVILIZATION  AND  PEOGRESS. 


CHAPTEPt  I. 

First  visit  to  Japan — Genuine  progress  of  the  Japanese — Inland  Sea — 
Return  to  Japan — The  Nakasendo — Tokio — Received  by  the  Em- 
peror— The  palace — The  ministers  and  attendants — The  Emperor — 
Ceremonials — The  emancipation  of  the  Emperor  from  the  domination 
of  the  Tycoon — Tiffin  at  Uyeno  Park — Dinner-party  in  Japanese 
style — Country-place  and  duck-pond — Gaishas — Wrestlers  and  wres- 
tling— Saki  and  health-drinking — Kissing  an  innovation — Excursions 
— The  progress  and  civilization  of  the  Japanese  genuine — The  gov- 
ernment and  ministry — The  governing  class — Schools  and  colleges 
— Railroads — The  prosperity  of  the  people — Art  and  artisans — The 
original  conservatism  of  the  Japanese — The  progressive  movement 
— The  Satusuma  rebellion — The  triumph  of  the  progressive  party — 
Acknowledgment  of  Japanese  autonomy  by  the  American  Govern- 
ment— Treaty  revision — No  field  for  American  railway-builders — 
Demand  for  American  products — Delightful  country  for  the  traveler. 

I SHALL  not  detain  the  reader  with  a detailed  account 
of  Japan  or  its  interesting  features,  for  they  have  been 
carefully  described  by  many  travelers ; but  I can  not 
forbear  recording  my  testimony  in  support  of  the  genuine 
progress  made  by  the  Japanese  people  in  all  that  pertains 
to  modern  civilization.  During  my  first  trip  to  that 
lovely  and  interesting  country  I hurriedly  visited  Yoko- 
hama, Tokio,  Kobe,  and  Osaka,  and  sailed  through  the 
far-famed  Inland  Sea,  which  is  certainly  the  most  beauti- 
ful body  of  water  and  surrounded  by  the  most  enchant- 
ing scenery  in  the  world. 

1 


2 


CHINA. 


Air,  land,  and  sea  were  instinct  with  life  and  beauty 
on  that  never-to-be-forgotten  voyage,  and  all  conspired 
to  fill  my  soul  with  sensations  which  were  as  novel  as 
they  were  entrancing.  On  my  return  to  Japan,  eight 
months  later,  I found  the  natural  charm  of  the  coun- 
try heightened  by  the  appearance  of  spring  in  all  the 
glory  of  flowers  and  verdure,  and  all  the  delight  of  sweet 
)ierfumes  and  brilliant  sunshine.  Leaving  my  ship  at 
Kobe,  I made  the  journey  by  rail  through  Osaka  and 
Kioto  to  Lake  Biwa,  which  I crossed  by  steamer  to  Naga- 
hama,  where  I took  rail  for  the  terminus  at  Sekigahara, 
twenty  miles  away.  At  this  place  I employed  jinrikshas 
and  continued  my  journey  by  the  Nakasendo,  or  central 
mountain  route,  overland  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles, 
through  scenery  of  ever- varying  beauty,  to  Yokogawa, 
where  I again  took  the  railroad  for  Takisake  and  Tokio. 
I spent  nearly  two  weeks  at  the  seat  of  government, 
during  which  I called  upon  Governor  Hubbard,  the 
American  minister,  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  the 
other  foreign  governments,  and  also  upon  the  ministers 
and  dignitaries  of  the  Japanese  Government. 

As  a special  mark  of  favor  and  consideration,  I was 
also  granted  an  audience  by  the  Emperor,  and  was  pre- 
sented to  him  by  Governor  Hubbard,  in  company  with 
Mr.  William  H.  Parker,  our  minister  resident,  and 
consul-general  to  Corea,  and  their  respective  secretaries, 
Mr.  Mansfield  and  Mr.  Travers.  The  chamberlain  had 
designated  eleven  o’clock  as  the  hour  for  the  recep- 
tion, and  we  arrived  at  the  palace  at  the  appointed  time. 
As  required  by  the  rules  of  etiquette,  the  ministers  and 
their  secretaries  were  clad  in  evening-dress,  and  I in  the 
full  uniform  of  a major-general.  We  were  received  by 
the  under-officials  of  the  household  at  the  outer  door  of 
the  palace,  a low  and  extensive  wooden  building  of  Japa- 
nese architecture,  but  furnished  inside  in  mixed  Eu- 


RECEIVED  BY  TEE  EMPEROR  OF  JAPAN.  3 


ropean  and  Japanese  styles.  The  floor  of  the  flrst  room 
into  which  we  were  shown,  and  indeed  of  all  the  rooms 
and  halls  through  which  we  passed,  were  covered  with 
English  Brussels  carpets  of  neat  designs,  the  windows 
were  hung  with  Nottingham  lace  curtains,  some  glazed  and 
some  being  fllled  with  transparent  paper,  but  mostly  with 
glass.  European  tables,  chairs,  bureaus,  mirrors,  and 
toilet  articles  were  found  in  their  appropriate  places,  while 
Japanese  screens  and  bronzes  constituted,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  the  principal  but  by  no  means  profuse 
decorations  and  ornaments  of  the  various  rooms.  Having 
deposited  our  hats  in  the  antechamber,  we  were  escorted 
by  oflBcials  in  European  livery  through  several  long  halls, 
at  each  turning  of  which  we  were  saluted  by  a sentry,  also 
clad  in  European  uniform. 

On  arriving  at  the  outer  reception  or  waiting  room, 
we  were  joined  by  Count  Ito,  the  Japanese  prime  minis- 
ter, by  Count  Enouye,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and 
by  the  grand  chamberlain,  a viscount  of  the  old  nobility, 
and  several  high  officers  of  the  household.  The  ministers 
were  clad  in  Prince  Albert  coats,  and  trousers  of  lighter- 
colored  materials,  but  all  the  officers  of  the  household 
wore  handsome  cut-away  coats,  of  the  finest  broadcloth, 
richly  but  modestly  decorated  with  gold  braid  and  gilt 
buttons.  All  of  these  gentlemen  are  exceedingly  well- 
bred  and  courteous  in  manner  and  bearing,  and  several 
of  them,  including  the  two  ministers,  are  men  of  distin- 
guished presence.  They  all  speak  English  perfectly,  ex- 
cept one  or  two  who  speak  French,  and  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  find  at  any  European  court  a set  of  high  officials 
who  bear  themselves  with  greater  ease  and  simplicity,  or 
who  appear  to  better  advantage. 

After  waiting  a few  minutes,  which  were  spent  in 
agreeable  conversation,  the  chamberlain  announced  that 
“His  Majesty  the  Emperor”  (they  do  not  call  him  Mi- 


4: 


CHIXA. 


kado  or  Tenno,  in  speaking  of  him  to  foreigners,  but 
always  the  Emperor)  was  ready  to  receive  us.  Passing  out 
into  a broiid  hall,  the  side  of  which  is  composed  of  paper 
windows,  and  through  folding-doors,  which  were  opened 
by  servants  in  livery,  we  found  ourselves  in  the  audience- 
chamber,  a plainly  furnished  but  elegant  room  of  low 
ceiling,  and  forty  or  fifty  feet  long,  by  about  thirty  wide. 
The  Emperor,  clad  in  a plain  and  not  very  neatly  fitting 
hussar’s  uniform,  was  standing  at  the  farther  end,  with 
his  dress-sword  hanging  by  his  side  and  his  cap  in  hand. 
The  prime  minister  took  position  by  his  right  side  at 
once,  and  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  at  his  left. 
The  American  minister,  with  Mr.  Parker  on  his  right, 
myself  on  his  left,  abreast,  and  the  secretaries  behind,  ad- 
vanced slowly  to  within  a few  feet  of  His  Majesty,  all 
stopping  three  times  to  bow,  and  this  was  done  with  as 
much  regularity  and  grace  as  possible  without  a pre- 
vious rehearsal.  As  soon  as  we  came  to  the  final  halt,  the 
chamberlain  announced  the  American  minister,  where- 
upon the  latter  in  a few  but  exceedingly  well-chosen  words 
presented  Mr.  Parker,  myself,  and  the  secretaries  in  turn. 
Ilis  remarks  were  translated  by  the  prime  minister  into 
Japanese,  for  His  Majesty  speaks  no  English.  The  latter 
at  once,  in  a low  and  hesitating  voice,  asked  us  in  turn 
how  long  we  had  been  in  the  country,  and  how  long  we 
should  stay.  He  also  wished  us  a pleasant  time,  and  a 
safe  journey  to  our  respective  destinations,  all  of  which 
was  translated  as  before  by  the  prime  minister.  Gov- 
ernor Hubbard  then  thanked  His  Majesty  for  the  kind 
reception  of  his  countrymen,  and  expressed  the  most  cor- 
dial wishes  for  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  His  Majesty 
and  the  Japanese  people.  Immediately  afterward  we  re- 
tired, walking  backward,  and  pausing  three  times  as  be- 
fore to  bow. 

The  Emperor  is  of  medium  size,  with  heavy  and 


RECEIVED  BY  TEE  EMPEROR  OF  JAPAN.  5 


Bwarthy  features,  and  an  awkward  figure,  and  does  not 
appear  to  exhibit  extraordinary  ability  in  any  direction, 
so  far  as  I have  heard,  or  could  see  in  such  a ceremony  as 
I have  just  described.  He  seemed  to  be  ill  at  ease,  if  not 
bored,  by  what  he  was  going  through.  He  did  not,  how- 
ever, require  any  prom])ting,  and  it  is  said  is  well  in- 
formed, and  takes  an  active  and  intelligent  interest  in 
the  business  of  the  government  and  of  the  empire.  He  is 
also  said  to  be  heartily  in  sympathy  with  the  progressive 
movement  which  has  characterized  the  later  years  of  his 
reign.  And  this  is  quite  natural,  as  it  has  rescued  him 
from  the  conservative  domination  of  the  Tycoon,  a sort 
of  usurping  mayor  of  the  palace,  and  put  him  in  direct 
control  of  his  empire  and  in  contact  with  its  leading  men. 
Formerly  he  was  never  seen  by  any  but  the  Tycoon  and 
the  members  of  his  own  household,  and  was  treated  in 
some  degree  as  a mysterious  state  prisoner  rather  than  as 
an  emperor.  Now  he  is  the  actual  head  of  the  govern- 
ment, surrounded  by  a responsible  ministry,  and  in  daily 
contact  with  the  affairs  of  state.  It  is  said  that  he  likes 
to  throw  off  the  cares  and  dignity  of  his  high  position, 
and,  like  good  Haroun-al-Kaschid,  wander  about  inform- 
ally and  in  disguise  for  his  own  information  and  amuse- 
ment. At  all  events,  he  does  this  occasionally,  but 
when  missed  is  speedily  looked  after,  and  returns  quietly 
to  his  appropriate  station  and  duties. 

After  the  reception,  I changed  my  uniform  for  citizen’s 
dress,  and  in  company  with  Governor  Hubbard,  took 
breakfast,  or  tiffin,  as  it  is  called  in  China  and  Japan,  with 
Admiral  Enomotto,  at  IJyeno  Park.  Count  Oyama,  Sec- 
retary of  State  for  War,  and  several  of  the  under-secre- 
taries, were  also  present.  The  meal  was  prepared  and 
served  in  the  best  French  style,  and  was  made  particu- 
larly interesting  by  the  intelligence,  refinement,  and  good 
taste  of  the  host,  who  was  educated  in  Holland,  speaks 


6 


CHINA. 


English  perfectly,  and  as  a naval  olEcer  has  visited  nearly 
all  foreign  countries.  He  is  a statesman  of  marked  abil- 
ity and  great  influence,  and  as  Minister  of  State  for  Com- 
munications, has  special  charge  of  railroads  and  steamship 
lines,  so  far  as  they  are  dealt  with  and  controlled  by  the 
Government. 

After  tiffin,  I drove  to  the  residence  of  a private 
Japanese  gentleman  of  great  wealth,  who  had  invited  me 
to  an  entertainment  strictly  in  the  Japanese  style.  I ar- 
rived at  his  house  at  three  o’clock,  and  was  received  by 
his  servants  at  the  vestibule.  They  indicated  to  me  that 
I was  expected  to  take  off  my  shoes  before  entering  the 
inner  rooms,  and  this  I did  at  once,  but,  as  the  Japanese 
slippers  are  kept  upon  the  foot  by  a band  passing  between 
the  big  toe  and  the  one  next  to  it,  and  over  the  instep, 
and  as  foreign  socks  are  not  made  with  a separate  com- 
partment like  the  Japanese  for  the  big  toe,  I could  not 
wear  the  slippers  which  were  offered,  and  was  compelled 
to  go  in  in  my  sock-feet. 

After  passing  through  several  rooms,  all  floored  with 
beautiful  straw  mats,  soft  and  yielding  to  the  feet,  and 
scrupulously  clean,  I came  to  the  principal  room  of  the 
house,  at  the  entrance  of  which  I was  met  by  my  host, 
who  welcomed  me  in  excellent  English.  He  had  learned 
it  at  school  in  Connecticut,  and  had  been  compelled  to 
keep  it  up  in  connection  with  the  business  of  the  steam- 
ship company,  which  his  elder  brother  had  established. 
He  showed  me  at  once  to  a silken  cushion  on  the  floor, 
and,  seating  himself  by  my  side,  made  himself  very  agree- 
able and  by  his  genuine  politeness  and  hospitality  put 
me  entirely  at  my  ease. 

After  the  usual  civilities,  and  the  arrival  of  another 
guest  whom  he  had  invited  to  meet  me,  his  carriage, 
drawn  by  an  exceedingly  stylish  pair  of  blood-bay,  half- 
bred  horses,  with  driver  and  footman  in  foreign  livery, 


DINNER-PAETT  IN  JAPANESE  STYLE. 


n 


made  its  appearance.  Inviting  us  to  accompany  him, 
we  were  driven  to  the  outskirts  of  the  city  to  his  coun- 
try-place, which  is  planted  with  a great  assortment  of 
American  and  native  forest-trees,  in  the  midst  of  which 
he  is  building  a beautiful  house  designed  by  American 
architects.  Near  by,  hut  beyond  a piece  of  wood,  in  a 
quiet  corner  of  the  estate,  which  is  something  over  a 
hundred  acres  in  extent,  we  came  to  a duck-pond,  which, 
upon  inspection,  proved  to  he  very  interesting,  and  may 
contain  a lesson  for  the  proprietors  of  islands  on  our 
Southern  coast,  visited  by  wild  fowl. 

The  jDond  is  of  irregular  shape,  and  covers  five  or  six 
acres.  It  is  surrounded  by  an  embankment  or  parapet 
six  or  seven  feet  high,  sodded  and  planted  with  young 
trees.  At  intervals  of  forty  or  fifty  feet,  small  canals, 
about  five  feet  wide  at  the  water  surface,  lead  out  from 
the  pond.  They  leave  the  margin  on  a curved  line,  so 
that  a duck  which  is  swimming  about  can  not  see  into 
the  canal,  the  inner  sides  of  which  are  quite  steep.  These 
canals  are  bordered  by  an  embankment  high  enough  to 
conceal  a man  stooping  down  behind  it,  and  are  termi- 
nated by  a screen  at  the  outer  end,  and  this  screen,  which 
is  made  of  poles  or  bamboo,  is  pierced  by  peep-holes,  and 
also  by  a bamboo  pipe,  down  which  grain  may  be  lioured. 
At  the  proper  season  the  pond  is  studded  with  decoys, 
and  baited  with  grain.  A man  takes  his  place  behind 
each  screen,  and  is  accompanied  by  two  assistants,  each 
of  whom  is  armed  with  a fowler’s  net.  No  shooting  or 
shouting  is  allowed  about  the  pond,  and,  when  the  wild 
ducks  fly  over,  they  are  lured  to  alight,  and  go  to  feeding 
at  once.  Hunting  about  for  food  and  finding  it  more 
plentiful  near  the  little  canals  which  they  follow  till 
well  up  toward  the  screens,  where  they  find  it  in  still 
gi’eater  abundance,  as  soon  as  the  canal  has  enough 
birds  in  it  to  satisfy  the  serecn-man,  he  sends  his  assist- 


8 


CHINA. 


ants  ont  on  either  side,  behind  the  embankments,  to 
scoop  up  the  birds  with  their  nets  as  they  rise  from  the 
surface  of  the  water.  Over  six  thousand  ducks  were 
taken  in  that  way  from  the  pond  last  winter.  I could 
not  suppress  the  thought  that  this  method  of  capturing 
wild-fowl  is  unsportsmanlike,  but  it  is  certainly  effect- 
ive, where  the  arrangements  and  conditions  are  favor- 
able. 

Returning  to  the  house  of  our  host  in  the  city,  the 
real  entertainment  began.  Taking  off  our  boots,  we 
again  seated  ourselves  on  the  silk  cushions  spread  out  on 
the  floor.  Our  host’s  wife,  a dignified  but  modest,  sweet- 
looking lady,  clad  in  a rich  but  subdued  native  costume, 
and  two  bright  little  boys,  came  in.  The  latter  prostrated 
themselves  in  a very  pretty  manner  before  their  papa, 
and  then  took  their  seats  on  silk  cushions  near  their 
mamma.  Almost  immediately  afterward,  six  or  eight 
gaishas,  or  dancing  and  singing  girls,  elegantly  and  gayly 
clad,  and  each  carrying  a samizen — a stringed  instrument 
something  like  a banjo — made  their  appearance  and  seated 
themselves  with  the  family  and  guests  on  the  floor.  Tea 
was  at  once  brought  in.  All  one  side  of  the  room  con- 
sisted of  sliding  windows  covered  with  translucent  paper, 
and  these  were  pushed  back,  so  as  to  reveal  a beautiful, 
well-kept  lawn,  in  the  middle  of  which  was  a fourteen- 
foot  ring  of  clean  white  sand,  with  all  the  necessary  ar- 
rangements for  a wrestling-match. 

In  a few  minutes  a gang  of  fourteen  brawny  wres- 
tlers, entirely  nude,  except  for  loin-cloths  and  strong 
leather  belts,  marched  in  and  took  their  places  negli- 
gently about  the  ring.  All  of  them  except  one  or  two, 
were  quite  fat,  and  most  of  them  were  nearly  six  feet 
high,  and  w^hed  over  two  hundred  pounds.  At  a sig- 
nal given  by  one  of  their  number,  acting  as  umpire, 
two  of  them  stepped  into  the  ring,  and,  after  the  usual 


DINNER-PARTY  IN  JAPANESE  STYLE. 


9 


feints  and  manoeuYres  for  position  and  advantage,  rose 
from  their  first  crouching  position,  and  seized  each  other 
shoulder  and  elbow,  or  by  the  belt,  and  then  went  at  it 
with  all  their  might  to  see  which  could  throw  the  other  or 
push  him  out  of  the  ring.  The  matches  were  conducted 
with  great  caution  and  deliberation  for  half  an  hour  or 
so.  Odati  San  and  Saruna  San,  the  two  great  cham- 
pions of  the  empire,  and  a number  of  rising  younger 
men,  were  on  the  ground,  and  took  part  in  the  struggles, 
which  abounded  in  surprising  feats  of  skill  and  muscular 
strength,  and  lasted  for  about  an  hour  and  a half.  After 
the  regular  matches  were  over,  and  the  champions  had 
with  due  deliberation  shoT^n  their  superiority  over  all 
comers,  each  successful  wrestler  was  in  turn  compelled  to 
maintain  his  position  against  the  others  one  at  a time, 
till  he  was  thrown,  and  then  the  new  victor  had  to  go 
through  the  same  ordeal.  This  gave  rise  to  a most  excit- 
ing series  of  struggles,  following  each  other  with  great 
rapidity,  and  calling  forth  from  the  spectators,  foreign  as 
well  as  native,  the  most  enthusiastic  applause. 

The  hostess  and  her  servants,  as  well  as  the  children 
and  the  gaishas,  seemed  to  be  as  much  interested  in  the 
sport  as  the  host  and  his  guests,  and  were  surprisingly  quick 
to  detect  the  fine  points  in  the  wrestling  of  their  favorites. 
The  exhibition  was  wound  up  by  a series  of  exercises  such 
as  are  taken  by  the  wrestlers  while  they  are  in  training. 
The  one  most  practiced  seemed  to  be  for  one  of  the 
younger  and  lighter  men  to  ask  an  older  and  heavier  one 
to  lend  him  his  breast,  and  then  seizing  the  obliging  fel- 
low by  the  elbows,  would  throw  himself  head  first,  with 
all  the  strength  of  his  arms,  hack,  and  neck,  against  the 
breast  he  had  borrowed.  The  noise  of  the  blows  which 
followed  each  other  with  surprising  rapidity,  could  be 
heard  a hundred  yards  away.  It  seemed  as  though  they 
would  pound  the  breath  out  of  the  man  who  received 


10 


CHINA. 


them,  but,  instead  of  doing  that,  they  soon  exhausted  the 
one  who  was  delivering  them,  and  then  the  big  fellow, 
with  wide-stretched  legs,  standing  like  a rock,  and  watch- 
ing for  liis  opportunity,  with  a dexterous  jerk  and  a sud- 
den twist,  would  break  the  grip  of  his  antagonist  and 
toss  him  out  of  the  ring  flat  on  his  back,  as  though  he 
were  a bag  of  India-rubber.  Notwithstanding  the  fat- 
-ness  of  the  men,  it  was  e\ddent  they  were  in  excellent 
condition,  and  had  not  only  great  strength  and  skill,  but 
great  staying  powers.  Their  jollity  and  good  nature  were 
particularly  noticeable.  Not  one  of  them  lost  his  tem- 
per, though  they  were  all  very  roughly  handled.  It  is 
evident  that  the  champions,  who  are  great  favorites  at 
home,  are  very  much  superior  to  the  wrestlers  who  have 
gone  abroad,  and  from  their  great  weight,  strength,  and 
skill,  would  probably  prove  a match  for  the  best  foreign 
wrestlers. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  wrestling,  the  windows  were 
closed,  lights  brought  in,  and  dinner  served.  It  consisted 
of  a great  number  of  little  dishes,  of  fowl,  fish,  rice,  and 
other  vegetables,  the  most  of  which  were  very  good,  and 
all  of  which  were  perfectly  prepared.  They  were  spread 
out  on  the  mats,  around  each  guest,  and  within  easy 
reach.  No  particular  order  is  observed  in  eating  them, 
though  they  are  not  all  brought  in  at  once,  but  after  a 
dish  makes  its  appearance  it  is  not  sent  away  till  the  feast 
is  over.  Each  guest  has  his  own  dishes  exclusively,  and 
is  attended  by  a gaisha,  whose  business  it  is  to  see  that  he 
wants  for  nothing.  She  passes  whatever  he  requires,  and 
it  is  her  special  duty  to  see  that  his  little  porcelain  cup  is 
kept  well  filled  with  saki,  a light  sort  of  wine,  distilled 
from  rice,  and  not  very  unlike  weak  sherry.  During  the 
pauses  of  the  dinner  the  gaishas,  separately  or  aU  together, 
sing  and  play  accompaniments  on  their  samizens.  Or, 
if  the  guests  become  tired  of  music,  the  gaishas  entertain 


DIXNER-PAETY  IN  JAPANESE  STYLE.  1 1 


Buch  as  can  understand  them  by  chatting  and  telling 
stories.  They  also  play  little  games,  and  generally  do 
their  best  to  make  the  party  gay  and  lively.  These  girls 
are  selected  for  their  beauty  and  wit,  and  are  specially 
educated  for  this  calling,  which  is  an  honorable  one. 

A Japanese  lady  of  rank  (adhering  to  the  old  cus- 
toms of  the  country)  is  never  seen  by  strangers,  and  is 
not  expected  to  entertain  her  husband’s  guests.  She 
sees  that  his  house  is  properly  ordered,  and  that  her  own 
servants  properly  prepare  and  serve  the  feast,  but  the 
task  of  entertaining  the  company  devolves  upon  the  gai- 
shas,  who  are  hired  for  the  occasion.  In  doing  this  she 
comes  and  goes  as  she  thinks  necessary,  but  does  not  take 
a seat  among  the  guests.  It  is,  however,  customary  for 
her,  as  well  as  for  the  host,  to  drink  a cup  of  saki  with 
each  of  her  guests,  and  especially  with  the  most  distin- 
girished  one.  In  doing  this  she  kneels  with  gravity  and 
dignity  in  front  of  the  guest  she  intends  to  honor,  and, 
after  bowing  almost  to  the  floor,  she  reaches  for  his  por- 
celain cup  which  he  passes  to  her,  after  first  carefully 
rinsing  it  in  a bowl  of  clean  water  furnished  for  that  pur- 
pose. She  then  turns  to  the  gaisha,  who  fills  it  with  saki ; 
then,  looking  at  the  guest  and  bowing  again  as  profoundly 
as  before,  she  drains  the  cup  and  passes  it  back  to  him. 
After  pausing  for  a moment,  she  rises  and  returns  to  a 
seat  near  her  husband,  and  then  custom  requires  that  the 
guest  thus  honored  shall  in  turn  visit  and  kneel  before 
her,  and  with  the  same  ceremony  drink  her  health  from 
her  own  cup. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  dinner,  which  lasted  for  three 
hours,  the  three  principal  wrestlers  were  brought  in  and 
served  with  as  much  ceremony  as  though  they  had  been 
distinguished  guests.  They  were  beautifully  clad  in  fresh 
garments,  and  had  eA/idently  just  come  from  the  bath. 
After  they  had  got  well  into  their  meal,  whieh  they  seemed 


12 


CHINA. 


to  relish  highly,  and  the  guests  had  nearly  finished,  the 
gaishas  and  several  of  the  guests  began  a game  of  forfeits, 
of  which  the  Japanese  are  quite  fond.  It  is  played  by 
couples,  each  member  of  which  breaks  a chopstick  into 
three  pieces,  and  then  conceals  one,  two,  or  three  pieces, 
or  none,  as  the  case  may  be,  in  the  hand.  Each  player 
thrusts  his  hand  forward  and  asks  how  many,  when  both 
guess  how  many  pieces  are  concealed  in  the  two  hands  of 
the  couple.  Of  course,  there  may  be  all  the  way  from 
none  to  six  pieces.  If  neither  player  guesses  correctly, 
the  hands  are  again  concealed  behind  the  back  or  up  the 
flowing  sleeve,  and  then  thrust  forward  vdth  the  old  ques- 
tion, and  both  make  new  guesses.  This  is  kept  uj3  till 
one  of  the  jfiayers  guesses  the  right  number,  and  the  other 
is  declared  to  be  the  loser.  The  latter  pays  the  forfeit  by 
drinking  a cup  of  saki.  An  amusing  variation  of  the 
game,  now  coming  into  vogue,  is  to  substitute  kisses  for 
saki,  and  this  was  done  with  one  of  the  foreign  guests  at 
the  express  command  of  the  hostess,  who  told  the  young- 
est and  most  winsome  of  the  gaishas  that  if  she  continued 
to  play,  and  did  not  care  to  drink,  she  must  kiss  ; and, 
as  kissing  is  a foreign  innovation  upon  Japanese  cus- 
toms, her  payment  and  acceptance  of  the  forfeits  were 
very  amusing  to  both  natives  and  foreignei’s.  Her  coy- 
ness and  awkwardness  combined  were  irresistible,  and 
each  exhibition  of  them  was  received  with  peals  of 
laughter. 

The  wrestlers  saw  that  there  was  a good  deal  of  fun 
going  on  with  the  foreigners,  and,  not  to  be  left  out,  they 
went  visiting  also  ; but,  as  they  were  very  big  fellows,  the 
foreigners  declined  to  play  with  them  unless  they  would 
omit  the  kissing,  and  drink  three  measures  of  saki  for 
each  forfeit.  They  accepted  this  new  innovation  with 
great  glee,  and  seemed  to  like  it  immensely.  Altogether, 
the  evening  was  a novel  and  pleasant  one  ; the  fun  was  kept 


JAPANESE  PROQBESS  GENUINE. 


13 


up  till  ten  o’clock,  at  which  hour  the  foreigners  had  to 
return  to  Yokohama.  The  host,  hostess,  and  little  boys 
were  charming  in  their  unaffected  simplicity  ; and,  as  all 
but  the  host  and  the  foreigners  were  clad  in  Japanese  cos- 
tumes, spoke  the  Japanese  language,  and  behaved  them- 
selves strictly  in  accordance  with  Japanese  etiquette,  the 
entertainment  was  a bit  out  of  real  Japanese  life  long  to 
be  remembered  by  those  who  took  part  in  it. 

I spent  nearly  two  months,  altogether,  in  Japan,  dur- 
ing which  I visited  most  of  the  places  of  interest,  and 
especially  Nikko,  Chiusenji,  Nantaisan,  and  the  mount- 
ain country  in  the  neighboring  region.  I inspected  the 
farms,  workshops,  tea-curing  warehouses,  silk-shops,  and 
attended  fairs  and  public  exhibitions  of  all  sorts ; and 
generally  had  an  excellent  opportunity  to  see  the  inside 
of  the  country,  and  to  study  its  people  and  government 
just  as  they  are. 

After  the  most  careful  consideration,  I feel  it  to  be 
my  duty  to  dissent  from  the  carping,  fault-finding  dis- 
position which  has  prompted  more  than  one  traveler  to 
say  that  Japan  has  progressed  too  rapidly,  that  she  has 
adopted  the  manners  and  customs  of  foreigners  without 
understanding  them,  and  has  organized  armies,  laid  out 
fortifications,  and  built  ships  of  war,  without  needing  or 
knowing  how  to  use  them.  The  truth  is  quite  different 
from  all  this.  The  civilization  of  the  Japanese  is  genu^ 
ine,  and  the  progress  they  have  made  is  as  real  as  it  i^ 
surprising. 

Their  government  is  in  theory  an  absolute  monarchy, 
with  a strong  tendency  toward  liberal  and  constitu- 
tional forms.  As  might  naturally  be  supposed,  the  im- 
perial family,  claiming  an  unbroken  descent  and  con- 
tinuous occupancy  of  the  throne  from  200  years  B.  c. 
is  in  some  degree  effete  ; but  the  actual  government  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  ministers  of  state,  and  they  are  an  un- 


u 


CHINA. 


usually  clever  set  of  men,  most  of  whom,  as  well  as  nearly 
all  of  their  assistants,  have  been  educated  in  Europe  or 
America.  They  do  not  generally  belong  to  the  old  nobil- 
ity, but  to  that  class  which  has  managed  the  business  of 
the  old  nobility  as  well  as  of  the  country  for  several  hun- 
dred years.  They  are  strong,  vigorous,  and  capable,  and 
seem  to  possess  as  much  patriotism  and  practical  business 
sense  as  the  statesmen  of  the  most  progressive  countries. 
/ Judging  from  the  manifold  external  evidences,  and 
from  information  derived  from  gentlemen  long  i*esident 
in  the  country  and  more  or  less  intimately  connected 
with  its  public  affairs,  I can  not  doubt  that  the  min- 
isters are  conducting  the  Japanese  government  with  as 
much  wisdom,  honesty,  and  fidelity  as  are  to  be  found 
elsewhere.  They  are  progressive,  yet  at  the  same  time 
cautious  and  conservative.  They  have  established  edu- 
cation on  a solid  basis  throughout  the  empire.  The 
/school-house,  with  all  the  appliances  of  modern  instruc- 
tion, is  seen  in  every  town  and  village  ; while  colleges 
and  universities  have  been  founded  in  sufficient  numbers 
to  furnish  a higher  education  to  such  as  require  it.  Law- 
yers, doctors,  and  engineers,  educated  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  are  found  in  all  the  principal  cities.  Peace  and 
plenty  abound,  and  happiness  prevails. 

About  four  hundred  miles  of  railroad  have  been  con- 
structed, from  Kobe,  Yokohama,  and  Suruga  the  principal 
seaports,  to  the  interior,  mostly  under  English  guidance, 
and  while  an  American  can  not  help  regretting  that  they 
were  not  built  to  the  standard  instead  of  to  the  three-feet 
six-inch  gauge,  and  with  all  the  modern  improvements  in- 
stead of  the  antiquated  and  awkward  details  which  char- 
acterize English  railroad  practice,  they  are  solidly  con- 
structed and  generally  well  managed.  But  few  foreigners 
are  now  employed  about  them,  and  it  is  quite  certain  that 
such  future  extensions  as  may  be  made  of  the  railway 


JAPANESE  PROGRESS  GENUINE. 


15 


system  will  not  only  be  made  under  the  control  of  native 
engineers  and  contractors,  but  will  cost,  under  like  con- 
ditions, far  less  per  mile  than  the  roads  now  in  existence. 

The  people  in  every  part  of  the  empire  are  in  a fairly 
prosperous  condition,  and,  although  far  from  rich  at  pres- 
ent, it  can  not  be  doubted  will  become  richer  in  buildings, 
and  comforts  of  every  sort,  with  every  year  that  passes 
over  them.  The  arts  which  have  specially  characterized 
them  are  said  by  some  to  be  on  the  decline,  but  this  state- 
ment does  not  seem  to  rest  on  any  sufficient  observation 
or  study  of  the  facts,  and  I strongly  doubt  its  truth.  It 
is  evident  that  Japanese  life  has  undergone  a great 
change.  The  cost  of  living  is  perhaps  greater  than  it\ 
used  to  be,  but  the  artisan  is  not  only  more  comfortable 
and  better  educated  than  in  the  old  days,  but  happier 
and  freer,  while  the  results  of  his  handicraft,  somewhat 
modified,  perhaps,  by  foreign  ideas  and  influences,  find  a 
readier  and  a better  market  now  than  at  any  time  in  the 
past.  Whatever  is  genuinely  good  and  true  in  Japanese 
art  may  be  looked  for  hereafter,  I do  not  doubt,  with  as 
much  confidence  as  ever. 

Humanity  is  essentially  the  same  in  all  countries, 
and  may  be  expected  to  progress  in  Japan,  as  well  as 
in  America,  toward  a higher  and  a better  civilization. 
At  the  time  of  Commodore  Perry’s  visit,  in  1854,  there 
was  no  country  in  the  world  more  averse  to  foreigners 
or  more  bitterly  opposed  to  foreign  arts  and  civiliza- 
tion than  the  Japanese.  They  were  satisfied  with  them- 
selves, and  regarded  their  own  arts  and  civilization  as 
the  best  in  the  world.  They  wanted  no  intercourse  with 
other  nations,  and  did  all  in  their  power  to  resist  for- 
eign encroachments  upon  their  own  exclusiveness  and  re- 
serve, but  the  foreign  powers  would  not  be  turned  away. 
Their  steamships  and  men-of-war  could  not  be  withstood. 
Their  diplomacy  and  their  arms  broke  down  the  barriers 


16 


CHINA. 


to  trade,  and,  with  trade,  new  ideas  and  a new  civiliza- 
tion invaded  the  Japanese  Islands.  These  were  followed 
by  a new  impulse  among  the  governing  class.  A pro- 
gressive party  sprang  up.  The  conservatives  became 
alarmed,  and  strove  with  all  their  might  to  resist  the 
march  of  modern  iDrogress.  A war  broke  out  between  the 
contending  parties,  and,  after  the  expenditure  of  much 
blood  and  treasure,  ended,  as  all  such  wars  have  ended  in 
modern  times — the  conservatives  were  beaten,  and  prog- 
ress became  the  watchword  of  the  day.  So  far,  nothing 
but  good  has  resulted.  The  nation  has  surrendered  its 
exclusiveness,  laid  aside  its  old  customs  and  prejudices, 
and  taken  on  a higher  civilization.  It  has  been  more  or 
less  under  diplomatic  tutelage  to  the  older  powers,  who 
have  co-operated  with  each  other  in  carrying  out  a policy 
of  commercial  aggression,  and  in  exercising  extra-territo- 
rial control  over  their  own  citizens  residing  in  J apan. 

For  many  years  the  representative  of  the  United 
States,  under  instructions  from  Washington,  has  declined 
to  co-operate  with  the  representatives  of  other  powers, 
and  upon  more  than  one  occasion  has  recognized  the  ab- 
solute autonomy  and  independence  of  the  Japanese  Em- 
pire. As  our  Government  was  the  first  in  modern  times 
to  open  diplomatic  intercourse,  and  to  insist  upon  the 
establishment  of  commercial  relations  with  the  Japanese, 
it  has  also  been  the  first  to  recognize  them  as  a civilized 
people  with  a Government  of  the  highest  rank,  possessing 
all  the  attributes,  and  entitled  to  exercise  aU  the  privileges 
of  complete  sovereignty.  A convention  of  duly  accredited 
representatives  from  all  the  treaty  powers  is  now  in  session 
at  Tokio,  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the  treaties  on  the 
basis  of  such  recognition,  and  it  is  understood  that  all 
the  powers  are  agreed  in  admitting  the  substantial  Justice 
of  the  Japanese  demands.  It  is  now  an  open  secret  that  the 
practice  of  co-operation  between  the  treaty  powers  will  be 


REVISION  OF  TEE  TREATIES. 


17 


abandoned,  and  that,  in  lieu  of  consular  courts  and  extra- 
territorial control  over  foreigners,  a system  of  Japanese 
courts  presided  over  by  foreign  Judges  will  be  substituted. 
The  whole  country  will  be  thrown  open  to  foreigners, 
with  the  privilege  of  owning  property  and  residing  and 
trading  wherever  they  please.  As  a matter  of  necessity, 
a higher  tariff  ou  foreign  imports  will  be  levied  and  col- 
lected, but  as  the  present  rate  is  an  ad-valorem  assessment 
of  only  five  per  cent  on  all  classes  of  merchandise,  a ma- 
terial advance  may  be  made  on  many  articles  without 
seriously  crippling  foreign  commerce.  Petroleum  con- 
stitutes the  principal  item  of  import  from  the  United 
States,  and  it  is  conceded  by  those  engaged  in  the  trade 
that  a tax  at  least  two  and  a half  times  greater  than  that 
now  in  force  can  be  levied  without  detriment  to  their  in- 
terests. 

From  careful  investigation  I am  persuaded  that  there 
is  no  great  field  in  Japan  for  the  employment  of  American 
engineers  and  contractors  on  railway-work,  but  American 
manufacturers  of  bridges,  locomotives,  and  cars  should 
control  that  market  against  the  rest  of  the  world.  It  is 
also  probable  that  American  arcliitects  and  contractors 
for  harbor-works  may  find  profitable  einiDloyment  in  Ja- 
pan if  they  are  properly  represented ; and  it  is  certain 
that,  as  the  Japanese  advance  in  civilization  and  wealth, 
they  will  require  a greater  assortment  of  our  products 
and  manufactures,  and  will  send  us  more  and  more  of 
their  own.  They  are  exceedingly  friendly  to  us,  and,  so 
far  as  the  commercial  conditions  prevailing  from  time  to 
time  will  permit,  they  will  gladly  extend  their  trade 
with  us. 

There  is  no  country  under  the  sun  in  which  the  trav- 
eler can  enjoy  himself  with  more  unalloyed  satisfaction 
and  delight.  , The  climate  is  salubrious,  the  scenery  beau- 
tiful and  ever  varying,  the  people  cleanly,  hospitable,  and 


18 


CHINA. 


genuinely  polite  to  strangers  ; and  these,  together  with  the 
mingling  of  the  old  and  the  new  civilizations,  are  such  as 
to  fill  the  foreigner  with  more  novel  and  exhilarating 
sensations  than  he  can  possibly  experience  in  any  other 
country.  For  the  young  and  vigorous,  three  months  will 
be  Buflicient  in  which  to  make  the  trip  from  New  York 
via  San  Francisco  to  Japan  and  back,  and  allow  five  or 
six  weeks  for  inland  travel  ; but,  for  such  as  have  the 
time,  whether  young  or  old,  six  months  will  not  prove  to 
he  too  much.  The  sail  through  the  Inland  Sea  is  alone 
worth  the  trouble  and  expense  of  the  voyage  from  Amer- 
ica, and  to  such  as  visit  China  it  constitutes  a most 
charming  break  in  the  tedium  of  life  on  shipboard. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Voyage  through  the  Inland  Sea — Mouth  of  the  Yang-tse-kiang — The 
Wusung  River — Shanghai — Foreign  and  Chinese  city  contrasted — 
Chinese  civilization — Ward  and  the  Taiping  rebellion — Li  Hung- 
Chang  and  Tseng  Quo-Fan — Future  importance  of  Shanghai. 

The  voyage  from  Yokohama  through  the  Inland  Sea, 
and  across  the  Yellow  Sea  to  Shanghai,  including  the 
stops  at  Kobe,  Simonoseki,  and  Nagasaki,  requires  about 
a week  ; but,  as  the  steamers  belonging  to  the  Nippon 
Yusen  Kaisha  (Japanese  Mail  Steamship  Company)  are 
new  and  exceedingly  well-officered  and  found,  and  as  the 
scenery  fills  one  with  an  ever-varying  sense  of  delight, 
the  time  passes  only  too  rapidly,  especially  if  the  weather 
is  fine,  as  is  frequently  the  case. 

The  approach  to  the  mouth  of  the  stately  Yang-tse- 
kiang  is  indicated  many  miles  at  sea  by  the  yellow, 
muddy  water  which  is  poured  oiit  in  such  ceaseless 
abundance  by  that  magnificent  river.  The  first  land 
which  the  expectant  traveler  catches  sight  of  is  Gutz- 
lafE,  a rocky  island  rising  sheer  and  bare  from  the  water, 
and  surmounted  by  a lighthouse,  erected  and  maintained 
by  the  Imperial  Chinese  Maritime  Customs.  This  light  is 
about  forty  miles  from  the  mainland,  which  looms  upon 
the  sight  in  a low,  flat,  unbroken  outline,  in  two  or  three 
hours  after  the  light  is  left  behind.  As  the  ship  enters 
the  broad  and  muddy  estuary,  the  shore  grows  more  dis- 
tinct, but  as  it  rises  only  a few  feet  above  the  water,  and 
is  fringed  by  reeds  and  low  straggling  willows  along 


20 


CHINA. 


the  margin,  a feeling  of  disappointment  oYercomes  the 
voyager,  and  this  remains  with  him  during  all  his  jonr- 
neyings  throughout  the  delta  plains,  however  extensive 
they  may  be. 

The  first  signs  of  settlement  and  oecupation  are  met 
with  at  the  entrance  to  the  Wusung  River,  where  there 
is  a large  village  and  strong  and  extensive  though  rudely 
constructed  earthworks,  mounting  many  heavy  guns  of 
European  make. 

Shanghai,  the  principal  seaport  and  commercial  entre- 
pot of  China,  is  situated  on  a great  bend  of  the  Wu- 
sung, twelve  miles  from  its  confluenee  with  the  Yang-tse. 
It  is  divided  into  the  Chinese  and  foreign  cities,  the  for- 
mer of  which  is  said  to  contain  a population  of  a million 
souls,  and  the  latter  less  than  eight  thousand,  not  count- 
ing native  servants  and  retainers. 

Nowhere  else  in  the  world  ean  Chinese  and  foreign 
civilization  be  more  easily  compared  and  contrasted. 
Here  they  are  seen  side  by  side,  separated  only  by  an 
old  city  wall  of  burned  brick,  built  in  the  middle  ages, 
pierced  with  gates,  surmounted  by  turrets  and  crenelated 
parapets,  and  surrounded  by  moats  seething  with  fever 
and  filth.  On  one  side  are  struggling  and  sordid  multi- 
tudes, living  in  low,  tumble-down,  and  decaying  mud  or 
half-burned  brick  huts.  The  streets  are  teeming  with 
/ dust,  dirt,  or  slush,  as  the  case  may  be,  and  crowded  day 
and  night  with  a ceaseless  flow  of  indigent,  but,  so  far 
as  one  can  see,  contented  human  beings,  all  busily  en- 
gaged in  the  sordid  struggle  of  life.  There  is  nothing 
neat,  or  well  built,  or  permanent.  Everything  seems 
stricken  by  decrepitude  and  decay,  and  it  is  the  same 
x^everywhere  else  in  China.  Nothing  except  city  walls  and 
river  embankments  is  solid,  or  strong,  or  durable,  and 
nothing  seems  ever  to  have  been  repaired  or  cleaned. 
Whatever  is  worn  out  or  worthless  is  thrown  into  the 


SEANGHAI. 


21 


street  along  with  the  offal  of  the  household.  Stagnant 
water  stands  in  ponds  and  pools,  until  lapped  up  by  the 
sun  or  blown  away  by  drying  winds.  It  is  all  inconceiv- 
ably squalid  and  offensive  to  foreign  eyes  and  nostrils, 
and  fills  the  foreign  soul  with  a sentiment  of  unutterable 
disgust. 

The  river-front  is  lined  with  junks  in  countless  num- 
bers, and  the  surface  of  the  water  is  covered  with  sam- 
pans and  house-boats  passing  to  and  fro. 

On  the  hither  side  of  the  wall  is  a small,  compact,'^ 
and  well-selected  population  of  Europeans  and  Ameri- 
cans, surrounded  by  every  luxiiry  and  comfort,  and  pos- 
sessing all  the  elements  of  the  highest  civilization  and 
refinement.  They  are  well  clad,  well  mounted,  and  well 
housed.  Their  warehouses,  shops,  banks,  and  residences 
would  do  credit  to  New  York  or  Paris.  Their  streets 
are  well  paved  and  beautifully  kept.  Cleanliness,  order, 
and  propriety  prevail,  and  everything  shows  that  they 
have  come  to  stay.  They  have  clubs,  race-courses,  tennis- 
grounds,  gardens,  theatres,  libraries,  and  churches.  They 
ride  across-country,  have  dinner  and  dancing  parties,  and 
generally  have  carried  with  them  to  that  remote  river- 
side the  industry,  the  thrift,  and  the  enterprise,  as  well 
as  the  luxuries  and  the  elegancies,  of  a higher  and  a bet^ 
ter  civilization.  And,  what  is  more  to  the  purpose,  they 
have  paid  for  all  their  luxuries  and  comforts  with  the 
money  they  have  earned  out  of  the  business  of  the  coun- 
try in  which  they  have  cast  their  lot. 

The  river  in  front  of  the  foreign  city  is  filled  with 
stately  sail  and  steamships  from  every  port  in  the  world  ; 
its  shores  are  furnished  with  docks,  foundries,  and  ship- 
yards ; and  nothing  more  aptly  illustrates  the  difference 
between  foreign  and  Chinese  civilization  than  the  con- 
trast between  the  iron  steamship  of  to-day  and  the  wooden 
junk  which  constitutes  now,  as  it  did  a thousand  years 


22 


CHINA. 


ago,  the  Chinaman’s  sole  means  of  navigating  the  sea. 
In  the  foreign  settlement  all  is  bustle,  enterprise,  and 
progress.  In  the  native  city  all  is  sloth,  squalor,  and 
arrested  development.  The  foreigner  lives  in  the  present 
and  looks  to  the  future,  and  is  full  of  vigor  and  hope  ; 
the  Chinaman  lives  in  the  present,  and  looks  only  to  the 
past,  and  is  satisfied  if  only  his  daily  wants  are  supplied. 
He  seems  to  the  casual  observer  to  have  no  aspiration, 
and  to  care  for  nothing  but  himself.  With  him  every- 
thing is  settled  and  fixed,  and  the  thought  of  change 
fills  him  with  apprehension.  But  farther  on  I shall  en- 
^deavor  to  show  that  appearances  are  deceptive,  and  that 
the  Chinaman,  after  all,  is  subject  to  the  same  natural 
laws  and  has  the  same  wants  as  other  members  of  the 
human  race,  and  differs  from  the  others  solely  by  virtue 
of  the  isolation  under  which  his  civilization  was  evolved, 
and  by  the  circumstances  under  which  it  now  exists. 
John  Stuart  Mill  once  wrote  that  no  one  could  properly 
say  what  is  natural  to  woman  till  she  has  been  long  enough 
emancipated  to  show  her  true  instinct  and  character  ; and 
the  same  may  be  quite  as  truthfully  in-cdicated  of  the 
Chinaman.  He  is  bound  and  hedged  in  now,  as  in  the 
past,  by  a settled  and  inelastic  system  of  civilization  which 
came  down  from  and  is  sanctified  by  antiquity.  It  regu- 
lates and  controls  every  thought  and  action,  from  birth  to 
death,  and  he  can  no  more  change  it  of  his  own  vmlition 
than  a stone  can  overcome  or  annihilate  its  own  weight. 
And  yet  change  has  made  its  appearance,  and  nowhere  in 
a more  attractive  form  than  at  Shanghai,  and  it  will  con- 
tinue to  exert  itself  till  China  has  resumed  her  natural 
process  of  development,  and  has  taken  on  a higher  and  a 
better  civilization.  Progress  has  planted  her  foot  firmly 
on  the  banks  of  the  Wusung,  and,  from  her  safe  abiding- 
place  in  the  foreign  city,  is  sure,  slowly  but  inevitably,  to 
invade  and  overcome  the  whole  vast  empire. 


SEANGHAI. 


23 


As  Shanghai  is  situated  near  the  mouth  of  the  Yang- 
tse-kiang,  the  great  river  which  divides  the  country  east 
and  west  into  nearly  equal  parts,  and  is  navigable  for  steam- 
ships of  the  largest  tonnage  over  a thousand  miles,  and 
for  steamboats  of  good  size  to  the  heart  of  the  western 
provinces,  it  is  probable  that  it  will  always  remain,  as  it  is 
now,  the  chief  commercial  city  of  the  empire.  It  has 
been  within  the  recent  past  the  eenter  of  progressive  ideas 
and  influences,  and  so  may  be  expected  to  remain  indefi- 
nitely in  the  future.  It  was  here  that  the  Taiping  rebel- 
lion, to  which  I will  refer  more  fully  hereafter,  received 
its  first  serious  check  at  the  hands  of  the  foreign  mer- 
chants, who,  on  the  approach  of  danger,  organized  a com- 
pany of  foreign  soldiers  for  their  own  protection,  and  put 
it  under  the  command  of  Ward,  an  American  sailor.  This 
company  afterward  became  the  nucleus  of  the  Ever-Vic- 
torious  Army  which,  under  the  leadership,  organization, 
and  impulse  given  it  by  Ward,  became  the  most  potential 
factor  in  suppressing  the  rebellion  and  restoring  peace 
and  quiet  to  the  empire.  The  moral  and  political  purpose 
which  lay  behind  it  came  from  the  foreign  merchants, 
who  in  turn  influenced  the  diplomatic  agents  of  their  re- 
spective governments,  and  ultimately  controlled  their  na- 
val and  military  forces. 

The  rebellion  broke  out  in  1850,  and  continued  with 
varying  success  till  1864.  It  swept  over  nearly  two 
thirds  of  the  empire,  and  is  said  to  have  resulted  in 
the  death  of  ten  million  Chinamen.  As  Hungtse-Chu- 
en,  the  leader  of  the  rebellion,  claimed  to  be  a Chris- 
tian, and  actually  practiced  a vague  and  uncertain  sort 
of  Christianity  somewhat  like  Mormonism,  his  prog- 
ress was  viewed  at  first  by  the  foreigners  with  favoi’. 
They  knew  that  the  Imperial  Government  was  intolerant 
and  illiberal,  and  felt  that  any  change  must  be  for  the 
better.  It  was  not  till  the  rebels  invaded  the  region 


24 


CHINA. 


round  about  Shanghai,  and  actually  threatened  that  place, 
that  the  foreign  merchants  discovered  the  falsity  of  Hung- 
tse-Chuen’s  Christianity,  and  the  corruption  of  his  gov- 
ernment, and  became  convinced  of  the  superiority  of 
the  existing  government  at  Peking  over  any  that  might 
be  established  by  the  rebels  on  its  ruins.  Having  made 
this  discovery,  they  no  longer  hesitated  to  lend  their  coun- 
tenance and  influence  to  the  imperial  cause.  The  war 
for  the  suppression  of  the  rehelhon  took  on  new  vigor, 
and  it  was  during  this,  its  closing  stage,  that  the  imperial 
commanders  Li  Hung-Chang  and  Tseng  Quo-Fan,  father 
of  the  Marquis  Tseng,  until  recently  the  Chinese  ambas- 
sador to  Europe,  were  thrown  constantly  in  contact  with 
foreigners,  and  especially  with  Gordon,  who  had  succeeded 
Ward  in  command  of  the  Ever- Victorious  Army.  And 
it  was  the  contact  with  foreigners,  and  the  demonstration 
of  the  superiority  of  foreign  arms  and  organization  in 
actual  warfare,  which,  followed  up  as  it  was  by  years  of 
intimate  acquaintance  with  foreign  consuls,  ministers, 
commissioners,  merchants,  and  men  of  business,  that  have 
made  Li  Hung-Chang,  now  holding  the  position  of  First 
Grand  Secretary  of  the  Empire,  Viceroy  of  Chihli  (the 
metropolitan  province),  and  Northern  Superintendent  of 
Trade,  besides  many  other  dignities  and  honors,  the  fore- 
most and  most  progressive  statesman  and  probably  the 
most  powerful  subject  of  the  Chinese  throne. 

The  primacy  and  importance  of  Shanghai  as  a base  of 
political  and  progressive  ideas,  as  well  as  of  commerce, 
should  therefore  be  kept  constantly  in  view  by  those  who 
would  understand  the  probable  course  of  the  newer  civili- 
zation in  China.  However  great  its  influence  has  been  in 
the  past,  it  may  be  confidently  expected  to  become  even 
greater  hereafter.  It  is  of  course  diSicult  to  foretell  the 
future  with  accuracy  ; but  if  Shanghai  were  situated  on 
the  Yang-tse  itself,  instead  of  twelve  miles  away  from  it. 


SHAmHAL 


25 


and  somewhat  farther  from  the  sea  than  it  is,  it  would 
certainly  become  the  future  political  capital  of  the  em- 
pire, as  well  as  its  commercial  emporium.  And  notwith- 
standing its  somewhat  eccentric  position,  and  the  obvious 
fact  that  the  old  capital  of  the  Ming  dynasty,  and  perhaps 
other  places  farther  up  the  Yang-tse,  are  better  situated 
for  defense,  it  is  entirely  possible  that  some  future  revo- 
lution, if  not  the  operation  of  purely  commercial  influ- 
ences, may  cause  it  to  be  selected  as  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment of  a native  dynasty  and  of  an  awakened  and  progress- 
ive empire.  But,  whatever  may  be  its  future,  will  be  due, 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  the  guiding  impulse  given  it  by 
the  eight  thousand  souls  of  the  imperial  white  race  re- 
siding in  the  foreign  settlement,  rather  than  to  the  brute 
force  of  the  toiling  millions  of  Turanians  swarming  with- 
in the  crumbling  walls  of  the  Chinese  city. 

2 


CHAPTER  III. 


Area  of  China — Reached  its  greatest  extent  under  Kublai  Khan — Almost 
as  great  under  the  late  Regent — China’s  isolated  position — Approach 
of  railroads  toward  western  border — Communication  by  steamships — 
Civilization  different  from  any  other — Origin  of  names  of  country — 
Provinces — Climate — Surface — Hoang-ho,  or  Yellow  River — Delta, 
or  Great  Plain — Inundations — Embankments — Change  of  river-bed. 

Ix  order  that  a definite  conception  may  be  bad  of 
‘^China,  as  it  was  and  is,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that 
with  tlie  exception  of  Russia,  it  is  the  largest  empire  that 
has  ever  existed.  It  occupies  nearly  the  whole  of  Eastern 
and  Southeastern  Asia,  and  lies  in  a regular,  compact, 
and  unbroken  mass  of  conterminous  subdivisions  and  oitt- 
lying  territories.  It  is  composed  of  the  original  eight- 
een provinces  corresponding  to  our  States,  and  constitut- 
ing what  is  generally  described  by  geographers  as  China 
Proper,  but  sometimes  as  the  “ Middle  Kingdom,”  together 
with  the  outlying  and  encircling  possessions  of  Manchu- 
ria, Inner  and  Outer  Mongolia,  Hi,  or  Chinese  Turkis- 
tan,  Koko-Kor,  and  Thibet.  The  Government  claims 
suzerainty  over  and  receives  tribute  more  or  less  regularly 
from  Corea,  and  also  from  Anam,  Siam,  Burraah,  and  part 
of  the  Loochoo  Islands,  and  it  has  recently  erected  the 
beautiful  and  extensive  Island  of  Formosa,  or  Taiwan,  hith- 
erto attached  to  the  province  of  Fo-Kien,  into  a separate 
province  with  its  own  governor-general  who,  like  those  of 
the  other  provinces,  is  appointed  directly  from  Peking. 


AREA- OF  CHINESE  EMPIRE. 


27 


Including  Formosa,  it  really  has  nineteen  provinces,  con- 
stituting the  body  of  an  empire  the  outer  boundaries  of 
■which  inclose  one  third  of  the  Continent  of  Asia,  or  an 
area  of  at  least  5,000,000  square  miles.  In  view  of  the 
present  condition  of  geographical  knowledge,  it  is  not 
possible  to  estimate  this  enormous  extent  of  territory  ac- 
curately, but,  according  to  Balbi,  it  is  equal  to  5,126,000 
square  miles,  while  Berghaus  gives  it  at  about  5,600,000, 
or  nearly  one  tenth  of  the  habitable  globe.  The  nineteen 
pro'dnces,  covering  an  area  of  about  1,800,000  square 
miles,  are  all  densely  populated  by  the  Chinese,  but  the 
outlying  dependencies  which  are  of  far  greater  extent, 
are  mostly  arid,  elevated  table-lands,  occupied  generally 
by  nomadic  and  pastoral  tribes  commonly  known  as  Tar- 
tars, thinly  scattered  over  an  almost  illimitable  succession 
of  plain,  desert,  and  mountain  country. 

The  empire  attained  its  greatest  extent  about  the  year 
1290  A.  D.,  under  Kublai  Khan,  the  son  of  Genghis,  the 
great  conquering  Tartar  chieftain,  and  at  that  time 
reached  from  the  borders  of  the  sea  westward  to  and  be- 
yond that  vague  and  impassable  region  in  Central  Asia 
impressively  designated  as  the  “roof  of  the  world.”  Por- 
tions of  these  border-lands  of  varying  width,  and  extend- 
ing from  British  India,  across  the  descending  slopes  of 
Thibet  and  Sungaria  to  the  Desert  of  Gobi,  the  valley  of 
the  Amur,  and  along  the . latter  to  the  Sea  of  Okhotsk, 
have  at  times  been  wrested  from  the  control  of  the  Chi- 
nese emperors.  In  the  middle  ages  these  desert  wastes 
were  the  home  of  the  conquering  Tartars  and  Manchus, 
and  were  either  maintained  in  their  indej^endence,  or  be- 
came a part  of  the  Chinese  Empire  because  their  chief- 
tains became  Chinese  emperors.  In  later  years,  the 
French  on  the  south,  the  English  on  the  south  and  west, 
and  the  Russians  on  the  northwest  and  north,  have  been 
pressing  forward  with  ever-increasing  persistency,  subju- 


28 


CHINA. 


gating  the  dependencies  and  tribes  who  were  doubtful  in 
their  loyalty,  occupying  disputed  territory,  and  restrain- 
ing the  Chinese  authority  within  definite  limits.  Siam, 
Anam,  and  Burmah,  haye  been  entirely  detached  ; Tur- 
kistan  has  been  diyided,  and  vast  tracts  in  Outer  Mongolia 
and  Manchuria  have  been  permanently  occupied  by  the 
advancing  Europeans.  The  dependence  of  Corea  upon  the 
Peking  Government  has  also  been  threatened,  and  yet  the 
integrity  of  the  emi^ire  has  not  been  materially  disturbed. 
Under  the  comparatively  wise  and  vigorous  administra- 
tion of  the  late  Empress  Eegent,  the  throne  has  been 
strengthened,  peace  established  throughout  the  country, 
and  the  sway  of  the  central  power  extended  to  the  re- 
motest tribes  and  dependencies.  The  limits  of  the  em- 
pire are  better  defined  than  ever  before,  and,  notwith- 
standing the  encroachments  from  without,  the  imperial 
authority  is  probably  stronger  and  more  widely  respected 
now  than  at  any  time  since  the  reign  of  Kublai  Khan. 

Although  a country  of  such  vast  extent,  China  has 
always  been  nearly  as  completely  isolated  as  an  unknown 
island.  Surrounded  as  it  is  on  the  land-side  by  deserts 
and  trackless  wastes,  hundreds  and  at  places  almost 
thousands  of  miles  wide,  no  certain  or  regular  communi- 
cation between  it  and  Europe  could  be  had  either  for 
commerce  or  intelligence.  From  the  dawn  of  history 
down  to  the  beginning  of  this  century,  only  one  great 
traveler,  Marco  Polo,  ever  succeeded  in  crossing  Asia  and 
reaching  China,  or  in  giving  to  the  world  an  intelligible 
account  of  what  he  saw,  and  even  he  found  it  necessary, 
after  eighteen  years  of  wandering,  to  return  to  Venice, 
his  native  city,  by  sea.  An  occasional  merchant  may  have 
preceded  him  or  followed  in  his  tracks,  but  they  were 
so  few  and  far  between  that  they  produced  no  impres- 
sion whatever  upon  the  Chinese  or  their  civilization. 

The  utter  impassability  of  the  steppes  and  wastes 


ISOLATION  OF  CHINA. 


29 


lying  bet'W'een  Southeastern  Europe  and  the  thickly-set- 
tled portions  of  China,  except  hy  the  appliances  of  mod- 
ern travel,  or  hy  the  nomadic  and  semi-harharous  hordes 
which  occupied  them,  will  he  still  better  understood  when 
it  is  remembered  that  a line  drawn  from  a point  on  the 
sea  near  the  mouth  of  the  Amur  Eiver,  west-southwest 
across  Asia,  to  the  west  coast  of  Africa  and  the  Atlan- 
tic Ocean,  lies  everywhere,  throughout  its  ten  thousand 
miles  of  extent,  in  an  arid  and  inhospitable  desert  region. 
It  crosses  no  considerable  country  of  high  civilization 
unless  Egypt  and  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates  be.  ex- 
cepted, or  which  has  ever  had  a high  civilization,  or 
which  has  ever  exerted  a dominating  influence  upon  the 
civilization  of  any  other  country.  This  vast  trackless 
region  has  effectually  separated  the  civilizations  of  all 
Southern  and  Eastern  Asia  from  those  of  Europe,  from 
the  earliest  days  of  the  historic  period  down  almost  to 
the  present  time.  Railways  are  now  being  pushed  out 
from  Russia ; Merv  and  Tashkend  are  already  or  soon 
will  be  in  daily  communication  with  Moscow,  St.  Peters- 
burg, Berlin,  and  Paris,  and  the  ci\dlization  of  those 
places  will  surely  make  its  way  overland  into  the  heart 
of  Asia,  and  ultimately  down  the  Amur  if  not  through 
China,  to  the  western  shores  of  the  Paciflc. 

No  allusion  has  yet  been  made  to  the  isolation  of  Chi- 
na by  sea  ; but  up  to  tbe  days  of  navigation  by  steam  it 
was  almost  as  difficult  to  reach  that  distant  country  by 
water  as  by  land.  It  is  true  that  the  adventurous  Greeks 
made  their  way  through  Asia  Minor  to  the  Arabian  Sea, 
and  pushed  their  explorations  and  conquests  eastward 
along  the  coast  as  far  as  India,  but  there  is  no  trustwor- 
thy evidence  going  to  show  that  there  was  any  inter- 
communication whatever,  by  water,  between  either  the 
Greeks  or  the  Romans  and  the  Chinese.  During  the 
middle  ages  there  is  reason  for  believing  that  an  occa- 


30 


CHINA. 


sional  merchant,  like  the  Polos,  more  adventurous  than 
the  rest,  may  have  reached  or  left  the  Chinese  coast  in 
the  frail  sailing-craft  of  that  period  ; and  it  is  certain  that, 
after  navigation  became  an  exact  science  and  sailing- 
ships  of  stronger  build  were  introduced,  they  made  their 
way  in  increasing  numbers  to  that  remote  quarter  of  the 
globe,  and  carried  with  them  many  hardy  and  adventur- 
ous Jesuits  ; but  it  was  not  till  after  steamships  were  in- 
vented and  brought  to  a high  state  of  perfection  that 
communication  with  China  became  intimate  enough  to 
bring  us  any  exact  knowledge  of  the  country,  or  to  enable 
us  to  exert  any  influence  or  to  produce  any  change  what- 
ever upon  its  civilization. 

A moment’s  consideration  of  the  foregoing  facts  is 
suflBcient  to  show  why  Chinese  civilization,  which  was  de- 
veloped on  lines  exclusively  its  own,  and  entirely  free  from 
all  extraneous  influences,  should  be  unlike  any  other,  ex- 
cept in  so  far  as  similar  causes  operating  upon  human 
beings,  however  remotely  separated  from  us,  but  subject 
to  the  same  natural  wants  and  laws  as  ourselves,  might 
produce  similar  results.  The  Chinese  require  shelter  and 
food,  like  ourselves,  and,  like  ourselves,  live  in  houses, 
wear  manufactured  clothing,  and  eat  the  products  of  the 
earth ; but,  in  nearly  ever}i;hing  else,  they  are  as  unlike 
Europeans  and  Americans  as  if  they  came  from  another 
planet.  As  might  be  naturally  supposed,  their  manners 
and  customs,  their  literature,  and  habits  of  thought  are 
entirely  different  from  ours,  and  these  differences,  togeth- 
er with  the  surrounding  circumstances,  must  be  kept  in 
mind,  in  considering  the  chances  of  inducing  the  Chinese 
to  abandon  their  own  and  adopt  the  appliances  of  an  alien 
civilization. 

China  proper  is  called,  by  its  own  inhabitants,  the 
Middle  Kingdom,  or  the  Central  Flowery  Land;  but  by 
the  Russians  and  other  people  of  Northern  Asia  it  is  called 


ORIGIN  OF  NAMES. 


31 


Katai,  whence  comes  the  name  of  Cathay.  The  Persians 
designate  it  as  Tsin  or  Chin,  easily  changed  by  foreig-ners 
into  China,  but  the  significance  of  this  word,  or  the  root 
from  which  it  is  derived,  I have  not  been  able  to  discover. 

The  country,  as  before  stated,  is  subdivided  into  nine- 
teen provinces,  each  presided  over  by  a governor-gen- 
eral, and  sometimes  by  a viceroy,  appointed  by  the  throne. 
These  provinces,  beginning  in  the  northeast  and  sweeping 
westward  around  the  Great  Wall,  are  Chihli,  Shansi, 
Shensi,  Kansuh,  Sechuen,  and  Yunnan  ; then,  sweep- 
ing back  to  the  eastward,  and  along  the  sea-coast,  come 
Quei-Chow,  Quangsi,  Quang-tung,  Fo-kien,  Formosa  or 
Taiwan,  Che-kiang,  Kiang-su,  and  Shantung.  The  cen- 
ter is  occupied  by  Honan,  Hoope,  Hoonan,  Kiang-si,  and 
Nganwhei.  The  entire  area  of  these  provinces  is  not  ma- 
terially different  from  that  of  the  States  lying  east  of  the 
Missouri  and  Mississippi  Rivers,  with  Arkansas  and  Texas 
added.  It  is  included  between  about  the  same  parallels  of 
latitude,  and,  so  far  as  cold  is  concerned,  it  has  about  the 
same  climate  ; but,  the  two  great  rivers  of  the  country 
running  generally  eastward  to  the  ocean,  have  formed  an 
extensive  delta  of  low,  alluvial  lands  nearly  seven  hun- 
dred miles  wide  from  north  to  south,  and  from  three  to 
five  hundred  miles  in  width,  so  that  the  prevailing  south 
and  southeast  monsoons  coming  in  from  the  tropical  re- 
gions of  the  Pacific  Ocean  laden  with  watery  vapor  find 
no  high  ranges  of  mountains  to  intercept  them,  but  carry 
their  refreshing  rains  far  inland  during  the  summer 
months.  These  rains  last  from  three  to  four  months 
only,  but  are  frequently  excessive,  and,  when  such  is  the 
case,  the  great  plains  are  often  swept  by  devastating  floods. 
But  in  the  fall,  winter,  and  si)ring,  or  for  two  thirds  of 
the  year,  the  prevailing  winds  are  from  the  north  or 
northwest,  and  almost  constant  sunshine  prevails.  It 
hardly  ever  rains,  and  still  more  rarely  snows ; the  at- 


32 


CHINA. 


mosphere  becomes  remarkably  dry,  tbe  thirsty  northern 
winds  drink  up  the  water  of  the  ponds,  pulverize  the  grass 
and  scanty  vegetation,  and  occasionally  carry  clouds  of 
dust  from  the  arid  steppes  lying  beyond  the  borders 
across  the  eastern  provinces,  and  far  out  to  sea. 

I arrived  at  Shanghai  in  the  month  of  October,  and 
traveled  constantly,  in  all  parts  of  Northern  China,  till 
April,  and  during  the  whole  time  it  did  not  rain  at 
all,  nor  did  it  snow  sufficiently  to  cover  the  ground. 
Throughout  the  winter  the  weather  was  clear  and  bright, 
except  for  three  or  four  days  only,  when  it  was  cloudy, 
and  for  five  or  six  more  when  violent  dust-storms  were 
prevailing.  It  was,  however,  quite  cold  at  all  times, 
though,  from  the  lack  of  moisture  in  the  air,  the  cold 
was  not  so  keenly  felt  as  an  equally  low  temperature 
would  have  been  in  the  United  States.  Of  course,  it  is 
impossible  to  carry  on  any  out-door  occupation  during 
the  dust-storms,  but,  as  they  rarely  ever  prevail  with  vio- 
lence for  more  than  two  days,  the  winters  are  remarka- 
bly favorable  to  work  and  travel,  and  especially  so  for  the 
latter,  as  the  frost  is  destructive  to  all  kinds  of  insect- 
life.  It  is  hard  to  imagine  a more  bright  and  bracing 
winter  climate,  or  one  in  which  life  in  the  open  air  is 
more  enjoyable.  The  summer,  however,  makes  up  for 
it,  as  it  is  not  only  hot  but  wet ; the  air  becomes  saturated 
with  water,  and  the  humid  heat  is  almost  unbearable  to 
those  who  are  not  accustomed  to  it. 

The  surface  of  the  country  throughout  China  proper 
is  divided  into  a succession  of  plains,  hills,  and  mount- 
ains. The  drainage  is  generally  eastward,  but  the  great 
rivers  which  rise  in  the  mountains  of  Thibet  are  tortu- 
ous in  the  extreme  till  they  are  clear  of  the  higher  lands 
and  approach  sea-level. 

The  scope  of  this  work  does  not  warrant  a descrip- 
tion of  the  Amur,  which  touches  the  northern  borders 


HWANG-HO,  OR  THE  YELLOW  RIVER.  33 


of  the  empire,  and  is  in  some  degree  a Chinese  river, 
but  it  also  has  its  source  in  the  table-lands  of  Central 
Asia,  and  flows  eastwardly  to  the  Paciflc  Ocean. 

In  many  respects  the  most  remarkable  but  at  the  same 
time  the  least  known  river  of  China,  is  the  Hwang-ho,  or 
Yellow  Elver.  It  rises  in  Northern  Thibet,  between  the 
Shuga  and  Bayan-kara  Mountains,  in  latitude  35°  north 
and  longitude  96°  east,  and  not  more  than  a hundred 
miles  from  the  sources  of  the  Yang-tse-kiang.  It  was 
long  considered  by  Chinese  writers  as  entitled  to  special 
reverence,  and  by  some  foreign  scholars  as  being  one  of 
the  four  sacred  rivers  of  the  world,  but  all  efforts  to 
identify  it  with  either  of  the  latter  have  failed,  and  even 
the  Chinese  themselves  have  come  to  consider  it  rather 
as  a curse  and  source  of  sorrow  than  as  a sacred  stream, 
from  which  blessings  and  happiness  might  he  expected  to 
flow.  Its  course  from  the  lakelets  in  the  narrow  plains 
at  its  head,  called  by  the  Chinese  the  Starry  Sea,  is  at 
first  south,  then  west,  and  then  north  and  northeast,  for 
about  seven  hundred  miles,  till  it  reaches  the  Great  Wall, 
which  follows  it  northwardly  for  about  four  hundred 
miles.  It  then  crosses  the  Wall,  makes  a great  bend 
north  and  eastward  around  the  country  of  the  Ortous 
Mongols,  and  impinges  against  a spur  of  the  Peh-ling 
Mountains,  which  turns  it  again  almost  due  south,  in 
which  direction  it  flows  for  over  five  hundred  miles  be- 
tween the  provinces  of  Shensi  and  Shansi.  In  this  part 
of  its  course  it  traverses  the  loess  plains  and  receives  no 
tributaries  worthy  of  the  name.  It  is  also  in  this  jjart 
of  its  course  that  it  changes  its  character  from  a clear 
mountain  stream  and  takes  from  the  loess  clay  the  yel- 
low color  which  gives  it  its  name.  At  the  southwestern 
corner  of  Shansi,  and  about  1,850  miles  from  its  source, 
it  receives  its  greatest  affluent,  the  Wei,  and  changes  its 
course  to  the  eastward  again,  in  which  direction  it  flows 


34: 


CHINA. 


for  about  two  hundred  miles,  to  the  vicinity  of  Kai-fung- 
fu,  the  capital  of  Honan.  The  place  of  its  confluence 
with  the  Wei,  is  about  flve  hundred  and  fifty  miles  on 
the  shortest  line  from  the  sea,  and  may  be  regarded  as  the 
head  of  its  delta.  From  Kai-fung-fu  it  now  flows  north- 
easterly to  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  Gulf  of  Pe- 
chili,  but  in  this  part  of  its  course  through  the  plains  it 
has  had  many  channels  to  the  sea,  though  so  far  as  is 
now  known  never  more  than  one  at  a time.  Since  the 
beginning  of  the  historic  period  it  is  certain,  if  we  may 
rely  upon  Chinese  chronicles,  that  it  has  changed  its  bed 
at  least  six  times,  but  no  one  can  now  do  more  .than 
guess  how  many  times  it  did  the  same  thing  in  the 
countless  prehistoric  ages,  during  which,  aided  by  the 
Yang-tse  farther  south,  it  was  slowly  pushing  back  the 
borders  of  the  ocean,  and  building  up  the  delta  plains 
which  constitute  so  great  a portion  of  the  China  with 
which  we  are  now  concerned.  It  is  clear,  however,  that 
the  wanderings  of  the  river  were  coextensive  with  its 
delta,  which  extends  from  Shan-hai-Quawn,  in  latitude 
39.30°  north,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Yang-tse,  in  latitude 
31°  45'  north. 

It  is  known  that  it  has  occupied  in  succession  the  beds 
of  what  are  now  called  the  Pei-ho,  the  Old  Eiver,  and 
the  Tatsing-ho,  all  entering  the  Gulf  of  Pechili  north  of 
the  Shantung  promontory,  and  that  prior  to  1853  it  fol- 
lowed a former  bed  to  the  sea,  in  latitude  34°  north,  south 
of  the  promontory.  The  distance  between  those  mouths, 
measured  along  the  sea-coast,  around  the  Shantung  prom- 
ontory, is  about  six  hundred  miles,  while  the  distance 
from  the  northernmost  limits  of  the  delta  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Yang-tse,  measured  in  the  same  way,  is  nearly  one 
thousand  miles.  But  the  deltas  of  the  Hoang-ho  and  of 
the  Yang-tse  are  conterminous,  and  not  separated  by 
highlands,  and  the  total  distance  from  the  northern  lim- 


EWAKG-HO,  OB  TEE  YELLOW  ELVER. 


35 


its  of  one  to  the  southern  limits  of  the  other,  on  the  sea- 
coast,  is  about  eleven  hundred  miles. 

Winding  its  tortuous  course,  as  it  does,  for  twenty- 
seven  hundred  miles,  through  an  arid  and  treeless  re- 
gion, the  Hwang-ho  carries,  during  the  dry  season  and 
for  two  thirds  of  the  year,  but  a small  volume  of  water, 
compared  with  that  carried  by  the  Yang-tse,  or  the  Ama- 
zon, or  even  with  the  Mississippi.  It  is  so  shallow  and 
narrow,  and  its  bed  has  so  great  a declivity  till  after  it 
enters  the  delta,  that  it  is  entirely  unfit  for  navigation. 
At  many  places  it  is  broken  by  rapids,  and  its  current  is 
so  swift  that  it  can  not  be  crossed  except  at  considerable 
risk.  Its  width,  even  after  it  enters  the  Great  Plain,  does 
not  generally  exceed  fifteen  hundred  feet,  though  at  one  or 
two  places  along  its  new  bed,  where  it  has  not  yet  exca- 
vated a well-defined  channel  for  itself,  it  spreads  out  to  a 
width  of  several  thousand  feet,  and  is  filled  with  sand-bars. 
It  is  navigable  to  Yushan,  near  the  western  border  of  Shan- 
tung, for  light-draught  Junks,  and  steamboats  drawing 
ten  feet  of  water  might  readily  ascend  it  to  Chinan-fu, 
the  capital  of  that  province,  and  even  a hundred  miles 
above,  if  they  were  authorized  to  run,  and  could  get  over 
the  bar  at  its  mouth,  Generally,  the  river  resembles  the 
Missouri  at  and  above  Bismarck,  in  width,  color,  and 
volume  of  water,  and  even  in  the  character  and  appear- 
ance of  its  fore-shores  ; but,  after  it  enters  the  delta, 
unlike  the  Missouri,  it  has  no  river- valley,  with  hill-sides 
near  by,  rising  to  the  higher  level  of  the  rolling  prairies. 
To  the  contrary,  its  shores  are  never  higher  than  ten  or 
twelve  feet,  and  at  places  not  more  than  five  feet,  even  in 
the  driest  season.  The  plains  are  almost  perfectly  level, 
and  stretch  away  in  either  direction  from  the  river’s  mar- 
gin hundreds  of  miles,  without  the  slightest  rise  or  de- 
pression that  can  be  detected  by  the  most  practiced  eye. 
They  are  absolutely  as  level  as  flowing  water. 


36 


CHINA. 


But,  howerer  insignificant  and  harmless  this  remark- 
able river  may  be  in  the  dry  season,  and  for  the  greater 
part  of  the  year,  its  character  becomes  entirely  changed 
during  the  rainy  season.  Its  water-shed,  which  is  esti- 
mated by  Williams  at  475,000  square  miles,  is  almost 
entirely  bare  of  trees,  and  henee  the  water  which  falls 
upon  its  up2Der  portions  in  the  short  rainy  season,  runs 
rapidly  into  the  main  river,  and  causes  the  most  de- 
structive floods.  When  there  is  a concurrence  of  heavy 
rains  in  the  delta-plains,  with  a descending  high-water 
wave  from  the  table-lands,  the  embankments,  erected 
with  such  painful  labor,  and  neglected  with  such  certainty 
everywhere,  are  frequently  broken  and  swept  away,  and 
whole  districts,  many  miles  in  width,  are  laid  waste  by 
the  devastating  and  irresistible  inundations.  Houses  are 
melted  down,  crops  are  destroyed,  and,  at  times,  thou- 
sands of  people,  with  all  their  flocks,  are  drowned. 

The  erection  and  repair  of  the  embankments  are  now 
and  have  been,  from  time  immemorial,  matters  of  the 
greatest  solicitude  to  the  provincial  and  imperial  govern- 
ments ; but,  when  the  floods  have  come  and  gone,  and 
the  long  dry  season  is  at  hand  again,  the  improvident  or 
corrupt  officials,  and  the  still  more  improvident  people, 
seem  alike  to  forget  that  the  embankments  can  ever  be 
required  again,  or  that  there  is  any  necessity  for  looking 
after  or  repairing  them.  Some  of  them  arc  laid  out  and 
constructed  with  great  care,  but  many  of  them  are  badly 
located  and  aligned,  and  poorly  built  in  every  respect. 
They  are  generally  placed  from  one  to  two  miles  back 
from  the  river,  and  are  from  twelve  to  fourteen  feet  high, 
twenty  to  twenty-five  wide  on  top,  and  have  slopes  of  two 
base  to  one  perpendicular.  They  are  not  habitually  pro- 
tected by  willows,  reeds,  or  grasses,  and  whatever  vegeta- 
tion grows  upon  them  is  scrupulously  raked  off  in  winter 
for  fuel.  They  are  freely  used  for  roads  and  paths,  and 


RIVER  EMBANKMENTS. 


37 


are  rarely  provided  with  ramps  or  suitably  constructed 
road-crossings.  The  consequence  is,  that  they  are  not 
only  injured  and  weakened  at  many  places,  but  frequently, 
where  the  traffic  crossing  them  is  considerable,  they  are 
cut  through  to  the  level  of  the  plain  upon  which  they 
stand.  They  are  at  all  times  the  favorite  resort  of  bur- 
rowing animals,  and  during  the  dry  season  the  river, 
wandering  from  one  side  to  the  other  of  the  space  in- 
cluded between,  frequently  impinges  against  and  under- 
cuts them.  Nothing  is  ever  done  beforehand  to  repair  or 
prevent  such  injuries,  so  that  when  the  floods  come  again 
the  weak  spots  are  found,  and  the  neglected  embank- 
ments, as  might  be  expected,  are  broken  through  and 
swept  away,  notwithstanding  the  most  strenuous  exer- 
tions at  the  last  moment  to  prevent  it.  Large  detach- 
ments of  the  army  are  hurried  to  the  spot,  and  thousands 
of  men,  and  even  women  and  boys,  are  gathered  in  from 
the  neighboring  towns  and  villages,  after  a break  has 
taken  place.  Frantic  efforts  are  made  and  great  expenses 
are  incurred  to  repair  the  embankment,  through  which  a 
cataract  is  pouring,  and  which  might  have  been  main- 
tained intact  by  the  exercise  of  a little  timely  foresight 
and  the  honest  expenditure  of  a little  money. 

In  the  middle  ages  the  embankments  seem  to  have 
been  placed  closer  to  the  river  margins,  and  to  have  been 
given  a stronger  proflle  than  at  present.  The  practice 
now,  however,  is  to  place  them  farther  back,  as  before 
described,  but  near  important  towns  where  the  local  cir- 
cumstances seem  to  require  it,  a smaller  and  lower  em- 
bankment is  sometimes  constructed  close  to  the  river- 
front. The  most  remarkable  embankment  examined  by 
me  was  one  built  by  the  great  Emperor  Kien-lung,  whose 
long  and  prosperous  reign  was  contemporaneous  with  the 
life  of  George  Washington.  It  is  located  on  that  part  of 
the  river  near  Kai-fung-fu,  and  extends  many  miles  in 


38 


CHINA. 


either  direction.  It  is  from  forty  to  fifty  feet  high,  and 
from  fifty  to  sixty  feet  wide  on  top,  has  the  usual  slopes 
of  two  base  to  one  perpendicular,  and  was  exceedingly 
well  laid  out  and  constructed.  A better  idea  of  its  enor- 
mous dimensions  can  be  had  by  considering  its  solid  con- 
tents, which  I estimated  on  the  ground  to  be  an  average 
of  a million  cubic  yards  per  mile,  and  to  have  cost,  even 
with  the  abundant  labor  of  China,  fifty  thousand  dollars 
per  mile.  At  the  place  where  I crossed  it,  it  was  sur- 
mounted by  the  walls  and  gates  of  a fortified  city,  and, 
after  two  weeks’  travel  in  the  dead  level  of  the  plains, 
seemed  to  be  a mountain  commanding  an  almost  illimit- 
able view  of  country  spread  out  below  it.  What  is  still 
more  curious  is,  that  it  was  this  enormous  embankment 
which  was  broken  through  by  the  extraordinary  flood  of 
1853  at  Lung-mun-kou,  about  thirty  miles  below,  and  from 
which  place  the  river  completely  abandoned  its  old  bed, 
and  made  a new  one  for  itself,  across  the  plain,  to  the 
Tatsing-ho,  and  thence  along  that  river’s  bed  to  the  Gulf  of 
Pechili.  But  no  intelligent  and  thoughtful  i^erson  can  ex- 
amine the  broken  embankment  and  the  surrounding  coun- 
try without  coming  to  the  conclusion,  as  I did,  that  the 
breach  must  have  been  due  to  negligence,  aided  by  such 
causes  as  I have  described  as  being  everywhere  prevalent. 
Williams,  Martin,  and  Ney  Elias,  all  distinguished  schol- 
ars and  travelers,  together  with  others  of  lesser  note,  have 
generally  cited  this  incident  as  a conclusive  argument 
against  the  diking  of  a river’s  banks  to  resist  floods.  The 
distinguished  Jesuit  traveler,  Abbe  Hue,  many  years  be- 
fore either  Martin  or  Ney  Elias  had  visited  the  scene  of 
the  disaster,  predicted  that  it  would  certainly  occur, 
sooner  or  later.  He  alleged  that  the  river-bed,  in  that 
part  of  its  course,  had  become  so  filled  up  with  silt  brought 
down  from  the  table-lands,  as  to  be  higher  than  the  ad- 
jacent country  ; but,  having  no  leveling  instruments,  and 


BIVER  EMBANKMENTS. 


39 


therefore  making  no  exact  measurements,  so  far  as  I have 
been  able  to  learn,  I am  persuaded  that  his  statement 
does  not  rest  upon  data  of  sufficient  accuracy  to  justify 
the  world,  and  still  less  the  engineering  profession,  in 
receiving  it  as  correct.  I shall  refer  to  this  subject  again 
in  another  chapter,  and  give  my  own  views  more  fully, 
as  to  the  present  condition  of  the  river-bed  and  embank- 
ments, and  of  the  causes  which  led  to  the  great  breach, 
the  complete  change  of  direction,  and  the  erosion  of  a new 
channel  to  the  seas. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


The  Yang-tse-kiang — Its  navigation — Its  various  names — Its  tributaries 
— Its  floods — Canals  and  creeks  in  the  delta — Area  of  its  water-shed — 
The  Chukiang  or  Pearl  River — The  Min — The  Pei-ho  and  its  tribu- 
taries— The  Peh-tang — The  New-Chwang  and  the  Ta-wen-ho. 

Great  as  is  the  Hwang-ho  or  Yellow  River,  it  is  ex- 
ceeded in  length,  as  well  as  in  depth,  width,  and  volume 
of  discharge,  by  the  Yang-tse-kiang,  which  also  rises  in 
the  mountains  of  Thibet,  within  a hundred  miles  of  its 
neighbor,  and  after  flowing  to  the  south  and  southeast- 
ward through  an  interminable  maze  of  mountain-gorges 
and  valleys,  it  crosses  China  proper  from  the  extreme 
western  border  of  Sechuen,  in  a generally  east-northeast- 
wardly direction  to  the  Yellow  Sea,  which  it  enters 
within  a hundred  and  twenty  miles  of  the  old  mouth  of 
the  Yellow  River.  It,  however,  traverses  a region  in  which 
the  snows  are  heavier  and  the  rains  more  frequent  and 
deeper,  and  it  has  in  addition  a water-shed  of  much 
greater  area  than  the  Yellow  River,  and  consequently  it 
discharges  a much  greater  volume  of  water  at  all  seasons 
of  the  year.  Its  discharge  has  never  been  measured,  but 
enough  of  it  is  known  to  justify  the  statement  that  it  is 
one  of  the  greatest  rivers  of  the  world — a broad,  stately 
stream,  navigable  to  the  Great  Rapids,  thirteen  hundred, 
miles  from  the  sea,  for  ocean-steamers,  and  for  those  of 
the  greatest  draught  to  Nanking,  while  river-steamers  can 
ascend  flve  or  six  hundred  miles  farther  into  the  heart  hf 


NAVIGATION  OF  THE  YANG-TSE-KIANG.  41 


Scchuen.  The  rapids,  which  are  found  just  above  Ichang, 
have  hitherto  been  regarded  as  impassable  by  steam- 
ers under  their  own  motive  power,  but  it  is  now  known 
that  the  current  does  not  exceed  nine  miles  per  hour, 
and  that  the  channel  is  sufficiently  deep  and  clear  of 
sunken  rocks  to  admit  of  free  navigation  by  boats  having 
enough  power  to  make  head  against  the  current.  The 
rapids  are  habitually  passed  by  junks,  which  are  warped 
through  them  by  means  of  ropes  and  man-power.  It  is 
understood  that  the  China  Merchants’  Steamship  Com- 
pany are  now  building  a boat  to  ply  through  them  and 
along  the  river  above,  to  the  head  of  navigation.  This 
boat  will  be  promptly  followed  by  others,  for,  when  the 
upper  river  is  once  opened,  foreign  steamers  will  surely 
rush  in.  Under  the  treaties,  they  are  entitled  to  enter 
and  ply  upon  all  parts  of  the  river  without  restriction, 
after  it  has  been  shown  that  the  rapids  can  be  safely 
passed.  Effective  steam  communication  fully  established 
on  this  magnificent  water-way  wherever  practicable,  will 
give  a new  impulse  to  trade  with  the  central  and  west- 
ern provinces,  and  will  enable  the  Imperial  Government 
to  transport  troops  and  military  munitions  in  either  di- 
rection from  one  side  of  the  empire  to  the  other,  with 
much  greater  speed  and  safety  than  have  heretofore  been 
possible.  The  value  of  this  river  for  such  purposes  has 
never  been  understood  by  the  Chinese  Government,  and, 
even  if  it  had  been,  the  Government  could  not  fully  util- 
ize it,  so  long  as  junks  were  the  only  disposable  means 
of  navigation.  The  day  must,  however,  be  near  at  hand 
when,  should  occasion  call  for  it,  tlie  river  will  become  a 
much  more  important  factor  in  the  problem  of  binding 
the  empire  together  and  protecting  it  against  external  as 
well  as  internal  enemies. 

It  is  not  possible  to  give  the  exact  length  of  this  river, 
for  its  course  through  the  mountains  of  Thibet  has  never 


42 


CHINA. 


been  explored  or  accurately  laid  down,  much  less  has  it 
been  correctly  measured.  It,  however,  approximates  three 
thousand  miles,  and  flows  through  every  variety  of  land 
and  climate  met  with  in  China.  Each  new  province  that 
it  waters  gives  it  a new  name.  The  main  trunk  in 
Sechuen  is  called  by  the  natives  Kin-sha-kiang,  or  the 
Kiver  of  Golden  Sand,  until  it  is  joined  by  the  Yalung, 
after  which  it  is  called  Ta-kiang,  as  far  as  Wuchang  in 
Hupeh.  Below  this  point  it  is  designated  as  the  Chang- 
kiang,  or  Long  River,  and  flnaUy,  in  its  reach  next  the 
sea,  as  the  Yang-tse-kiang. 

Unlike  the  Hwang-ho,  it  has  many  large  tributaries, 
the  most  important  of  which  is  the  Kan-kiang  in  the 
province  of  Kiangsi.  This  afiiuent  drains  the  water  of 
the  Poyang  Lake,  and  continues  the  navigation  of  the 
Grand  Canal  and  the  Yang-tse  River  into  the  southern 
part  of  the  empire.  There  are  many  other  streams  flow- 
ing from  the  southern  mountains  into  the  river  and  swell- 
ing its  enormous  flood.  The  Han-kiang  in  Hupeh,  drain- 
ing a rich  and  populous  valley  of  great  extent,  is  perhaps 
the  largest  tributary  from  the  north,  and  its  junction 
with  the  main  river  marks  a spot  of  great  commercial  and 
strategic  importance  known  as  Han-kow.  It  is  open  to 
foreigners  as  one  of  the  treaty  ports,  and  in  the  future 
developmeut  of  the  country,  especially  as  to  railroads  and 
manufactures,  will  doubtless  become  one  of  the  greatest 
centers  of  activity. 

The  Yang-tse  differs  from  the  Hwang-ho  in  many 
other  respects  than  those  already  mentioned.  Its  outflow 
is  more  regular,  and  this  is  due  as  much  to  the  conflgura- 
tion  of  its  water-shed,  and  to  the  occurrence  of  lakes  like 
the  Poyang  and  Tung-ting,  which  hold  back  the  water  of 
the  region  tributary  to  them,  as  to  the  meteorological 
conditions  which  obtain  in  that  part  of  China.  The 
floods  are  very  great,  because  the  annual  downfall  of  rain 


THE  GRAND  CANAL. 


43 


is  also  very  great,  but  the  river-banks  are  generally  not 
so  low  as  to  be  frequently  overflowed,  even  by  freshets 
which  rise  thirty  feet  as  they  sometimes  do.  The  bar 
at  its  mouth  permits  the  passage  of  large,  ocean-going 
steamers  at  all  times,  and  although  the  estuary  contains 
shoals  and  flats  at  several  places,  they  do  not  interpose 
any  serious  obstruction  to  navigation.  At  a distance  of 
about  a hundred  miles  from  the  sea,  the  shores  although 
low,  approach  near  enough  to  each  other,  and  are  so 
broken  by  detached  but  commanding  hills,  that  they  lend 
themselves  readily  to  the  defense  of  the  interior  by  for- 
tifications, a number  of  which  have  already  been  located 
and  constructed. 

The  Grand  Canal,  which  has  lost  much  of  its  utility 
and  importance  since  the  Yellow  Eiver  changed  its  bed 
in  1853,  and  to  which  I shall  refer  more  fully  in  another 
chapter,  enters  the  Yang-tse  from  the  north,  about  three 
miles  above  Chin-kiang,  an  important  city,  admirably  situ- 
ated on  the  south  bank  of  the  river,  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty miles  above  its  mouth.  The  river  is  also  connected 
at  this  city  with  Shanghai,  Hang-chow,  and  many  other 
important  cities  south  of  the  Great  River  by  a continuation 
of  the  Grand  Canal,  or  by  other  canals,  creeks,  and  rivers, 
leading  out  of  it.  Indeed,  the  whole  region  between  Chin- 
kiang  and  the  sea,  on  either  side  of  the  Yang-tse,  is  a net- 
work of  canals  and  creeks  with  their  necessary  embank- 
ments, which  so  cut  up  and  divide  the  land  as  to  make  it 
almost  impassable  for  an  invading  army.  These  canals 
are  everywhere  the  same  in  general  characteristics,  and 
hence  the  description  of  the  Grand  Canal,  which  will  be 
found  farther  on,  will  answer  for  all. 

The  water-shed  of  the  Yang-tse  is  given  by  Williams 
at  548,000  square  miles,  and  by  the  “ American  Cyclo- 
paedia” at  750,000.  Various  estimates,  which  perhaps, 
are  but  little  better  than  guesses,  have  been  made  by  for- 


u 


CHINA. 


eigners,  of  the  annual  discharge  of  both  the  Hwang-ho 
and  the  Yang-tse,  but  none  of  them  are  based  upon  accu- 
rate measurements  or  systematic  observations.  The  Chi- 
nese themselves  have  no  conception  of  the  science  in- 
volved in  such  an  estimate,  or  of  the  use  to  which  the 
data  connected  therewith  could  be  put,  and  hence  have 
never  wasted  any  time  upon  it. 

The  next  great  river  of  China  is  the  Chu-kiang,  or 
Pearl  Kiver,  which,  with  its  three  principal  branches, 
drains  a water-shed  of  about  130,000  square  miles,  lying 
south  of  the  Nan -ling  or  South  Mountains.  It  enters 
the  sea  near  Canton,  and  its  western  branch,  rising  in 
Quangsi,  drains  and  affords  communication  to  nearly  all 
the  country  on  the  southern  border  of  the  empire.  The 
middle  or  northern  branch  heads  near  the  Che-ling  pass, 
on  the  direct  route  to  the  Poyang  Lake,  and  the  Yang-tse 
Eiver  at  Kiu-kiang,  and  at  no  distant  day  will  doubtless 
be  occupied  by  one  of  the  principal  railroad  lines  of  the 
empire.  Both  of  these  and  also  the  eastern  branch  are 
navigable  for  steamboats,  and  are  important  arteries  of 
trade,  as  well  as  noticeable  agencies  in  shaping  the  to- 
pography of  the  region  drained  by  them. 

There  is  another  considerable  river  known  as  the  Min, 
which  enters  the  sea  at  Foo-Chow,  about  midway  between 
Canton  and  the  mouth  of  the  Yang-tse,  but  its  water-shed 
is  of  much  less  extent  than  either  of  those  heretofore 
mentioned. 

The  Pei-ho,  which  enters  the  Gulf  of  Pechili  at  Taku, 
is  a considerable  river,  and  at  times  discharges  a large  vol- 
ume of  water,  but  it  is  principally  remarkable  from  the 
fact  that  it  lies,  with  all  its  tributaries,  entirely  in  the 
Great  Plain,  and  has  at  widely  separated  intervals  con- 
stituted the  bed  of  the  Yellow  Eiver  for  many  years 
at  a time.  It  drains  but  little  mountain  or  hill  coun- 
try, notably  small  areas  lying  northwest  of  Peking,  west 


THE  PEI-nO. 


45 


of  Pau-ting-fu,  and  in  Southeastern  Shansi.  It  conse- 
quently has  had  but  little  influence  in  shaping  the  topog- 
raphy of  the  country,  but  as  it  is  navigable,  notwith- 
standing its  great  crookedness,  for  ocean-steamers  of  ten 
or  twelve  feet  draught  to  Tientsin,  fifty  miles  from  its 
mouth,  and  is  the  principal  means  of  access  for  both 
native  and  foreign  officials  to  Peking,  as  well  as  for 
nearly  all  the  foreign  goods  consumed  in  the  country 
north  of  the  Yellow  Eiver,  it  is  of  great  importance  to 
the  Chinese,  in  connection  with  commerce  and  also  with 
the  national  defense.  Its  southern  branch,  the  Wei-ho, 
is  occupied  by  the  Grand  Canal  from  Tientsin  to  Lin- 
tsing, a distance  of  about  three  hundred  miles  by  its  tortu- 
ous course.  Its  northern  branch  is  similarly  occupied  for 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  between  Tientsin  and 
Tung-Chow,  fifteen  miles  east  of  Peking.  Tientsin,  situ- 
ated at  the  meeting-point  of  its  various  branches,  is  a city 
of  nearly  a million  inhabitants,  and  being  a treaty  port, 
as  well  as  the  port  of  Peking,  it  has  a flourishing  foreign 
settlement,  and  Is  a city  of  great  importance  as  a center 
of  commercial  and  political  influence.  While  it  is  not 
the  capital  of  the  province,  it  is  the  chief  seat  of  the 
viceroy,  Li-IIung-Chang,  and  derives  great  additional  im- 
portance from  that  faet. 

The  entrance  to  the  Pei-ho  is  obstructed  by  a bar, 
which  effectually  closes  the  river  against  steamers  except 
at  high  tide,  and  even  then  they  can  not  enter,  drawing 
more  than  twelve  or  thirteen  feet,  but  it  is  fully  within 
the  range  of  modern  engineering  skill  to  remove  the  bar, 
and  make  a port  at  Taku,  just  within  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  accessible  at  all  times  for  vessels  of  even  twenty  feet 
draught.  The  river  carries  but  little  water  into  the  gulf 
at  any  time,  except  during  the  rainy  season,  and  as  it  lies 
altogether  in  the  Great  Plain,  and  has  but  little  fall,  it 
silts  up  rapidly,  as  soon  as  the  outpour  of  flood-water  has 


46 


CHIXA. 


ceased,  and  then  even  the  light-draught  ocean-steamers 
which  plj  between  it  and  Shanghai  have  the  greatest 
difficulty  in  ascending  it  more  than  fifteen  or  twenty 
miles.  It  is  entirely  devoid  of  rocks,  and,  there  being  no 
forest-trees  anywhere  on  its  banks,  it  is  also  free  from 
snags  and  sawyers,  such  as  used  to  make  the  navigation 
of  our  Western  rivers  so  difficult  ; hence  steamers  suffer 
no  danger  and  no  inconvenience  even  from  running 
ashore  or  getting  aground,  except  from  the  delay  and 
expense  which  follow. 

The  Peh-tang,  which  enters  the  gulf  about  ten  miles 
farther  north,  has  a deeper  channel  across  its  bar  than 
the  Pei-ho,  and  is  of  some  importance  from  a military 
point  of  view  on  that  account.  The  sea-coast  between 
these  two  rivers,  being  only  about  one  hundred  and  ten 
miles  from  Peking  by  the  traveled  roads,  has  been  se- 
lected more  than  once,  notwithstanding  the  shoal  water 
along  it,  by  foreign  powers  at  war  with  China,  as  a 
landing-place  and  base  for  hostile  operations  against  the 
capital,  and  this  circumstance  must  always  cause  the 
Chinese  Government  to  regard  it  as  well  as  the  Pei-ho 
and  the  Peh-tang  Rivers  with  peculiar  anxiety.  They 
occupy  important  positions  in  connection  with  both  the 
invasion  and  defense  of  the  country,  and  hence  have 
been  carefully  surveyed  by  foreigners,  and  elaborately 
fortified  at  their  entrance  and  at  various  points  higher  up 
by  the  Chinese.  In  the  future  development  of  the  coun- 
try, the  entrance  to  the  Pei-ho  must  necessarily  be  im- 
proved, the  dry-docks  and  other  facilities  for  repairing 
ships  at  Taku  must  be  increased,  and,  last,  but  not 
least,  a railroad  must  be  built  from  Taku  to  Tient- 
sin, Pau-ting-fu  and  Peking.  There  is  no  other  route 
in  the  empire  where  a larger  passenger  and  freight 
traffic  require  to  be  accommodated,  and  certainly  none 
where  the  contingencies  of  the  national  defense  so  im- 


DRY  RIVER-BEDS. 


47 


peratively  demand  the  construction  of  a first-class  rail- 
road. 

There  are  many  other  rivers  shown  on  the  maps  of  the 
Great  Plain,  but  with  the  exception  of  the  New-Chwang,  in 
the  province  of  Shinking  and  the  Ta-wen-ho,  which  rises  in 
the  western  part  of  the  Shantung  Hills,  and  supplies  the 
Grand  Canal  south  of  the  Yellow  Kiver  with  water,  they 
nearly  all  dry  up  during  the  rainless  season,  and  are  indi- 
cated generally  by  a swale  in  the  plain  bordered  by  em- 
bankments to  restrain  the  water  during  flood-time.  I have 
crossed  many  of  them,  so  faint  in  outline  and  so  perfectly 
dry,  that  I had  great  difficulty  in  locating  them  at  all.  The 
great  rivers  of  the  country  are  the  Yang-tse-kiang  and  the 
Hwang-ho,  which  have  through  countless  ages  been  slowly 
cutting  down  the  mountains  and  loess  terraces,  and  build- 
ing up  the  great  delta  plain.  The  Chu-kiang  and  Min  have 
in  a lesser  degree  been  doing  the  same  kind  of  work  upon 
the  southern  and  eastern  slopes  of  the  mountains  and  bor- 
ders of  the  sea  south  of  the  Yang-tse.  Keeping  these 
facts  constantly  in  mind,  the  outlines  and  natural  subdi- 
visions of  the  land  will  also  be  easily  understood  from 
the  description  which  follows  in  the  next  chapter. 


CHAPTER  V. 


The  surface  of  the  country — Sinian  Mountain  system — The  highlands  and 
hill  country — Origin  of  the  loess  terraces — The  outlying  dependencies 
— Corea,  Manchuria,  Mongolia,  Hi,  Turkistan,  and  Thibet — The  Great 
Plain  or  delta — Coal,  iron,  and  other  minerals — The  Kaiping  coal- 
mines and  railroad — The  first  locomotive  built  in  China — The  coal- 
mines of  Formosa  and  Shansi — Coal  transported  in  wheelbarrows — 
The  development  of  coal  and  iron  receiving  Government  attention — 
Foreign  experts  required — Conservatism  of  the  Government. 

The  surface  of  China  is  naturally  subdivided  into 
mountainous  and  hilly  country,  the  loess  terraces  or 
plains,  and  the  Great  Plain  or  delta  of  the  Hwang-ho  and 
Yang-tse-kiang. 

Beginning  in  the  high  mountain-region  of  Thibet, 
into  the  borders  of  which  the  daring  and  resolute  Colo- 
nel Prejevalsky  has  recently  pushed  his  explorations, 
but  which  is  still  a great  geographical  puzzle,  the  mount- 
ain system  of  China,  buttressed  upon  the  lofty  Hima- 
layas, branches  off  into  four  principal  ranges  with  many 
spurs  and  outliers,  the  general  trend  of  which  is  at 
first  east  and  west,  and  afterward,  as  they  pass  through 
Central  China  and  approach  the  ocean,  northeast,  and 
southwest.  Roughly  speaking,  everywhere  in  China 
projjer,  as  well  as  in  Formosa  and  Japan,  the  upheaval 
is  parallel  with  the  direction  of  the  Chinese  coast  and 
is  designated  by  Pumpelly  as  the  Sinian  system.  Its 
trend  is  particularly  noticeable  in  the  southeastern  prov- 
inces, and  again  in  the  northern  and  western  part  of  the 
northeastern  provinces.  There  is  a great  congeries  of 


CHINESE  MOUNTAIN  SYSTEM. 


49 


mountains  in  Southern  and  Eastern  Thibet,  of  which  the 
principal  drainage  is  to  the  southeast  into  the  Meikon 
and  the  Yang-tse-kiang.  The  principal  outliers  of  these 
mountains,  to  the  eastward  are  the  Peh-ling  or  North 
Mountains  which  separate  the  valleys  of  the  Hwang-ho 
and  Yang-tse-kiang  by  more  than  four  hundred  miles, 
on  or  near  the  105th  meridian  east  of  Greenwich. 

The  Nan-ling  or  the  South  Mountains,  in  the  south- 
eastern provinces,  seem  to  be  a separate  upheaval,  and  to 
be  broken  up  into  short  ranges,  which  give  to  all  the 
country,  except  the  delta,  south  of  the  Yang-tse  a rough  if 
not  mountainous  surface.  The  highlands  touch  the  coast 
everywhere,  from  Hanchow  Bay  to  Canton,  and,  being  bare 
of  trees,  give  it  a bold  but  uninviting  appearance.  They 
also  strike  the  Yang-tse  near  Chin-kiang,  and  at  many 
other  points  along  the  river  to  Ichang.  There  are  a few 
bits  of  table-land  in  this  hill-region,  and  two  considerable 
river-valleys  containing  the  Poyang  and  the  Tung-ting 
Lakes.  It  is  about  four  hundred  miles  wide  by  one  thou- 
sand miles  long,  and  much  of  it  is  covered  with  trees, 
and  is  susceptible  of  cultivation.  On  the  eastern  and 
southeastern  sea-coast  the  hills  are  bare  and  ragged,  and 
look  like  the  hills  of  New  Mexico  rather  than  those  of 
our  Eastern  States. 

The  region  between  the  Yang-tse  and  the  Yellow 
Eiver  is  similar  to  that  just  described.  Its  drainage  is 
almost  all  toward  the  Yang-tse,  although  a considerable 
river  draining  the  greater  part  of  Shensi,  joins  the  Ho- 
ang-ho  at  the  southwest  comer  of  Shensi.  North  of 
the  Peh-ling  divide  the  loess  terraces  are  found  ; they 
cover  a great  part  of  the  two  provinces  just  named,  and 
are  noted  for  their  inexhaustible  fertility.  This  curious 
formation  is  also  found  at  the  foot  of  the  Shan-tung  Hills, 
and  there,  as  well  as  elsewhere,  has  been  a puzzle  to 
geologists,  some  of  whom,  including  Pumpelly,  the  Ameri- 
3 


50 


cmxA. 


can  savant,  ascribe  its  orign  to  lacustrine  or  subaqueous 
deposit.  The  investigations  of  Baron  Kichthofen,  a 
learned  German,  sent  out  by  the  Shanghai  Chamber  of 
Commerce,  have  led  him,  however,  to  formulate  the  theory 
that  it  is  composed  of  subaerial  dust  deposits,  which  have 
been  laid  down  through  countless  ages  of  the  past  by  the 
winds  which,  sweeping  over  the  plains  from  the  north- 
west, become  laden  with  the  dust  of  the  dried-up  gi'asses 
and  vegetation,  and  of  the  mineral  substances  which  are 
broken  down  and  pulverized  by  the  action  of  frost.  This 
dust  is  so  fine  that  it  sifts  through  every  crack  and  cranny, 
and  while  it  settles  everywhere  in  times  of  calm,  it  is,  of 
course,  almost  impossible  to  detect  the  slow  growth  of  the 
earth’s  surface  from  that  source.  Wherever  the  loess  de- 
posits are  found,  they  present  the  same  curious  features. 
They  have  a uniform  yellowish-clay  color,  very  like  the  soil 
of  Mississippi  between  Vicksburg  and  Jackson,  and  their 
surface  is  nearly  level.  Where  cut  into  by  roads,  or  by 
the  action  of  streams,  the  exposed  cut  stands  vertical  and 
presents  a series  of  columnar  pipelets  of  irregular  polyg- 
onal cross-section,  which  also  stand  vertical,  are  readily 
cleavable  from  one  another,  break  easily,  and  are  filled 
with  capillary  tubes  of  carbonate  of  lime.  This  loess 
clay  pulverizes  quickly  in  the  roads,  and  the  wind  blows 
it  away.  The  consequence  is,  that  the  roads  are  con- 
stantly being  lowered,  and  in  many  places  are  sunken  far 
below  the  level  of  the  country.  They  not  infrequently 
become  the  bed  of  a torrent  caused  by  the  outflow  of 
rain-water,  and  when  this  is  the  case  they  are  still  more 
rapidly  deepened.  The  banks  of  rivers  in  the  loess  re- 
gion also  stand  vertical,  and  are  found  in  more  than  one 
district  several  hundred  feet  high.  In  such  cases  the 
inhabitants  burrow  into  them,  and  dig  out  houses  more 
or  less  commodious,  in  which  they  dwell,  and  excavate 
granaries,  in  which  they  store  their  crops. 


THE  LOESS  TERRACES. 


51 


The  capillary  tubes  mentioned  above  are  almost  in- 
visible, except  by  the  aid  of  a microscope,  and  are  sup- 
posed to  have  been  formed  by  the  slow  decay  of  the  lower- 
most grass-rootlets,  due  in  turn  to  the  slow  rising  of  the 
surface,  as  the  impalpable  dust  settles  upon  it,  and  to 
the  consequent  exclusion  of  light  and  heat.  The  tubes 
serve  to  bring  the  moisture  of  the  earth  below  to  the 
surface,  and  along  with  it  the  salts  necessary  for  the  sus- 
tenance of  the  growing  crops.  Cultivated  land  in  the 
loess  region,  therefore,  withstands  drought  much  better 
than  any  other  laud  known,  and  retains  or  renews  its  fer- 
tility, without  the  application  of  artificial  manure,  in  a 
very  remarkable  manner.  It  is  thought  that  farms  in 
this  region  have  been  producing  crops  of  wheat  for  thou- 
sands of  years,  practically  without  rotation,  or  the  assist- 
ance of  fertilizers  of  any  kind. 

In  Shan-tung,  the  loess  terraces  are  situated  next  to 
the  foot  of  the  hills,  and  just  above  the  level  of  the  Great 
Plain.  They  present  all  the  characteristics  of  those  in 
Shansi  and  Shensi,  but  are  not  so  wide  or  thick.  The 
color  of  the  loess  substance  is  brighter  than  the  soil  of  the 
Great  Plain,  but  it  is  easy  to  see  that  they  might  have 
had  a common  origin,  the  difference  being  that  the  loess 
was  laid  down  by  the  wind  and  has  undergone  no 
change  except  that  produced  by  the  vegetation  growing 
on  the  surface,  while  the  soil  of  the  Great  Plain  is  alluvial, 
and  was  eroded  from  the  loess  terraces  and  and  table- 
lands and  intermixed  with  other  materials  by  the  action 
of  running  water,  partly  dissolved,  held  in  suspension, 
transported  and  finally  laid  down  in  salt-water.  The  first 
when  dry  is  a bright-yellowish  color  like  ordinary  clay, 
and  the  second  a yellowish-gi-ay  color.  Either  will  make 
sun-dried  or  burned  bricks. 

There  is  also  a range  of  hills  in  the  eastern  and  north- 
ern perts  of  Shansi,  Northern  Chihli,  and  Shinking,  which 


52 


CHINA. 


extends  to  and  beyond  the  Great  Wall,  and  is  said  to 
contain  rich  deposits  of  coal,  iron,  and  other  minerals. 
They  are  entirely  bare  of  trees,  and  when  viewed  from  the 
plain  are  ragged  and  serrated  in  outline,  variegated  in 
color,  and  full  of  cliffs,  crags,  detached  bowlders,  and 
broken  materials.  On  the  whole,  they  remind  one  of  the 
hills  of  New  Mexico,  Colorado,  and  Arizona,  and  so  far 
as  one  can  now  see,  were  never  covered  with  trees  or  luxu- 
riant vegetation.  This  is  doubtless  due  in  part,  if  not 
entirely,  to  the  extreme  aridity  of  the  climate. 

Outside  of  China  proper,  beginning  on  the  north,  at  the 
sea-coast,  is  Corea,  a tributary  kingdom  ; then,  proceeding 
west  and  northwest,  come  Liautung,  Shinking,  Kirin,  and 
Tsitsihar,  constituting  Manchuria,  from  which  came. the 
present  imperial  Chinese  dynasty  as  conquerors.  Sweeping 
farther  to  the  westward,  we  have  Inner  and  Outer  Mongolia, 
separated  from  each  other  by  the  sandy  desert  of  Shamo 
or  Gobi,  and  subdivided  into  many  khanates.  Beyond, 
and  still  farther  to  the  west,  in  the  very  heart  of  Asia, 
lies  Hi,  or  Chinese  Tartary,  a vast,  cheerless,  arid  region, 
divided  into  Tien-Shan  Peh-lu,  or  Sungaria,  and  Tien- 
Shan  Nan-Lu,  by  the  Tien-Shan  or  Celestial  Mountains. 
This  region  contains  Barkul,  Urum-tsi,  and  Kuldja,  all 
widely  separated,  but  on  the  road  from  China  to  Europe, 
and  celebrated  of  late  years  as  points  in  the  remarkable 
campaign  made  by  the  late  Tso  Tsung-Tang  for  the  pur- 
l^ose  of  repossessing  this  remote  corner  of  the  empire, 
and  reducing  it  to  obedience  to  the  throne. 

The  southern  part  of  Hi  is  known  as  Eastern  Turkistan. 
It  contains  the  cities  of  Kashgar,  Yarkand,  Khoten,  and 
Kirrea,  and  is  separated  from  Bod  or  Thibet  by  the  Kwan- 
lun  Mountains.  This  last  dependency  is  subdivided  into 
Elterior  and  Anterior  Thibet,  and  is  broken  up  into 
many  smaller  districts  by  the  numerous  mountain-ranges 
which  make  it  the  most  inaccessible  country  in  the  world. 


OUTLYING  DEPENDENCIES. 


53 


These  outlying  regions,  and  especially  Thibet,  are  thought 
to  be  rich  in  minerals  of  all  kinds,  and,  although  thinly 
populated  by  semi-civilized  tribes,  subsisting  mainly  on 
the  products  of  their  herds,  'will,  when  brought  into  com- 
munication with  the  rest  of  the  world  by  railroads,  afford 
homes  aud  occupation  for  a population  many  times  larger 
than  they  now  support.  They  contain  over  three  million 
square  miles  of  territory,  and  while  the  most  of  them  have 
been  visited  and  more  or  less  carefully  described  by  Eu- 
ropean travelers,  they  yet  remain  to  be  scientifically  ex- 
plored, and  brought  under  the  domination  of  modern  uses 
and  ideas.  So  far  as  I can  malce  out,  they  are,  in  many 
respects  like  our  own  Kocky  Mountain  regions,  arid, 
inhospitable,  and  barren.  Vegetation  is  everywhere 
scarce,  great  tracts  are  sandy  wastes,  almost  impassable 
by  man,  and  forsaken  even  by  birds  and  beasts,  but 
abounding  in  mineral  resources,  which  will  some  day 
give  occupation  to  millions  of  people.  Thibet  is  said  to 
be  specially  rich  in  precious  stones,  and  some  idea  may 
be  had  of  the  possible  extent  and  variety  of  its  resources 
when  it  is  remembered  that  it  is  eighteen  hundred  miles 
long  from  east  to  west,  by  nearly  nine  hundred  miles  wide.* 
The  northern  part  of  Mongolia,  bordering  on  the 
Amur  and  its  tributaries,  is  now  known  to  contain 
placer  gold-mines  of  great  richness,  and  there  is  already 
a rush  of  both  Chinese  and  Russian  miners  into  that 
region.  It  is  not  impossible  that  it  may  soon  prove  to 
be  as  great  a source  of  gold  as  California  was  in  the  first 
decade  after  it  came  under  the  sway  of  the  Americans. 
Should  this  prove  to  be  the  case,  it  will  greatly  influence 
the  construction  of  railroads  into  that  region,  both  from 
Europe  and  Northern  China.  The  great  want  now  of  all 
the  border-region  of  China  is  efficient  transportation  and 


■*  See  the  Travels  of  Abbe  Hue. 


54 


CHINA. 


some  idea  can  be  had  of  the  influence  of  this  want  upon 
the  spread  of  ciyilization,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the 
Kuldja  expedition,  starting  from  the  capital  of  Kansuh, 
took  three  years  to  reach  its  destination,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  halt  at  the  proper  seasons,  and  grow  and  garner 
the  crops  which  constituted  its  main  source  of  supply.  At 
present  the  camel  is  the  sole  means  of  transport,  but,  as 
his  average  burden  does  not  exceed  four  hundred  pounds, 
and  the  country  affords  but  a scanty  supply  of  the  coarsest 
forage-plants,  the  cost  of  transport  by  such  means  is  be- 
yond all  proportion  to  its  efficiency.  Nearly  all  the  tea 
used  in  Siberia  and  Russia  is  carried  by  camels,  and,  in 
order  that  the  cost  of  such  carriage  may  be  reduced  to  its 
smallest  relative  limit,  the  best  tea  is  selected,  and  it  is 
compressed  into  solid  ‘^bricks,”  from  which  circumstance 
it  is  known  as  “brick-tea.” 

But  by  far  the  most  interesting  part  of  China  is  the 
Great  RIaixu  which  consists  of  the  united  deltas  of  the 
Yang-tse-kiang  and  Hwang-ho,  and  extends  from  Hang- 
chow in  latitude  31°  north,  to  Shan-hai-Quan,  in  lati- 
tude 40°  north,  or  a distance  of  over  six  hundred  and 
fifty  English  miles  in  a right  line.  Measured  on  its 
longer  axis  from  the  hills  northeast  of  Peking  to  the 
Poyang  Lake,  the  length  is  about  seven  hundred  miles. 
It  has  nearly  eleven  hundred  miles  of  sea-coast,  and  its 
greatest  width  is  nearly  five  hundred  miles,  while  it  aver- 
ages about  three  hundred  miles.  Its  sitperficial  area  is 
somewhere  between  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  and 
one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  square  miles.  It  is  every- 
where as  level  as  a floor,  and  almost  entirely  bare  of  trees. 
A few  are  found  along  the  margins  of  the  streams,  and 
around  the  larger  fields,  or  in  clumps  about  the  graves  of 
the  richer  families,  but  there  is  no  such  thing  as  groves 
or  forests.  Willow,  which  is  used  for  roofing-poles,  and 
elm,  which  is  used  for  the  construction  of  carts  and  agri- 


ABSENCE  OF  TREES  FROM  TEE  GREAT  PLAIN.  55 


cultural  implements,  are  by  far  the  most  common.  The 
ailantus,  and  the  jujube,  a tree  somewhat  like  the  Osage 
orange,  but  bearing  a fruit  which,  when  dried  and  jjre- 
served  in  honey,  resembles  the  date,  are  also  common.  A 
few  evergreens,  such  as  the  pine  and  the  arbor-vitae,  are 
used  to  shelter  the  graves  of  the  richer  mandarins,  and, 
as  these  are  generally  planted  in  a double  row  around  the 
gi’aveyard,  they  present  an  inviting  object  to  the  eye  of 
the  traveler,  weary  with  gazing  upon  the  dead  and  un- 
broken expanse  of  plain  which  constantly  surrounds  him. 

The  absence  of  trees  from  the  plain  is  natural.  Its 
soil  is  hard,  and  frequently  so  impregnated  with  salt,  and 
baked  by  the  sun,  that  trees  would  find  but  little  encour- 
agement, even  if  left  free  to  grow  undisturbed  by  man, 
but  in  view  of  the  fact  that  every  vestige  of  vegetation, 
even  to  the  roots  of  the  millet-stalks,  is  raked  off  the 
fields  and  plains  by  the  people,  and  burned  for  fuel 
during  the  winter,  it  is  evident  that  neither  shrub  nor 
tree  can  escape,  unless  it  has  special  protection.  Grass 
and  reeds  are  cut  and  raked  up  wherever  they  are  found, 
and  all  the  waste  places  are  invaded,  and  swept  clean  of 
the  dried  and  withered  vegetation.  Even  the  leaves  are 
gathered,  and  the  outer  bark  of  the  few  trees  is  in  some 
cases  scraped  off  and  scrupulously  housed  for  the  winter’s 
use.  One  of  the  most  characteristic  scenes  of  the  plain 
and  hill  country,  after  the  cold  weather  begins,  is  to  see 
men,  women,  and  boys  combing  the  sere  and  yellow  grass 
from  the  surface  of  the  ground,  with  ingeniously  con- 
structed bamboo  rakes,  wherever  a blade  has  made  its 
appearance.  I have  seen  adventurous  boys  far  up  the 
craggy  sides  of  the  sacred  mountain  in  Shan-tung,  hang- 
ing over  beetling  cliffs,  and  exploring  every  nook  and 
bench  and  every  stony  fissure  for  dry  gorse  and  grass, 
with  which  to  cook  the  scanty  meal  in  the  cheerless  hut 
of  their  parents  miles  away. 


50 


CHINA. 


Williams,  in  describing  the  bill-country,  south  of  the 
Yang-tse,  says  that  all  the  raking  and  scraping  which  is 
practiced  there  also  is  followed  by  burning  over  the  land 
for  the  purpose  of  fertilizing  the  soil ; but  my  observation 
tells  me  that,  when  the  raking  and  scraping  are  done, 
there  is  nothing  left  to  burn.  Of  course,  there  are  re- 
mote and  uncultivated  regions,  either  too  low  or  too  salt, 
or  too  frequently  overflowed,  or  too  poorly  drained  for 
cultivation,  or  too  far  out  of  the  way  to  be  entirely  de- 
spoiled of  their  coarse  reeds  and  grass,  and  these  are 
sometimes  burned  over,  but  burning  is  not  a common 
practice  anywhere,  and  it  is  generally  too  wasteful  in 
the  Chinaman’s  estimation  to  be  resorted  to  for  the  pur- 
pose of  fertilizing  his  land.  But  with  the  raking  and 
burning,  much  or  little,  as  the  latter  may  be,  the  aridity 
of  the  climate,  and  the  condition  and  character  of  the 
soil,  I doubt  if  any  considerable  part  of  North  China  has 
ever  been  covered  by  trees,  and  I am  sure  the  Great  Plain 
has  not  been  since  the  beginning  of  the  present  geological 
epoch  at  least,  any  more  than  have  the  prairies  of  Illinois 
or  the  great  plains  west  of  the  Missouri. 

/ China  proper  is  sometimes  called  by  the  Chinese  the 
Central  Flowery  Kingdom,  and  somehow  or  another  many 
foreigners  have  an  idea,  more  or  less  distinct,  that  it  is  a 
land  of  flowers  and  shrubbery,  if  not  of  sylvan  scenery,  but 
this  is  not  the  ease.  I have  visited  the  province  of  Honan, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  the  very  heart  of  the  “ Central 
Flowery  Land,”  and  the  earliest  home  of  the  Chinaman, 
but  there  is  absolutely  nothing  in  its  generally  flat  and 
cheerless  landscape  to  give  the  slightest  foundation  to  such 
an  idea.  There  are  no  farm-houses  or  farm-yards  in  all  the 
Great  Plain,  and  absolutely  no  such  thing  as  hedge-rows  or 
wild  flowers,  or  flower-gardens,  so  far  as  I could  discover, 
in  over  two  thousand  miles  of  travel  in  the  interior. 
Flowers  would,  of  course,  grow  there,  if  cultivated  and 


COAL  AND  IRON  DEPOSITS. 


67 


cared  for,  but  it  is  not  the  habit  of  the  Chinese  to  waste 
their  efforts  on  such  matters,  and  my  Judgment  is  that 
they  do  so  less  than  any  other  people  in  the  world.  I 
do  not  doubt  that  the  few  thousands  of  foreigners  and 
missionaries,  residing  in  and  near  the  treaty  ports,  grow 
more  flowers  than  do  the  whole  Chinese  race  outside  of 
them,  and  yet  the  Chinese,  when  properly  taught,  becom^ 
Yery  skillful  gardeners,  and  excel  especially  as  florists. 

Coal  and  iron  are  found  in  nearly  every  Chinese  prov- 
ince, except  those  lying  in  the  Great  Plain,  and  it  is  said 
by  Richthofen  that  the  extent  of  the  workable  coal-beds, 
and  the  quantity  of  coal  contained  in  them,  are  greater 
than  those  of  any  other  country  of  the  world.  Both 
anthracite  and  bituminous  coal  abound,  in  all  qualities, 
from  the  best  Lehigh  to  the  poorest  lignite,  but  the  meas- 
ures are  not  extensively  or  systematically  worked,  al- 
though they  have  been  opened  in  the  hills  near  Peking, 
and  perhaps,  elsewhere,  from  the  time  of  Marco  Polo. 
There  is  only  one  mine  in  the  whole  empire,  that  of  Kai- 
ping,  about  eighty  miles  east-northeast  from  Tientsin,  at 
the  edge  of  the  plain  and  the  foot  of  the  hills,  furnished 
with  European  machinery,  and  worked  under  European 
supervision,  and  even  that  one,  although  it  mined  and 
sold  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  tons  of  excellent 
bituminous  coal  last  year — perhaps  half  of  it  to  the  steam- 
ships visiting  the  Pei-ho — has  not  proved  to  be  a busi- 
ness success.  This  is  due  mainly  to  over-capitalization, 
aided  by  Chinese  inexperience  and  mismanagement.  It 
has  a most  excellent  plant,  consisting  of  houses,  shafts, 
hoisting  and  pumping  engines,  compressors,  and  a well- 
constructed  but  light,  standard-gauge  railroad  seven 
miles  long,  for  transporting  the  output  of  the  colliery 
to  the  canal  which  carries  it  through  the  plain,  twenty- 
one  miles  to  the  Peh-tang  River.  This  railroad,  the 
only  one  in  China,  was  opened  in  1881,  and  is  ex- 


58 


CHINA. 


ceedingly  well  built.  It  is  laid  with  thirty-five-pound 
steel  rails,  furnished  with  broken  stone  ballast,  and 
first-class  appliances  of  every  sort,  including  two  loco- 
motives built  in  England,  and  one,  the  “ Rocket  of 
China,”  the  first  one  ever  operated  on  the  road,  built  at 
the  company’s  works  at  Kaiping,  out  of  old  materials. 
Both  the  road  and  the  engine  were  built  and  put  into 
operation  surreptitiously  and  without  proper  government 
warrant  or  authority.  The  coal-mining  company,  com- 
posed exclusively  of  Chinese  capitalists,  was  authorized  to 
open  its  mines,  and  to  employ  foreign  experts  and  for- 
eign methods,  in  mining  and  hoisting  its  coal,  but  it  was 
never  dreamed  by  them  that  any  other  means  of  trans- 
port except  those  of  canal  and  river  would  be  necessary 
to  get  the  product  to  market.  The  Chinese  authorities, 
and  perhaps  even  the  Chinese  promoters  of  the  under- 
taking, assumed  that  it  would  be  feasible  to  dig  and 
operate  a canal  from  the  company’s  shaft  to  the  Peh-tang 
River  ; but  when  the  foreign  engineers  took  the  levels  of 
the  place,  and  of  the  uncertain  stream  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, it  was  discovered  at  once  that  the  mine-opening 
was  nearly  eighty  feet  above  the  level  of  the  plain,  that 
a canal  was  therefore  impracticable,  and  that  a tramway 
or  railroad  seven  miles  long  would  be  absolutely  neces- 
sary. This  was  made  known  to  the  Chinese  authorities, 
who  reluctantly  authorized  a tramway  to  be  substituted 
for  a part  of  the  canal,  but  the  company  was  specially 
enjoined  to  use  only  horses  or  mules  in  hauling  the  coal 
to  the  canal.  The  English  engineers,  however,  went 
quietly  to  work  to  build  a locomotive,  knowing  full  well 
that  nothing  else  would  answer  their  purpose.  Knowl- 
edge of  this  leaked  out  through  the  Chinese  mechanics, 
and  reached  the  ears  of  the  authorities  shortly  afterward. 
Orders  were  at  once  issued  to  stop  work  on  the  “ strange 
machine,”  and  this  was  done ; but  after  a while,  when  sus- 


THE  KAIPING  COAL-MINE. 


59 


picion  had  been  allayed,  work  upon  it  was  resumed,  and 
in  due  time  it  was  finished  and  put  successfully  in  oper- 
ation. The  railroad  being  in  an  out-of-the-way  region, 
and  remote  from  all  the  principal  highways,  was  ignored 
by  the  authorities,  and  no  notice  has  yet  been  taken  of  its 
existence,  or  of  the  operation  of  locomotives  upon  it  by 
the  Imperial  Government.  Curiously  enough,  no  high 
Chinese  official  has  ever  been  near  it,  and  so  long  as  it 
remains  unrecognized  by  the  imperial  authorities,  no 
great  official  is  likely  to  visit  or  inspect  it,  and  yet  it  is 
to  be  extended  immediately  to  the  Peh-tang  River,  under 
some  kind  of  license  from  the  provincial  government, 
based  upon  the  need  of  the  northern  fieet  for  coal  and 
the  fact  that  the  canal  from  the  end  of  the  railroad  to  the 
river  has  proved  to  be  entirely  unequal  to  the  business 
for  which  it  was  intended.  It  is  both  too  narrow  and 
too  shallow,  and  although  it  could  be  both  widened  and 
deepened  to  the  requisite  extent,  for  much  less  money 
than  the  railroad  will  cost,  the  fact  still  remains  that  it 
freezes  up  for  over  three  months  every  winter,  and  for 
that  period  becomes  entirely  impassable  and  useless. 

The  company  has  constructed  extensive  buildings  for 
the  accommodation  of  a school  of  engineering  and  min- 
ing, which  has  never  been  opened,  and  another  set  at 
either  end  of  the  railroad,  for  the  reception  and  enter- 
tainment of  distinguished  official  visitors,  who  have  never 
made  their  appearance.  It  employs,  besides,  a large  num- 
ber of  useless  Chinese  servants,  and  conducts  its  busi- 
ness in  a wasteful  and  extravagant  manner,  subject  to  the 
countless  squeezes  and  exactions  which  characterize  all 
Chinese  undertakings  of  a public  character.  The  foreign 
officials  are  exceedingly  capable  and  clever  men,  but  their 
functions  are  strictly  technical,  and  do  not  in  any  way 
involve  or  control  the  commercial  affairs  of  the  company. 

A coal-mine,  under  English  management,  was  opened 


60 


CHINA. 


and  furnislied  with  foreign  plant,  near  Kelnng,  in  the 
Island  of  Formosa,  several  years  ago,  but  it  was  aban- 
doned and  destroyed,  to  prevent  its  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  French  during  their  recent  occupancy  of 
that  island.  These  mines  are  now  worked  by  the  na- 
tives in  the  old  way,  as  are  others  in  the  hills  near  Pe- 
king, in  the  provinces  of  Shan-tung  and  Shansi,  and  also 
on  the  Yang-tse-kiang. 

The  coal  from  the  hills  near  Peking  is  an  excellent 
anthracite,  hut  it  is  understood  that  the  measures  are 
too  thin  for  extensive  workings  with  foreign  plant  and 
apiDliances.  The  coal  of  Southern  Shansi  is  of  the  very 
finest  variety  of  anthracite,  and  exists  in  thick  beds  of 
great  extent.  It  is  hauled  in  wheelbarrows  to  the 
Hwang-ho,  and  transported  to  Kai-fung-fu,  and  other 
points  farther  down  the  river,  in  considerable  quantities. 
It  is  also  distributed  throughout  the  surrounding  country 
for  several  hundred  miles  in  wheelbarrows,  each  of  which 
is  directed  by  a man  between  the  handles,  and  hauled  by 
one  or  two  donkeys,  and  carries  from  three  hundred  and 
fifty  to  four  hundred  pounds.  Notwithstanding  the  cheap- 
ness of  labor,  and  of  food  for  both  man  and  beast,  coal 
transported  in  this  way  for  any  considerable  distance  be- 
comes a costly  luxury,  entirely  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
common  people.  It  is  used  in  small  quantities  by  the 
rich,  and  by  the  public  cooks.  Coal  is  also  sent  to 
market  by  water  from  the  mines  on  the  banks  of  the 
Yang-tse,  and  will,  of  course,  bear  transportation  in  that 
way  to  much  more  considerable  distances  than  by  land, 
as  above  deseribed. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  abundance  of  coal,  and  the 
cheapness  with  which  it  can  be  mined,  its  consumption  is 
in  its  infancy  in  China,  and  nothing  but  the  introduc- 
tion of  railroads  and  modern  methods  of  mining  can 
bring  it  into  general  use  by  the  people. 


MINERAL  RESOURCES  UNDEVELOPED.  61 


Iron-ores  are  almost  as  widely  distributed  as  coal,  but 
little  or  nothing  of  their  character  and  economic  value 
is  known.  No  systematic  surveys  or  exploitations  have 
been  made  of  the  ore-beds,  and  there  is  not  a blast-fur- 
nace in  the  whole  empire.  What  little  iron  is  used  by 
the  Chinese  is  either  imported  from  foreign  countries, 
mostly  in  the  form  of  nail- rods  and  old  scrap,  or  is  made 
in  the  remote  districts  in  the  most  primitive  manner. 
Other  minerals,  and  especially  copper,  silver,  and  gold, 
exist  in  various  parts  of  the  empire,  but  they  have  neither 
been  sought  for  nor  worked  in  any  systematic  or  scientific 
way.  Special  exploitations  and  examinations  have  been 
made  by  foreign  experts,  and  some  efforts  based  thereon 
have  been  made  to  establish  smelting-works  for  the  re- 
duction of  copper-ores,  large  quantities  of  which  metal 
are  used  for  making  cash,  the  only  currency  of  the  coun- 
try, but  I failed  to  learn  that  any  of  the  copper-mines 
or  smelting-works  had  yet  been  worked  at  a profit. 
Much  of  the  copper  used  is  imported  from  Japan  and 
other  foreign  countries. 

The  fact  is  that  China,  notwithstanding  its  abundant 
supply  of  ores  and  coal,  is  behind  every  other  civilized 
country  in  mining  and  metallurgy.  She  has  no  experts, 
and  no  scientific  knowledge,  and  has  made  absolutely  no 
progress  in  respect  to  these  matters  for  the  last  five  hun- 
dred years  ; but  there  are  some  faint  indications  that  a 
few  of  her  leading  statesmen,  and  especially  Li  Hung- 
Chang,  the  Marquis  Tseng,  and  such  as  have  visited  for- 
eign countries  as  ministers  and  consuls,  have  come  to 
recognize  the  importance  of  these  industries  to  the  com- 
mercial and  manufacturing  interests,  as  well  as  to  the 
national  defense.  They  at  least  have  begun  to  ask  West- 
ern powers  for  geologists,  mining-engineers,  metallurgists, 
and  iron-masters,  and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  large  numbers 
of  such  men  must  sooner  or  later  find  employment  in 


62 


CHINA. 


China.  It  will  be  many  years  before  that  country  can 
educate  its  own  youtb  for  such  occupations,  not  only  be- 
cause they  have  no  competent  teachers  or  schools,  but 
because  the  language  itself  has  no  scientific  nomencla- 
ture whatever  connected  with  it.  Not  only  the  scientific 
ideas,  but  tbe  words  themselves,  must  be  introduced  into 
the  Chinese  mind  and  language,  and  this,  in  a country 
where  no  system  of  popular  education  jirevails,  and  no 
universally  spoken  dialect  exists,  is  an  exceedingly  diffi- 
cult task  to  accomplish. 

A greater  difficulty,  however,  than  that  remains  to  be 
overcome  before  any  substantial  advance  can  be  made  in 
mining  or  metallurgy,  or,  in  fact,  in  anything  else  pro- 
gressive, and  that  is,  such  a regeneration  of  the  Imperial 
Government  as  will  make  it  the  leader  of  the  Chinese 
people  in  the  march  of  modern  progress,  instead  of  the 
jealous  guardian  of  their  conservatism  in  self-conceit,  ig- 
norance, and  superstition,  as  it  now  is.  So  long  as  the 
present  condition  of  affairs  prevails,  no  scientific  or  pro- 
fessional man  should  go  to  China  for  employment,  except 
under  contract  with  tbe  Government  or  some  properly 
authorized  and  responsible  official.  The  time  may  come 
when  all  this  may  be  changed,  but  it  has  not  come  yet. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Population  of  China — No  complete  census  ever  taken — The  country  not 
overcrowded — Influence  of  famines,  rebellions,  pestilence,  and  floods 
— Reproduction  normal  and  active — Population  probably  greater  than 
ever  before — Country  capable  of  supporting  three  times  as  many 
inhabitants— Origin  of  the  Chinese  race — Physical  characteristics — 
Compression  of  feet— Manchus  do  not  practice  the  custom — Its 
origin — Failure  to  practice  it  looked  upon  as  evidence  of  abject  pov- 
erty and  distress — ^Food  of  the  Chinese  people — Domestic  animals. 

The  population  of  China  has  never  been  accurately^ 
enumerated,  and  no  such  thing  as  a scientific  and  com- 
plete ceusus,  such  as  is  now  regarded  as  absolutely  neces- 
sary by  all  modern  governments,  has  ever  been  conceived, 
much  less  undertaken,  by  the  Imperial  Chinese  Govern-^ 
ment.  All  statements  concerning  the  population  of  the 
country  are,  therefore,  but  little  better  than  mere  guesses, 
based  upon  partial  enumerations,  for  purposes  of  taxa- 
tion. All  authorities  agree  in  saying  that  the  best  one 
ever  made  was  that  of  1812,  at  which  time  the  eighteen 
provinces  (Formosa  was  then  included  in  Fo-kien)  of 
China  proper  were  estimated  to  contain  362,447,183 
souls,  or  an  average  of  about  200  to  the  square  mile.  In 
1868  the  Russian  statistician  Vassilivitch  gave  the  pop- 
ulation at  404,946,514  ; and  in  1881  the  Imperial  Mari- 
time Customs  reports  gave  it  at  380,000,000.  None  of 
these  reports  include  any  estimate  of  the  population  of 
Corea,  Manchuria,  Mongolia,  Hi,  or  Thibet,  but  as  they  are 


64 


CHINA. 


all  thinly  settled,  except  Corea,  which  claims  a quasi-m- 
dependence,  the  actual  figures,  even  if  they  could  be  had, 
would  probably  not  materially  change  the  grand  aggre- 
gate, while  figures  obtained  by  guessing  are  worse  than 
useless.  Withal,  some  travelers  have  estimated  the  en- 
tire population  of  the  empire  as  high  as  500,000,000, 
while  others  have  placed  it  as  low  as  300,000,000.  As 
to  the  probable  correctness  of  these  estimates,  and  for 
various  interesting  details  connected  therewith,  reference 
should  be  made  to  Williams’s  “ Middle  Kingdom,”  where 
they  are  fully  set  forth  and  discussed.  I have  no  data 
not  found  in  that  admirable  work,  or  in  other  books  of 
travel,  but  I have  a decided  conviction,  based  upon  my 
own  observation,  that  the  population  of  the  entire  em- 
pire can  not  exceed  300,000,000.  I have  traveled  exten- 
/sively  in  Northern  China,  and  especially  in  the  Great 
Plain,  which  is  considered  by  all  authorities  as  one  of  the 
most  thickly  settled  regions  of  the  empire,  and  yet  I saw 
no  evidence  whatever  of  overcrowding,  or,  indeed,  of 
any  extraordinary  density  of  population.  The  hamlets, 
villages,  and  towns,  into  which  the  entire  population  is 
gathered,  are  thickly  studded  over  parts  of  the  plain,  but 
they  are  neither  so  plentiful  nor  so  large  as  to  convey  the 
idea  that  there  is  not  room  for  more,  or  for  greater 
growth  of  those  which  already  exist.  Besides,  there  are 
considerable  reaches  of  unsettled  or  thinly  settled  coun- 
try in  which  the  villages  are  small  and  widely  separated. 
In  the  hill  country,  much  of  which  is  rough  and  not  ara- 
ble, the  population  is  still  thinner,  and,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that,  with  all  deductions  and  allowances,  China 
contains  from  one  fifth  to  one  third  of  all  the  people  in 
the  world,  I do  not  doubt  it  could  support  three  times  as 
many  as  now  inhabit  it,  if  all  its  land  were  brought  under 
proper  cultivation,  and  it  were  provided  with  a properly 
located  system  of  railroads  between  the  various  provinces 


INFLUENCE  OF  FAMINE. 


65 


and  outlying  dependencies,  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
terchanging their  different  productions  one  with  an- 
other. 

Frightful  famines  have  occurred  frequently  in  Shansi 
and  Shensi,  and  in  various  other  parts  of  the  Empire,  and 
owing  to  the  peculiar  meteorological  conditions  which 
prevail,  especially  in  Northern  China,  are  likely  to  occur 
again,  at  intervals,  for  all  time.  It  is  estimated  that  over 
ten  million  people  died  from  starvation  about  ten  years 
ago  in  Shansi  and  Shensi  alone,  while  abundance  and 
plenty  were  prevailing  in  other  parts  of  the  country. 
Every  effort  was  made,  both  by  the  foreigners  and  by  the 
Imperial  Government,  to  send  food  into  the  stricken  re- 
gion, but  owing  to  the  great  distances  to  be  traversed,  and 
the  entire  absence  of  river  and  canal  navigation,  as  well 
as  of  railroads,  but  few  of  the  suffering  multitude  could 
be  reached  in  time  to  save  their  lives.  Eeligious  and 
political  disturbances  and  rebellions  have  also  prevailed 
in  various  parts  of  the  empire,  especially  in  the  south- 
ern, southeastern,  and  western  provinces,  and  the  wars  for 
their  suppression  have  carried  off  many  millions  of  people. 
As  before  stated,  the  Taiping  rebellion  alone  is  estimated 
to  have  resulted  in  the  death  of  over  ten  million  people  ir^ 
the  fourteen  years  of  its  duration.  Pestilence  and  floods 
have  also  aided  in  the  work  of  destruction  ; and,  besides 
all  these,  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  in  some  regions 
population  has  crowded  close  upon  the  limits  of  the  reg- 
ular food-supply,  and  that,  with  the  aid  of  infanticide, 
which  is  prevalent,  especially  in  the  south,  has  strongly 
tended  to  prevent  any  rapid  increase  of  population. 
all  events,  the  common  impression  is,  that  the  population^ 
has  not  materially  increased  since  1812.  How  far  this 
impression  is  well  founded  I do  not  undertake  to  say, 
but  I must  add  that  my  own  observations  would  rather 
discredit  than  sustain  it.  It  seems  to  me  far  more  likely 


C6 


CHINA. 


that  neither  the  census  of  1812,  nor  any  other,  was  accu- 
rately taken,  than  that  reproduction  has  been  susj)ended 
in  any  degree,  or  that  famine,  pestilence,  and  war,  all 
combined,  could  have  killed  faster  than  the  tremendous 
aggregate  force  of  that  instinct  in  a population  of  360,- 
000,000  human  beings  could  increase  the  race  under  any 
circumstances  which  could  possibly  exist,  even  in  China. 
It  is  a perfectly  well  settled  custom  that  every  male 
Chinaman  must  marry  soon  after  he  comes  of  age,  and 
that  presupposes  at  least  one  vdfe  for  every  such  male. 
Polygamy  is  allowed,  but  not  generally  practiced  among 
the  common  people,  hence  the  influence  of  that  institu- 
tion may  be  ignored.  It  is  also  well  understood  that 
every  man  must  have  at  least  one  son,  either  of  his  own 
body  or  by  adoption,  to  reverence  him  while  living,  and 
to  worship  him  after  death  ; therefore  reproduction  is  a 
religious  as  well  as  a natural  and  political  duty,  and  as  a 
matter  of  fact  it  seems  to  flourish  as  well  in  China  as 
elsewhere.  In  all  my  travels  I saw  children  of  both 
sexes  in  abundance,  and  they  seemed  to  be  as  healthy, 
happy,  and  well  cared  for  generally,  as  in  any  other 
country  I ever  visited.  The  fact  is,  that  the  Chinese  not 
only  possess  the  same  instincts  which  characterize  the 
human  race  in  other  countries,  but  the  same  virtues  and 
the  same  vices  in  about  the  same  degree  as  other  people 
of  the  same  grade  of  civilization.  They  appear  to  be 
naturally  fond  of  children,  and  to  take  as  good  care  of 
tliem  as  of  themselves ; and  while  it  is  true  that 
girls  are  not  so  highly  prized  as  boys,  and  are  conse- 
quently more  frequently  made  away  with,  there  is  no 
scarcity  of  them,  so  far  as  I could  perceive,  in  any  region 
visited  by  me. 

From  all  these  circumstances  I believe  that  the  pojm- 
lation  of  China  is  now  greater  than  ever  before  ; that  it 
is  steadily,  though  perhaps  not  rapidly,  increasing  ; and 


POPULATION  INCREASING. 


67 


that,  with  the  introduction  of  the  appliances  and  varied 
industries  of  modern  progress,  it  will  increase  more  rap- 
idly hereafter  than  ever  before.  The  introduction  of  rail- 
roads, the  opening  of  mines,  the  construction  of  furnaces 
and  rolling-mills,  and  the  establishment  of  manufacto- 
ries, will  be  followed  by  a rise  in  wages,  which,  in  turn, 
will  bring  increased  comfort  in  clothing  and  habitation, 
as  well  as  an  increased  demand  for  and  a wider  and  more 
perfect  distribution  of  food  of  all  kinds  now  grown  by 
the  Chinese,  and  of  many  kinds  produced  only  by  foreign 
nations.  The  appliances  for  the  support  and  conserva- 
tion of  life  will  become  greater  and  better  exactly  in  the 
same  proportioji  as  the  progressive  movement,  after  it  is 
once  well  under  way,  develops  itself.  This  is  the  result 
which  has  followed  in  every  other  country,  and  there  is 
no  reason  whatever  for  supposing  that  a different  one 
will  follow  in  China. 

I shall  not  undertake  to  give  the  ethnographic  history 
of  the  Chinese  race,  further  than  to  say  that  it  belongs  to 
the  great  Turanian  or  yellow  stock,  and  it  has  doubtless 
inhabited  China  from  the  remotest  ages  of  the  past. 
Some  writers  believe  that  it  was  created  or  originated  on 
the  soil  which  it  now  inhabits,  and  in  view  of  the  complete 
isolation  by  the  sandy  and  arid  region  which  surrounds 
it  on  the  land-side  and  separates  it  from  Europe,  and  by 
the  boundless  sea  which  separates  it  from  the  rest  of  the 
world,  there  is  nothing  improbable  in  this  suggestion. 
It  has  always  seemed  to  me  much  more  natural  that  the 
various  branches  of  the  human  race  should  have  been 
evolved  in  countries  perfectly  adapted  to  their  wants, 
than  that  they  should  have  had  a common  origin  in  a 
remote,  inhospitable,  and  inaccessible  region  of  Central 
Asia,  as  is  so  commonly  believed  to  have  been  the  case. 

Such  writers  as  believe  that  the  race  came  into  China 
from  the  northwest — and  the  Chinese  themselves  seem 


68 


CHINA. 


generally  to  share  this  belief — contend  that  its  line  of 
progress  was  down  the  valley  of  the  Hwang-ho  rather  than 
that  of  the  Yang-fcse,  and  that  they  first  took  firm  root 
in  the  rich  plains  of  the  province  of  Honan,  from  which 
“Central  Flowery  Land”  they  spread  over  and  possessed 
all  of  Southeastern  Asia.  Be  this  as  it  may  (and  there  is 
no  trustworthy  historical  evidence  upon  which  to  affirm 
or  deny  the  theory),  the  race  has  certainly  displaced  or 
absorbed  all  others  of  the  land,  and  seems  to  be  one  of 
great  vigor  and  vitality.  The  people  of  the  north  are  in 
some  degree  fairer,  larger,  and  stronger  than  those  of  the 
south,  and  this  is  not  inconsistent  with  a common  origin 
and  substantial  freedom  from  adulteration.  Whatever 
differentiation  has  taken  place,  may  have  been  and 
doubtless  was,  due  to  climatic  infiuences,  rather  than  to 
intermixture  with  autocthonous  or  Maylasian  races. 

So  far  as  an  observer  untrained  in  ethnological  studies 
can  perceive,  the  Chinese  are  a remarkably  homogeneous 
people.  They  differ  but  little  in  face  or  feature,  whether 
they  belong  to  one  class  or  another,  or  to  the  same  or  dif- 
ferent provinces.  They  are  generally  up  to  the  average 
size  of  Europeans,  and  I should  say  considerably  above 
that  of  the  French.  Curiously  enough,  there  is  nothing 
but  rank  and  station  to  distinguish  the  Manchu  man- 
darins from  the  Chinese.  They  all  wear  similar  cos- 
tumes in  similar  grades  and  stations  of  life,  and  look  as 
though  they  might  belong  to  exactly  the  same  stock,  al- 
though the  Manchus  are  a conquering  race,  or,  should  I 
not  say,  a conquering  tribe  of  the  same  race  ? Their 
eyes,  hair,  and  skin  are  about  the  same  color,  and  to  all 
casual  observers  their  manners  and  customs  are  the  same 
in  nearly  every  respect.  The  males  all  shave  their  heads 
and  wear  queues,  but  this  custom  is  said  to  have  been 
distinctly  Manchurian  in  its  origin,  and  to  have  been 
forced  upon  the  Chinese  at  the  time  of  the  Manchu  con- 


COMPEESSION  OF  THE  FEET. 


69 


quest,  which  took  place  between  1635  and  1644  A.  D.,  as 
a sign  of  subjugation  and  submission. 

There  is  one  notable  difference  in  the  customs  of  the 
Manchus  and  the  Chinese.  The  women  of  the  latter, 
everywhere  and  in  every  station  of  life,  rich  and  poor, 
mandarin  and  coolie  alike,  have  their  feet  compressed, 
while  those  of  the  Manchu  women,  from  the  empress 
down  through  the  imperial  clan,  to  the  wives  and  daugh- 
ters of  the  common  soldiers,  permit  their  feet  to  grow  to 
their  natural  size.  The  custom  of  compressing  the  feet 
has  prevailed  for  several  hundred  years,  and  is  said  to 
have  had  its  origin  among  the  Chinese  from  the  circum- 
stance that  a beautiful  princess  had  club-feet,  and  that 
she  concealed  the  fact  so  completely  by  the  skill  with 
which  she  disguised  her  deformity  that  she  was  not  only 
greatly  admired,  but  it  became  the  fashion  for  all  the 
ladies  of  the  court  to  imitate  her  in  everything,  even  in 
the  effort  to  make  their  feet  look  small.  Tradition  has 
it  that  compression  was  resorted  to  for  this  purpose,  and 
that  the  fashion  spread  to  the  people,  and  gradually  be- 
came a confirmed  custom.  This  explanation  is  the  most 
commonly  accej)ted  one,  but  it  is  not  entirely  satisfactory 
to  me. 

There  is  also  a tradition  that  the  practice  was  at  first 
resorted  to  by  some  cruel  and  crusty  husband  for  the  pur- 
pose of  keeping  his  wife  and  daughters  from  “ going  a- 
gadding,”  and  that  it  was  found  to  work  so  well  that  his 
neighbors  also  adopted  it,  and  that  it  spread  throughout 
the  country.  Finally,  it  has  been  suggested  that,  what-  < 
ever  may  have  been  the  origin  of  the  custom,  it  is  re- 
tained because  the  male  sex  has  come  to  admire  the 
effect  of  it  upon  the  female  figure.  The  physical  result 
of  the  practice  is  to  bring  the  feet  down  to  mere  callous 
points,  to  reduce  the  size  of  the  ankle  correspondingly, 
and  to  obliterate  the  calf  of  the  leg  entirely,  so  that  the 


70 


CHINA. 


figure  tapers  rapidly  from  the  hips  to  the  ends  of  the  toes, 
and  the  more  completely  this  is  done  the  more  nearly 
^the  form  approaches  the  highest  Chinese  ideal  of  beauty. 

I have  heard  it  asked  if  the  practice  had  produced 
any  influence  in  decreasing  the  size  of  the  normal  Chinese 
foot,  and,  while  this  raises  a curious  question  in  heredity 
and  natural  selection,  I can  not  say  that  it  can  be  an- 
swered in  the  affirmative.  Both  Chinese  men  and  women, 
in  their  natural  condition,  have  hands  and  feet  which 
might  be  properly  called  small,  but  I could  not  perceive 
that  the  feet  of  the  men  are  unusually  small,  nor  do  I be- 
lieve they  are  so. 

f As  before  observed,  the  custom  of  compressing  the 
feet  of  the  girl-children  is  universal  among  the  people 
of  North  China.  The  common  belief  among  foreigners 
who  have  never  been  in  China  is,  that  the  custom  is 
confined  to  the  better  classes,  but  such  is  not  the  fact. 
It  is  practiced  by  every  walk  and  condition  of  life,  from 
^he  highest  and  richest  to  the  lowest  and  poorest.  Occa- 
sionally, a poor  little  houseless  and  homeless  waif  may  be 
seen  with  natural  feet,  but  this  is  looked  upon  as  the 
crowning  evidence  of  her  abject  poverty  and  friondless- 
ness.  I once  heard  a most  intelligent  and  sympathetic 
missionary  lady,  in  the  interior  of  Northern  China,  de- 
clare that  nothing  so  moved  her  pity  as  to  see  a Chinese 
girl  so  utterly  bereft  of  every  human  care,  so  lonely  and 
abject  in  her  poverty  and  distress,  as  to  have  no  one  in 
the  world  who  thought  enough  of  her  to  compress  her 
feet ! When  I expressed  my  astonishment  at  her  remark, 
and  asked  her  if  she  did  not  regard  the  custom  as  about 
the  worst  and  most  cruel  of  all  Chinese  customs,  she 
promptly  said  : “ Oh,  yes  ! it  is  as  bad  as  it  can  be,  when 
practiced  by  a whole  people,  and,  if  I w^ere  empress,  the 
first  edict  I would  issue  would  be  to  abolish  it ; but  so 
long  as  it  is  the  custom,  I only  know  one  thing  worse. 


FOOD  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


71 


and  that  is  not  to  follow  it  in  the  individual  case,  for 
that  betokens  a depth  of  sorrow,  loneliness,  and  poverty, 
beyond  which  there  is  no  lower  depth  possible  for  even  a 
Chinese  child.” 

After  seeing  the  Chinese  people  under  all  conditions 
of  life,  and  in  many  remote  and  widely  separated  parts  of 
the  empire,  I am  compelled  to  say  that  they  seem  to  me 
to  be  remarkably  strong,  robust,  and  healthy,  and  to  be 
specially  free  from  consumption  and  all  other  forms  of 
constitutional  disease.  It  is  quite  true  that  diseases  of 
the  skin  and  scalp  prevail,  but  they  seem  to  be  altogether 
due  to  an  insufficient  use  of  water  and  soap,  if  not  to  a 
positive  aversion  to  those  hygienic  necessities.  They  also 
seem  everywhere  to  be  well  fed  and  comfortably  though 
cheaply  clad.  Their  food  is  mostly  composed  of  vege- 
tables and  fish,  rice,  of  course,  forming  the  chief  depend- 
ence, esj)ecially  ^ the  southern  and  eastern  provinces, 
where  it  is  grown,  and  indeed  everywhere  else,  within 
reach  of  the  means  of  transportation.  Wheat  is  grown 
and  used  extensively  in  the  country  adjacent  to  the  Yel- 
low Kiver,  where  it  matures  and  is  garnered  generally 
before  the  coming  of  the  summer  floods.  It  is  ground 
into  a coarse  flour  by  the  primitive  means  employed  in  all 
Oriental  countries,  and  made  into  unleavened  cakes,  or 
into  bread,  which,  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  fuel,  is  boiled 
instead  of  baked.  The  loaves,  if  I may  call  them  loaves, 
are  about  the  size  of  apple-dumplings,  and  look  more  like 
them  than  anything  else.  They  are  said  to  be  a very 
good  substitute  for  the  bread  of  the  foreigners  when 
sliced  and  toasted.  In  out-of-the-way  places,  where  nei- 
ther rice  nor  wheat  can  be  had,  millet  is  used,  and  that 
is  also  ground,  boiled,  mixed  with  dried  fruits,  prin- 
cipally the  jujube,  and  sold  in  slices,  cut  from  the  mass 
as  called  for.  Cabbage  of  various  kinds  is  grown  nearly 
everywhere,  and,  boiled  with  sea-weed,  in  order  to  in- 


72 


CHINA. 


crease  the  Yolume  and  season  the  cabbage  with  the  salt 
which  it  contains,  enters  largely  into  the  diet  of  the  peo- 
ple. Sweet-potatoes  are  grown  and  consumed  in  the 
greatest  abundance.  Eadishes  and  pulse-foods  of  yarious 
sorts  are  cultivated  ; persimmons  as  large  as  tomatoes  are 
common  ; but,  generally  speaking,  the  country  is  not  rich 
in  fruits.  The  jujube  is,  perhaps,  the  most  common 
fruit  in  North  China.  It  is  called  the  date  by  foreigners, 
but  grows  upon  a tree  which  resembles  the  Osage  orange 
more  than  any  other  in  shape  and  size.  The  fruit  itself 
when  dried  and  preserved  in  honey  is  very  palatable,  and 
not  at  all  unlike  the  date.  Excellent  peaches  are  grown 
on  the  Yang-tse,  and  both  apples  and  pears  are  found  far- 
ther north,  but  they  are  of  inferior  quality.  Grapes  are 
also  found  in  the  north,  and  are  kept  through  the  winter 
by  burying.  There  are  several  varieties  of  them,  two 
of  which  are  large  and  luscious.  Oranges,  prunellos, 
cumquats,  loquats,  lychees,  and  lemons  grow  in  the 
south,  and  are  carried  in  small  quantities  by  itinerant 
fruit-venders  to  the  principal  cities  of  the  country.  Ber- 
ries and  small  fruits  are  unknown  except  to  the  foreign- 
ers, for  whom  they  are  gi’own  in  small  quantities  near 
the  settlements.  The  extended  sea-coast,  and  the  great 
number  of  canals,  rivers,  and  jionds,  are  peculiarly  fa- 
vorable to  fish,  and  they  are  caught  and  used  in  great 
numbers.  The  Chinese  are  skillful,  and  have  many 
ingenious  methods  of  taking  fish.  Nothing  that  lives  in 
water  can  escape  them,  or  comes  amiss  when  captured. 
They  use  every  kind  and  variety  of  fish,  and,  what  they 
can  not  use  fresh,  they  dry  and  salt  for  transportation  to 
the  interior,  so  that  the  average  Chinaman’s  most  regular 
and  constant  diet  is  rice  and  fish.  The  best  fish  known 
to  him  is  the  sam-lai,  which  is  identical  with  our  shad. 
It  is  highly  prized  by  the  mandarins  and  grandees  of  Pe- 
king. Meat  is  but  little  used. 


FOOD  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


73 


Beef  is  practically  unknown,  except  near  the  princi-^ 
pal  foreign  settlements.  Mutton  is  much  more  common, 
especially  in  Northern  China,  where  the  broad  or  fat- 
tailed Mongolian  sheep  are  raised  in  sufficient  numbers 
to  supply  the  foreigners,  and  the  richer  Chinese,  who  use 
it  sparingly.  It  is  of  excellent  quality,  quite  equal  when 
in  proper  condition  to  the  best  Southdown  mutton.  Pork 
is  the  national  flesh-food  of  the  Chinese,  and  roast  suck- 
ing-pig  the  piece  de  resistance  of  every  feast,  but  as  the 
hog  is  a natural  scavenger,  and  permitted  to  roam  at 
large  in  the  dirt  and  filth  of  every  town  and  village,  the 
idea  of  eating  pork  in  China  is  particularly  offensive  to 
most  travelers.  Ducks  and  common  barn-yard  chickens 
are  found  everywhere,  and  enter  largely  into  the  food  of 
the  people.  Eggs  can  always  be  had  in  abundance  and 
good  condition.  Game-birds,  especially  pheasants,  par- 
tridges, ducks,  and  snipe,  abound  in  the  country  along 
the  Yang-tse  and  its  tributaries,  and  are  very  good. 
Venison,  hare,  pheasants,  and  an  occasional  bustard,  are 
brought  to  the  Peking  market  from  Mongolia,  hut  such 
food  is  reserved  for  foreigners  and  wealthy  mandarins, 
and  is  hardly  ever  eaten  by  the  common  people.  But 
little  milk  is  produced,  and  that  only  for  the  foreignei's. 
Generally  speaking,  food  is  cheap  and  good,  and  the  na- 
tives appear  to  be  well  fed,  while  the  foreigner  can  get 
practically  everything  he  would  find  in  the  most  favored 
regions  of  Europe  or  America.  ^ 

The  Chinese  keep  but  few  domestic  animals.  Dogs 
are  found  everywhere,  and  of  many  kinds,  but  the  com- 
mon dog  of  the  country  is  a mongrel  of  decidedly  wolfish 
characteristics,  although  he  is  noisy  rather  than  fierce. 
He  seems  to  receive  but  little  care,  and  to  be  regarded 
rather  with  indifference  than  interest.  No  one  pays 
much  attention  to  him,  and  when  he  flies  out,  after  the 
manner  of  dogs  in  all  countries,  at  the  passing  stranger, 

4 


74 


CHINA. 


and  receives  a slashing  cut  with  a riding-whip  for  his 
pains,  as  he  frequently  did  from  my  party,  he  yelps  with 
mingled  fury  and  astonishment,  but,  instead  of  arousing 
the  sympathy  of  his  owner  by  his  outcry,  he  generally 
finds  himself  laughed  at  by  the  by-standers,  as  though  his 
misfortune  were  a good  joke. 

The  most  common  beast  of  burden  in  Central  and 
Southeastern  China  and  Formosa  is  the  water-buffalo,  or 
Bos  bubalos,  though  common  domestic  cattle  are  found  in 
small  numbers,  and  without  reference  to  sex  are  used 
for  plowing  and  working  in  carts.  Ponies  of  the  Mongo- 
lian or  Tartar  type  are  found  nearly  everywhere ; don- 
keys of  excellent  breed  are  still  more  common,  and  are 
used  both  for  riding  and  draught  purposes.  Some  of  them 
are  extremely  agile  and  well  broken  to  the  saddle,  but  they 
are  used  only  by  the  common  people.  Mules  are  exten- 
sively bred  in  the  north,  and  are  as  fine  as  the  finest  of 
Kentucky.  They  are  greatly  prized  in  Peking  and  the 
other  chief  cities,  where  they  are  used  exclusively  in  the 
carts  of  the  upiier  classes.  There  are  no  flocks  or  herds 
of  any  kind,  all  domestic  animals  being  held  and  cared  for 
in  small  numbers.  I have  frequently  seen  a pair  of  sheep, 
or  a single  cow,  or  donkey,  or  a couple  of  geese,  watched 
over,  while  feeding  in  the  field,  by  a boy  or  a grown 
man,  but  never  more  than  a half-dozen  animals  of  any 
kind  (except  chickens  or  ducks)  at  one  time  or  in  one 
place.  All  the  coal  brought  into  Peking,  and  all  the  tea 
and  merchandise  taken  from  Peking  into  Mongolia  and 
Siberia,  is  carried  on  the  backs  of  camels,  but  they  are 
not  found  or  used  elsewhere  in  the  Great  Plain. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


The  houses  of  the  Chinese — The  clothing — The  great  public  works — The 
walled  cities — The  only  crystallized  and  accumulated  labor  of  the 
Chinese — The  effect  of  depopulation — The  common  people  every- 
where poor — No  system  of  popular  education — No  conception  of  or 
vocabulary  for  science — Diversity  of  dialects — The  classical  or  liter- 
ary language  of  the  country — The  greater  wall  of  China — Chinese 
civilization — The  characteristics  of  the  race — Arrested  development 
— Future  progress. 


The  houses  of  the  common  Chinese  are  nearly  every- 
where built  of  si^-dried  brick,  and  covered  with  thatch 
of  millet-stalks  resting  on  rafters  of  willow  poles.  In 
the  hill  country,  where  rock  can  be  had,  it  is  substituted  ; 
and,  in  the  extreme  south,  bamboos  are  used  for  building 
purposes.  The  richer  people,  who  are  very  scarce,  as 
compared  with  the  multitude,  build  of  fire-burned  bricks, 
which  are  generally  of  a gray  color  and  much  larger  than 
the  bricks  used  in  foreign  countries.  When  the  house  is 
built  of  burned  bricks  it  is  covered  with  tiles  of  the  same 
material,  laid  on  a bed  of  mud  mixed  \vith  cut  straw. 
But  little  wood  is  used  in  the  construction  of  houses. 
The  doors,  sashes,  and  scanty  furniture,  are  made  of 
boards,  but  the  floors  are  either  of  clay  smoothed  down, 
or  of  burned  paving-tiles  made  of  the  same  clay  and  laid 
in  about  the  same  way  as  the  roofing-tiles.  The  windows 
of  the  common  houses  are  small,  and  filled  with  thin 
white  paper,  while  those  of  the  better  class  are  larger, 


76 


cnmA. 


and  occasionally  have  a single  pane  of  glass  in  the  cen- 
ter surrounded  by  paper.  There  are  no  fireplaces,  but 
nearly  every  house  is  furnished  with  a hang,  or  a raised, 
solid  platform,  of  the  same  materials  as  the  wall.  It  ex- 
tends across  one  end  of  the  room,  and  is  furnished  with  a 
small  furnace  and  flue,  for  the  purpose  of  heating  it  dur- 
ing the  night  when  it  is  used  as  a sleeping-place  for  the 
family  ; but  I am  compelled  to  say  that,  in  nearly  three 
thousand  miles  of  travel  in  midwinter,  between  the  Yel- 
low River  and  the  Great  Wall,  I never  saw  one  of  these 
hangs  which  had  been  warmed  up,  or  in  which  my 
servants  could  even  start  a fire.  Whether  there  is  a hang 
or  not,  there  is  an  open  furnace  in  every  house,  or  con- 
nected with  it,  and  which  may  either  have  a flue  or  a 
short  clay  chimney,  and  this  is  used  for  heating  water 
and  cooking,  hut  these  furnaces  and  their  appurtenances 
are  exceedingly  rude,  and  frequently  smoke  about  as  badly 
as  would  an  open  fire  built  on  the  floor.  Fuel,  as  before 
explained,  is  everywhere  scarce,  and  hence  fire  is  used 
only  for  cooking,  never  for  warming  the  house,  of  even 
the  rich,  and  this  renders  it  necessary  for  the  people  to 
keep  themselves  warm  during  winter  entirely  by  clothing, 
although  the  best  houses  sometimes  have  an  open  basin 
of  charcoal  burning  in  the  best  room  ; but  even  then  they 
are  cold  and  cheerless,  for  while  the  walls  and  roofs  are 
close  and  tight,  the  windows  and  doors  are  poorly  made,  ■ 
loosely  fitted,  and  nearly  always  left  open  or  on  the  slam. 
To  add  to  the  national  discomfort,  nothing  is  ever  re- 
paired, so  that  when  decay  begins  it  continues  till  the 
ruin  is  complete,  and  the  discomfort  becomes  unbearable 
even  to  a Chinaman. 

The  clothing  of  the  poor  in  China  is  made  of  cotton, 
and  never  anything  else.  It  is  nearly  always  dyed  blue, 
and  in  winter  is  wadded  and  quilted.  Occasionally,  men 
whose  occupation  requires  them  to  live  out-of-doors  in 


CLOTHING  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


77 


Northern  China,  wear  sheep-skin  overcoats  and  hoods. 
Woolen  cloth,  which  is  now  being  imported  in  small 
quantities,  is  but  little  wmrn,  and  never  by  any  except 
rich  people.  Silk  and  furs  constitute  the  dress  of  the 
high  officials  and  mandarins,  and  also  of  the  well-to-do 
merchants,  compradors  and  upper  servants  in  public,  or 
while  engaged  in  receiving  visitors  or  making  calls,  but  it 
is  said  that  they  are  laid  aside  even  by  the  richest  for 
cotton  garments  as  soon  as  the  special  occasion  which 
demanded  their  use  has  gone  by.  To  people  accustomed 
to  the  warm  and  abundant  woolen  clothing  of  Europe 
and  America,  the  mere  suggestion  of  cotton  for  winter 
use  conveys  an  idea  of  chilliness ; but,  so  far  as  I could 
ascertain,  it  proves  ample,  when  wadded  and  worn  in  a 
sufficient  number  of  layers,  to  keep  the  Chinese  warm  and 
comfortable. 

Cotton  is  grown  in  nearly  every  province  of  China, 
but  it  is  of  short  fiber,  and  good  only  for  the  rougher 
and  coarser  fabrics.  Every  Chinese  family  in  the  interior 
does  its  own  spinning  and  weaving,  and  nearly  all  its 
own  dyeing.  But,  of  later  years,  cotton  sheetings,  drills, 
and  jeans,  from  the  United  States,  have  come  into  general 
favor,  and  their  importation  is  rapidly  on  the  increase. 
With  proper  enterprise  this  trade  can  not  only  be  held 
but  largely  extended.  The  English  and  Germans  are 
doing  everything  in  their  power,  even  to  the  imitation 
of  brands  and  trade-marks,  to  take  it  away  from  the 
Americans,  but  a strict  adherence  to  the  high  standards 
heretofore  established,  with  a close  observance  of  the  re- 
quirements of  the  Chinese  consumers,  by  the  American 
manufacturer  and  merchant,  can  not  fail  to  keep  them  in 
the  lead,  at  least  in  this  line  of  business. 

While  there  seems  to  be  but  little  want  or  suffering 
even  in  the  poorer  districts  of  China,  except  during  the 
prevalence  of  fioods  or  famine,  it  is  evident  to  the  most 


78 


CHINA. 


casual  observer  that  there  is  never  any  great  surplus  of 
food  or  clothing,  and  that  the  masses  live  literally  from 
hand  to  mouth  now,  as  they  have  always  lived.  They 
are  a strictly  agricultural  people,  and  have  neither  mines, 
furnaces,  rolling-mills,  nor  manufacturing  establish- 
ments. They  live  in  poor  habitations,  and  have  no  grand 
buildings  constructed  of  stone  and  iron.  Even  their 
largest  temples  and  government  offices  are  badly  de- 
signed, built  of  perishable  materials,  and  are  poorly  kept. 
They  have  no  enduring  monuments,  and  no  public 
works,  except  the  Great  Wall,  the  Grand  Canal,  and  a 
few  large  river  embankments.  The  first  is  a work  of 
stupendous  magnitude,  and,  although  now  out  of  date, 
must  have  been,  when  honestly  defended,  entirely  effi- 
cacious in  keeping  the  northern  hordes  out  of  China 
proper.  The  Grand  Canal,  although  extending  almost 
from  one  end  of  the  empire  to  the  other,  must  have  al- 
ways been  a disappointment  and  an  expense  to  the  Impe- 
rial Government,  if  not  to  the  Chinese  people,  and  prin- 
cipally for  the  reason  that,  having  no  locks,  and  no 
proper  means  of  regulating  and  economizing  the  water- 
supply,  it  must  have  been  subject  to  frequent  and  vexa- 
tious interruptions  and  breaks,  to  the  serious  detriment 
of  navigation. 

There  is  one  other  form  of  public  work  which  strikes 
the  traveler  with  wonder.  I refer,  of  course,  to  the 
walls  of  fire-burned  brick  which  surround  every  great 
city  throughout  the  empire.  They  are  generally  from 
thirty  to  forty  feet  high,  from  twenty  to  forty  feet  thick, 
surrounded  by  wide  moats,  and  surmounted  by  crenel- 
ated parapets,  broken  by  towers  and  buttresses  at  frequent 
intervals,  pierced  by  arched  and  carefully  fortified  gate=- 
ways,  in  which  strongly  framed  gates,  covered  with  iron 
plates  and  studded  with  iron  spikes,  swing  heavily  every 
night  and  morning,  now,  as  they  doubtless  did  a thou- 


CITY  WAITS. 


79 


satid  years  ago.  Some  of  these  walls  are  as  much  as 
forty  miles  around,  and,  like  those  of  Nanking  and  Kai- 
fung-fu,  include  within  them  many  hundreds  of  acres  of 
land  upon  which  there  are  no  buildings  whatever.  It 
might  be  supposed  that  these  walls  were  all  erected  dur- 
ing the  time  corresponding  to  the  feudal  period  of  Eu- 
rope, and  certainly  many  of  them  were  ; but  I doubt  not 
more  than  one  has  been  built  in  this  century,  and  that 
if  a new  capital  were  selected  for  any  one  of  the  prov- 
inces, even  at  this  late  day,  the  governor-general  would 
surely  surround  it  with  a wall  exactly  in  the  style  of  those 
built  during  the  reign  of  Kublai  Khan.  This  is  no  vague 
supposition,  but  is  based  upon  an  actual  occurrence  which 
took  place  in  Formosa  since  the  close  of  the  last  Franco- 
Chinese  war.  It  was  found  that  the  old  capital  of  that 
beautiful  and  fertile  island  was  too  far  south,  and  had 
too  poor  a port,  to  permit  its  being  reached  readily, 
and  so  the  governor-general  was  authorized  to  select  a 
new  one  farther  north.  In  the  exercise  of  sound  judg- 
ment, he  selected  a spot  on  the  open  plain  near  Twatutia, 
on  the  Tamsui  River,  about  twelve  miles  from  the  sea, 
named  it  Tai-pak-fu,  and  at  once  surrounded  it  by  a cut- 
stone  wall  of  full  dimensions,  over  two  miles  around, 
built  in  the  style  and  furnished  with  all  the  ancient  and 
antiquated  glories  of  the  hoary  past.  The  interior  is 
dotted  about  by  the  buildings  of  the  governor-general’s 
yamen,  but  nine  tenths  of  the  space  inclosed  is  covered 
by  a paddy-field. 

Whether  this  wall  was  erected  at  the  special  direction 
of  the  Peking  Government,  or  merely  by  its  tacit  per- 
mission, in  pursuance  of  immemorial  custom,  I could 
not  ascertain  ; but  in  view  of  the  fact  that  it  is  within  a 
mile  of  two  cities,  either  said  to  contain  over  a hundred 
thousand  inhabitants,  it  may  be  that  the  governor-gen- 
eral thought  he  would  be  safer,  within  its  enceinte,  from 


80 


CHIXA. 


insurrection,  or  a sudden  rush  of  the  people,  than  he 
would  be  in  either  city  or  in  an  open  camp,  and  in  this 
he  is  clearly  right,  if  he  can  only  depend  upon  the  fidel- 
ity of  his  guard. 

The  great  works  just  enumerated  constitute  the  only 
crystallized  and  accumulated  labor  of  the  Chinese  people, 
through  all  the  ages  of  their  residence  in  China ; and 
while  they  are  really  great,  and  represent  the  toil  of 
many  millions  of  men,  they  are  all  of  a public  character, 
and  bear  testimony  rather  to  the  slavery  of  the  subject 
than  to  the  intelligence  of  the  Government.  When  one 
considers  the  unlimited  authority  of  the  Chinese  Empe- 
rors, and  the  countless  millions  under  their  control,  and 
which  have  been  under  their  control  for  so  many  gener- 
ations, the  only  wonder  is  that  still  greater  works,  of  a 
higher  and  better  class,  have  not  been  left  as  monuments 
to  their  wisdom  and  power.  As  it  is,  it  is  hardly  too 
much  to  say  that,  if  China  should  become  depopulated 
and  remain  so  for  ten  years,  the  traveler  could  discover 
but  few  traces  of  human  occupation  anywhere  within  her 
far-reaching  limits,  except  the  ruins  of  these  great  works. 
Barring  its  undeveloped  mineral  resources,  and  its  inex- 
haustible supply  of  docile  and  patient  labor,  China  is 
an  exceedingly  poor  country.  What  little  wealth  it  con- 
tains is  in  the  hands  of  the  literary  and  official  class, 
and  of  the  merchants,  who  are  at  most  and  altogether 
only  as  one  in  ten  thousand.  Even  they  are  compelled 
to  conceal  it  as  much  as  possible.  They  generally  live 
modestly  and  quietly,  avoiding  state  and  display,  and 
putting  their  surplus  money  into  clothing,  embroideries, 
porcelains,  notes,  mortgages,  and  such  things  as  do  not 
unduly  attract  the  attention  of  the  tax-gatherer,  the  im- 
perial or  provincial  authorities,  or  of  the  curious  and  evil- 
disposed. 

The  common  people  are  everywhere  poor,  and  have 


NO  OVER-PRODUCTION  IN  CHINA. 


81 


but  little  surplus  money  and  no  surplus  productions. 
Whatever  may  be  the  case  in  foreign  countries,  in  these 
days  of  railroads  and  steam-machinery,  there  is  no  over- 
production in  China.  To  the  contrary,  it  could  readily 
huy  more,  produce  more,  consume  more,  and  lay  up 
or  accumulate  more,  if  it  could  only  sell  more.  It  would 
buy  more  cotton  cloth,  more  iron,  more  matches,  and 
needles,  and  thread ; more  and  better  building  materials 
and  machinery  ; more  guns,  and  steamships,  and  iron- 
clads ; and  in  the  end  it  would  live  better,  build  better 
houses,  erect  furnaces  and  rolling-mills,  and  lay  out  and 
construct  railroads,  if  it  could  only  sell  more  tea  and  silk. 
These  articles  constitute  at  present  the  greater  part  of 
what  it  has  to  sell ; but  the  Chinese  are  like  the  rest  of 
mankind,  and  may  be  depended  upon,  in  the  long  run,  to 
produce  whatever  they  can  sell,  either  at  home  or  abroad, 
at  a profit.  They  can  not  be  said  to  want  what  they 
can  not  form  any  conception  of.  Ignorance  is  every- 
where an  effectual  bar  to  aspiration  and  improvement, 
and  the  Chinese  are  especially  ignorant  in  reference  to 
everything  which  goes  to  make  up  what  foreigners  call 
modern  progress.  They  have  no  conception  of  science, 
and  no  vocabulary  in  which  to  formulate  its  principles, 
or  to  make  known  its  wonderful  revelations.  They  have 
stood  absolutely  still  in  knowledge  since  the  middle  ages. 
The  discoveries  of  Galileo,  Newton,  and  Laplace  are  a 
sealed  book  to  them.  They  have  but  little  conception  of 
mathematics,  and  none  of  chemistry,  mineralogy,  and 
geology.  They  are  entirely  ignorant  of  thermo-dynam- 
ics and  of  mechanics,  and  almost  so  of  mining  and  met- 
allurgy. They  do  not  pretend  to  understand  political 
economy  as  it  is  taught  in  Western  countries  ; and,  what 
is  worse  than  all  else,  they  have  no  system  of  popular 
education.  According  to  the  best  authorities,  not  over 
one  man  in  every  hundred,  nor  one  woman  in  every 


82 


CHINA. 


thousand,  can  read  and  write  ; but  even  if  this  were  not 
the  case,  there  is  no  popular  or  common  language  which 
is  everywhere  understood.  Every  province  has  its  own 
dialect,  which  is  not  only  different  from  that  of  every 
other  province,  but  is  still  more  widely  different  from  the 
literary  language  of  the  country,  which  is  also  the  lan- 
guage of  Peking  and  the  imperial  court.  But  then, 
again,  the  colloquial  language  of  the  official  class  and  the 
literati  is  entirely  different  from  the  written  language  of 
the  classics,  in  which  every  great  idea  must  be  clothed 
and  every  great  man  must  express  himself.  So  it  will  be 
seen  that  science  and  religion  are  alike  fettered  in  this 
curious  country,  the  civilization  of  which  is  as  separate 
and  distinct  from  ours  as  if  it  had  originated  in  another 
planet. 

The  Great  Wall  of  China  was  built  of  earth  and  stone 
over  two  thousand  years  ago ; it’  has  been  enlarged,  ex- 
tended, and  repaired  many  times  since,  but,  notwithstand- 
ing all  this,  it  has  been  oftea  broken  through  by  the 
Tartars  in  their  onward  marcli  of  conquest  and  plun- 
der ; but  the  greater  wall  of  China  is  its  language,  which 
has  never,  within  the  historic  period,  been  changed  or 
improved,  but  stands  now  as  firmly  as  when  it  first  took 
form,  an  inflexible  monosyllabic  barrier  to  modern 
thought  and  modern  progress.  It  is  far  more  difficult 
for  the  teacher  of  modern  science  to  cross  effectively, 
even  without  opposition,  than  the  wall  of  stone  and  earth 
ever  was  to  the  Mongolian  or  Manchu  conqueror,  de- 
fended by  the  whole  Chinese  race  ; and  yet  the  example 
of  Japan,  which,  forty  years  ago,  was  the  most  exclusive 
nation  in  the  world,  with  a language  as  antiquated  and 
difficult  to  master,  should  encourage  us  to  believe  that 
even  this  greater  wall  of  China  can  not  stay  the  march 
of  modern  progress  much  longer,  or  even  turn  it  from  its 
destined  course. 


NEED  OF  MODERN  IMPROVEMENTS. 


83 


It  is  folly  to  contend  that  the  Chinese,  as  a people, 
want  any  of  the  things  to  which  I have  alluded,  for 
want  in  this  sense  presupposes  an  intelligent  under- 
standing of  the  things  wanted,  which  I have  shown  to 
be  impossible  to  the  average  Chinaman,  in  the  present 
condition  of  his  language  and  education  ; hut,  as  I shall 
point  out  more  particularly  hereafter,  he  has  as  great  a 
need  of  railroads,  furnaces,  rolling-mills,  mines,  and  fac- 
tories, and  will  receive  as  much  benefit  from  them,  as  any 
other  human  being,  and,  under  the  guidance  of  the  en- 
lightened statesmen  who  are  coming  to  tlie  front,  will 
surely  accept  them  as  the  greatest  blessing  ever  bestowed 
upon  him  or  his  country.  After  all,  it  is  true  in  China, 
as  well  as  elsewhere,  that  “ those  who  think  must  gov- 
ern those  who  toil  and,  while  the  multitude  can  neither 
think  deeply  nor  see  far  into  the  future,  there  are  a few 
men  of  sufficient  wisdom  to  comprehend  what  is  good, 
and  of  sufficient  height  to  see  over  the  wall  which  has  so 
far  shut  out  progress,  and  kept  their  country  in  igno- 
rance, stagnation,  and  poverty. 

It  has  been  suggested,  by  more  than  one  thoughtful 
student  of  Chinese  civilization,  that  it  presents  a case  of 
decay  from  extreme  old  age  ; but,  while  it  is  indubitably 
old,  though  perhaps  not  so  old  as  it  is  commonly  regarded, 
I can  not  perceive  that  it  presents  any  of  the  indications  of 
senility.  The  Chinese  race  is  certainly  strong  and  vigor- 
ous, and  shows  no  sign  whatever  of  decay.  It  is  prolific, 
frugal,  and  industrious,  and  these  are  the  physical  virtues 
which  betoken  youth  rather  than  declining  manhood.  It 
seems  to  me  that,  inasmuch  as  China  has  never  had  the 
higher  arts  of  civilization,  either  in  architecture,  engi- 
neering, navigation,  mining,  metallurgy,  or  manufactur- 
ing, or  even  in  warfare,  it  rather  indicates  a case  of  sus- 
pended national  development,  if  not  of  prolonged  youth. 
The  peculiar  civilization  of  the  Chinese  people  is  merely 


84 


CHINA. 


an  accident,  due  to  isolation  and  other  causes  to  which  I 
have  alluded,  and  may  be  confidently  exj3ected  to  gire 
place  to  another  and  a better  civilization  whenever  the 
latter  can  secure  opportunity  to  demonstrate  its  supe- 
riority. The  Chinaman’s  natural  intelligence,  although 
dwarfed  and  misdirected  by  a peculiar  if  not  pernicious 
system  of  social  and  political  government,  is  quite  as 
great  as  that  of  other  races.  He  is  full  of  the  conceit  and 
prejudice  engendered  by  ignorance,  but  is  no  fool,  and 
has  never  been  charged  with  being  one.  He  is  shrewd 
and  bright  at  whatever  he  turns  his  mind,  and  whenever 
relieved  from  the  incubus  of  old  custom,  and  allowed  to 
show  his  natural  tendency  and  aptitudes,  neither  asks  nor 
needs  favor  at  the  hands  of  his  competitor,  no  matter 
who  the  latter  may  be.  Having  health  and  strength  in 
addition,  he  may  be  expected,  under  proper  leadership 
and  education,  to  play  his  full  part  in  the  future  history 
of  the  world.  I have  no  fear  that  he  will  conquer  it,  for 
he  is  far  behind  it  in  skill,  trained  intelligence,  and  even 
in  mere  brute  force.  He  may,  at  no  distant  day,  as  time 
goes,  reach  the  point  that  the  other  nations  have  already 
attained  in  the  march  of  progress,  but  they  will  mean- 
while pass  on,  and  perhaps  all  the  faster,  because  he  is  no 
longer  content  to  stand  still,  but  has  resolved  to  be  up 
and  doing. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Voyage  from  Shanghai  to  Tientsin — China  Merchants’  Steam  Navigation 
Company — American  house  of  Russell  and  Company  put  the  first 
steamboats  on  the  Yang-tse — Sold  them  to  the  China  Merchants’ 
Company — Coast  of  Shan-tung — Chee-foo — Naval  station  at  Port 
Arthur  badly  located — The  northern  fleet — Board  of  Admiralty — 
Command  of  the  northern  fleet — Need  of  educated  officers — The 
Taku  forts  and  dock-yard — “Heaven-sent  barriers” — Chinese  troops 
drilled  by  foreign  officers  in  English — Chinese  army  badly  organized, 
armed  and  administered — The  Pei-ho — Villages  on  its  banks — Grave- 
mounds,  and  burial  of  the  dead — Fung-shuy  or  geomancy — Difficulty 
of  laying  out  railroads  without  removal  of  graves — How  that  can 
be  managed. 

As  before  stated,  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  give  a de- 
tailed account  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Chinese, 
nor  of  their  language,  literature,  philosophy,  or  religion, 
for  these  have  been  exhaustively  considered  by  the  writers 
to  whom  reference  is  made  in  the  preface.  What  I wish 
to  bring  into  view  here  are  rather  the  broader  and  more 
prominent  aspects  of  their  country  and  civilization,  and 
I do  not  care  to  deal  with  even  them  further  than  may  be 
necessary  to  give  the  reader  a clear  conception  of  their 
past  and  present  condition,  together  with  an  insight  into 
the  character  of  their  leading  men  and  of  their  govern- 
ment ; and  this  I shall  endeavor  to  do  in  connection  with 
my  own  travels  and  observations,  rather  than  by  going 
over  ground  which  has  been  fully  covered  by  others. 

My  first  trip  from  Shanghai  to  Tientsin  was  made  in 
the  latter  part  of  October  (1886)  on  the  China  Merchants’ 


86 


CHINA. 


steamship  ‘^Hae-an,”  a stout  English-built  vessel  of  about 
1,200  tons  burden,  commanded  by  an  English  captain, 
with  an  English  first-officer,  an  American  second,  and 
Scotch  chief-engineer  and  assistants.  The  trip  required 
only  three  days,  including  a stop  at  Chee-foo,  the  chief 
seaport  of  the  Shan-tung  promontory. 

The  China  Merchants’  Steam  Navigation  Company  is 
composed  exclusively  of  Chinamen,  and  was  organized 
under  an  imperial  edict.  As  it  is  the  only  Chinese  joint- 
stock  company  of  which  I have  any  knowledge,  except  the 
Chinese  Engineering  and  Mining  Company,  which  owns 
and  operates  the  Kaiping  coal-mines  and  railroad,  and  to 
which  I shall  refer  more  fully  hereafter,  its  history  is  a 
matter  of  importance. 

The  first  steamboats  used  in  China  were  built  in  the 
United  States  for  the  old  American  house  of  Bussell  and 
Company,  who  ran  them  successfully  many  years  on  the 
Yang-tse  River,  and  along  the  Chinese  coast  between 
Canton,  Shanghai,  and  Tientsin.  In  or  about  the  year 
1862  they  organized  the  Shanghai  Navigation  Company, 
and  transferred  their  steamers  to  it.  In  1872  the  Chinese 
Government  authorized  the  formation  of  the  China  Mer- 
chants’ Steam  Navigation  Company,  which  in  1877  took 
over  all  the  steamships  of  the  Shanghai  Steam  Navigation 
Company,  and  enlarged  their  fleet  by  the  purchase  of  a 
number  of  new  steamers.  Upon  the  outbreak  of  the 
Franco-Chinese  War,  the  China  Merchants’  Company, 
fearing  the  capture  of  their  ships  by  the  French,  after 
much  negotiation  with  various  foreign  houses,  sold  them 
to  Messrs.  Bussell  and  Company,  who  raised  the  American 
flag  over  them,  on  the  1st  of  August,  1884,  and  continued 
them  in  the  trade  for  which  they  had  been  built.  Shortly 
after  the  declaration  of  peace  between  the  belligerents, 
Russell  and  Company,  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  the 
Chinese  authorities,  but  without  any  previous  pledge  or 


STEAM  NAVIGATION  COMPANY. 


87 


obligation  to  do  so,  resold  the  ships  to  the  China  Mer- 
chants’ Company,  and  that  company  rehoisted  its  flag  over 
them  on  August  1,  1885,  and  now  operates  them  on  the 
Yang-tse,  and  in  the  various  coastwise  routes  starting  from 
Shanghai.  The  ships,  of  which  there  are  twenty,  are  all 
iron,  and  in  excellent  condition,  well  found  and  managed, 
but,  owing  to  the  competition  of  various  other  shijis, 
operated  on  the  same  routes  by  foreign  companies,  it  is 
doubtful  if  they  are  making  sufficient  money  to  keep  up 
repairs  and  pay  dividends.  It  is  known  that  a pool,  or  an 
arrangement  equivalent  to  a pool,  exists  between  the  vari- 
ous companies,  and  that  the  China  Merchants’  Company 
is  practically  controlled,  if  not  supported,  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and- yet  it  is  not  in  a flourishing  condition.  The 
business  of  the  company  is  managed  exclusively  by  Chinese 
mandarins,  designated  by  the  viceroy,  Li  Hung-Chang, 
who,  in  addition  to  other  high  offices,  holds  that  of  Min- 
ister Superintendent  of  Trade  for  the  Northern  Sea-board. 
The  ships  are,  however,  officered  exclusively  by  foreign- 
ers, most  of  whom  are  English  and  Americans,  and  it 
would  be  difficult  to  find,  under  any  flag,  a more  capable 
set  of  men.  They  are  mostly  in  the  prime  of  life,  strong, 
vigilant,  and  trustworthy,  and  in  every  way  show  that 
they  belong  to  the  dominating  race  of  the  world.  The 
quartermasters  are  generally  old  and  weather-beaten  Ma- 
nila men,  but  the  stewards,  firemen,  and  sailors  are  ex- 
clusively Chinese. 

On  this  trip  we  ran  out  of  the  yellow  water  of  the 
Yang-tse,  within  a hundred  and  seventy-five  miles  of  its 
mouth,  and  continued  our  voyage  in  sparkling  blue  waves 
and  clear,  crisp  air.  We  sighted  the  southeast  promon- 
tory the  second  day,  and  steamed  along  between  barren, 
rocky  islands  and  the  broken  and  picturesque  coast-line 
of  the  Shan-tung  province,  with  a range  of  rugged,  sierra- 
like hills  in  the  distance,  till  we  passed  into  the  Gulf  of 


88 


CHINA. 


Pechili.  The  hills  are  entirely  devoid  of  vegetation,  and 
show  scarcely  any  sign  of  being  cultivated.  They  have  a 
warm  and  reddish  hue,  and  look  for  all  the  world  like 
the  hills  of  Utah  and  the  Humboldt  Valley.  After  pass- 
ing through  the  Straits  of  Miau-tau,  entering  the  Gulf  of 
Pechili,  and  taking  our  course  for  the  Taku  bar,  I ex- 
pected to  see  the  clear  and  sparkling  waves,  which  we  had 
had  since  leaving  the  Yellow  Sea,  again  discolored  by  the 
loess-stained  waters  of  the  Hwang-ho,  which  enters  the 
gulf  at  its  southwest  corner,  but,  much  to  my  surprise, 
no  trace  of  it  was  perceptible,  and  I was  told  by  the  cap- 
tain that,  so  far  as  he  knew  or  could  learn,  the  volume  of 
water  discharged,  and  the  effect  produced  by  it,  are  in- 
considerable, except  during  floods.  Even  then  they  are 
in  no  degree  comparable  to  those  of  the  mighty  Yang-tse. 
In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  rivers  are  of  nearly  the  same 
length,  rise  in  the  same  region,  flow  in  the  same  general 
direction,  and  are  mentioned  by  geographers,  generally  on 
the  same  page  if  not  in  the  same  i:>aragraph,  as  among  the 
great  rivers  of  the  world,  my  curiosity  was  still  further 
stimulated,  and  I determined  to  And  out,  at  some  future 
day,  something  more  of  the  mysterious  Hwang-ho  than  I 
had  so  far  been  able  to  gather  from  books  and  ship- 
masters. 

We  stopped  for  a few  hours  at  Chee-foo,  about  midway 
between  the  southeast  promontory  and  the  straits,  to  dis- 
charge passengers  and  freight.  It  is  a gray,  dirty,  unin- 
viting Chinese  city,  straggling  around  the  shore  of  a 
pretty  bay,  and  overlooked  by  a few  outlying  hamlets  and 
missionary  residences  between  it  and  the  hill-tops  in  the 
distance.  In  the  middle  foreground,  projecting  out  into 
the  bay,  which  is  nearly  landlocked,  is  a high,  rocky 
hill,  occupied  by  the  foreign  consulates,  and  perhaps  a 
dozen  gray-brick  and  stone  houses  belonging  to  merchants 
or  missionaries.  There  is  also  a pagoda-like  signal-station 


CEEE-FOO  AND  POET  ARTHUR. 


89 


on  the  hill.  To  the  left  of  it  are  a cluh-honse  and  sev- 
eral hotels,  for  the  accommodation  of  summer  visitors. 
The  beach  is  a safe  one,  the  sailing  good,  and  the  air 
comparatively  bracing,  hence  the  place  is  resorted  to  by 
foreign  ladies  and  children  from  Hong-Kong,  Shanghai, 
and  Peking  during  the  hot  summer  months,  on  which 
account  it  is  frequently  called  the  Newport  of  China. 
Back  of  the  hill  and  foreign  settlement  is  the  junk- 
anchorage,  custom-house,  and  Chinese  town.  The  latter, 
crowded  by  junkmen  and  coolies,  all  dirty  and  hard- 
looking,  and  many  of  them  clad  in  rags,  but  all  good-na- 
tured and  cheerful,  is  an  interesting  but  not  at  all  a savory 
or  inviting  place.  It  is  important,  however,  as  a distrib- 
uting point  for  foreign  goods,  and  the  outer  harbor  is  the 
resort  of  foreign  men-of-war  on  the  Chinese  station. 

Chee-foo  was  at  one  time  considered  by  the  Chinese 
authorities  and  their  foreign  advisers  as  the  possible  site 
of  the  great  naval  station  for  North  China,  but  that  honor 
seems  to  have  gone  by  it  to  the  far  less  eligible  point  of 
Port  Arthur,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Strait  of  Pechili, 
where  the  Government  has  located  and  is  now  busily  en- 
gaged in  constructing  an  extensive  navy-yard,  docks,  and 
fortifications,  laid  out  by  German  engineers,  but  now  under 
the  supervision  of  French  engineers  and  contractors. 

From  the  fact  that  these  important  and  costly  works 
lie  almost  at  the  extreme  northeastern  end  of  the  empire, 
on  an  exposed  and  easily  detached  sea-coast,  across  a gulf 
at  all  times  open  to  a hostile  fleet,  and  can  not  be  con- 
nected at  all  with  the  capital  of  the  country,  except  by  a 
line  of  railway  running  close  along  the  coast  for  several 
hundred  miles,  it  is  obvious  that  they  will  have  to  be 
abandoned  at  no  distant  day  and  relocated  at  some  spot 
which  can  be  much  more  easily  reached  and  defended. 
Several  million  dollars  have  already  been  expended  at  Port 
Arthur,  and  several  more  will  be  needed  before  the  place 


90 


CHINA. 


can  be  made  useful  even  in  times  of  peace,  or  defended 
against  any  first-class  maritime  power  for  a single  day  in 
times  of  w'ar.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  why  such  an  ex- 
posed position  could  have  been  preferred  to  Chee-foo,  or 
even  to  Wei-hai-wei,  about  thirty  miles  to  the  eastward, 
and  near  the  eud  of  the  Shan-tung  promontory.  Either 
of  these  positions  can  be  much  more  easily  connected  wdth 
the  interior  by  rail,  and  with  the  excellent  coal-beds  of  the 
province ; and  either,  if  strongly  fortified,  would  aSord 
a much  more  advantageous  base  of  operations  against  a 
foreign  fleet  menacing  either  North  China  or  Corea. 

It  is  said  that  a much  better  place  than  either  of  those 
named  above  is  offered  by  the  harbor  of  Kyan-Chan  (lat. 
36°  north,  long.  120°  15'  east),  on  the  southern  shore  of 
Shan-tung,  in  a great  re-entering  angle  of  the  sea-coast, 
and  it  is  obvious,  if  the  depth  of  water  and  the  configura- 
tion of  the  land  are  favorable,  that  the  situation  in  respect 
to  its  connection  with  the  coal-fields  and  the  interior  of 
the  country  by  rail  is  altogether  superior  to  any  other 
port  north  of  the  Yang-tse  River  for  such  purposes. 

Since  the  Chinese  have  been  buying  the  iron-clads 
from  England  and  Germany,  nine  of  which  constitute  the 
formidable  “ Northern  fleet”  now  assembled  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Pei-ho,  the  question  of  a naval  station  for  it  has 
been  one  of  great  moment  to  the  Viceroy,  Li  Ilung- 
Chang,  and  the  Seventh  Prince  (so-called,  because  he  is 
the  seventh  son  of  the  late  Emperor  Tau  Quang).  This 
prince  is  also  the  father  and  tutor  of  the  young  Emperor, 
who  has  just  reached  his  majority  and  assumed  personal 
charge  of  the  government. 

On  the  13th  of  October,  1885,  an  imperial  decree  was 
issued,  setting  forth  that — under  the  advice  of  the  Super- 
intendents of  Trade  for  the  Northern  and  Southern  Sea- 
boards, the  Princes  of  the  Grand  Council,  the  Prince  and 
Ministers  of  the  Tsung-li-Yamen,  or  Board  of  Foreign 


TEE  NORTHERE  FLEET. 


91 


Affairs,  aided  by  Li  Hung-Chang,  all  of  whom  had  re- 
ported upon  the  subject — a Board  of  Admiralty  would  be 
established,  and  that  Prince  Chun,  the  Seyenth  Prince, 
should  assume  the  chief  control  of  naval  matters,  “ the 
fleets  along  the  coast  being  placed  under  his  control  and 
at  his  disposition.”  The  same  decree  appointed  Prince 
Ch’ing  and  Li  Hung-Chang  as  coadjutors  in  the  manage- 
ment of  naval  affairs,  with  Shan-Ch’ing  a Lieutenant- 
General  of  the  Red  Han-Chun  Banner,  and  Tseng  Chi- 
tse  Junior  Vice-President  of  the  Board  of  War,  as  assist- 
ants. It  then  concludes  as  follows  : “ The  formation  of 
a northern  navy  being  at  present  in  the  initiatory  stage, 
we  commit  the  special  control  thereof  to  Li  Hung-Chang ; 
but  all  new  arrangements  that  have  to  be  made,  and  mat- 
ters that  have  to  be  considered,  must  receive  the  careful 
attention  of  the  above-mentioned  princes  and  high  min- 
isters, who  will  devise  systematic  plans,  and  draw  up  regu- 
lations for  submission  to  the  Throne,  and  to  be  carried 
out  in  successive  stages.” 

Inasmueh  as  all  the  princes  and  ministers  named  in 
the  decree  are  residents  of  Peking,  and  entirely  ignorant 
of  naval  administration,  the  meaning  of  all  this  is,  that 
Li  Hung-Chang,  who  resides  at  Tientsin,  and  is  already 
overburdened  with  work,  is  also  to  become  the  actual 
head  of  the  navy.  The  formal  decree  in  this  case,  as  in 
many  others,  followed  rather  than  preceded  the  march  of 
events,  for  the  Great  Viceroy  had  been  practically  in  con- 
trol of  the  naval  defense  of  the  Northern  sea-board  for  the 
last  eight  or  ten  years.  He  was  at  first  aided  by  Captain 
Lang,  an  officer  of  the  Royal  English  Navy,  but  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  Franco-Chinese  War  that  officer  re- 
signed or  was  recalled  by  his  Government,  and  Captain 
Siebelin,  an  under-officer  in  the  United  States  Navy  dur- 
ing the  late  rebellion,  but  now  a eaptain  in  the  German 
Navy,  was  engaged  under  a three  years’  contract  to  act 


92 


CHINA. 


as  Admiral  and  Instnictor-General  of  the  fleet.  Since 
the  conclusion  of  peace,  however,  his  services  have  been 
dispensed  with,  and  Captain  Lang  has  been  reinstated 
He  is  an  accomplished  and  experienced  officer,  and  if  left 
free  to  act,  with  a proper  staS  of  assistants  and  instruct- 
ors, will  doubtless  prove  to  be  by  far  the  most  valuable 
factor  in  the  organization,  instruction,  and  administra- 
tion of  the  Northern  fleet.  In  view,  however,  of  the 
aggressive  policy  of  England  in  the  East,  and  the  con- 
stant danger  of  the  disruption  of  peaceful  relations  be- 
tween her  and  China,  it  is  difficult  to  see  npon  what 
grounds  of  enlightened  self-interest  the  employment  of 
an  English  naval  officer  to  build  up  and  instruct  a Chi- 
nese navy  can  be  justified.  To  the  casual  observer,  it 
seems  to  be  self-evident  that  the  Imperial  Government 
would  have  done  far  better  to  select  a Dane,  a Hollander, 
or  better,  an  American,  for  such  an  important  position. 
By  doing  so,  it  could  certainly  have  obtained  as  good  an 
officer,  and  it  would  have  been  much  less  likely  to  lose 
his  services  by  the  severance  of  friendly  relations  with  the 
country  of  which  he  was  a citizen. 

In  this  connection,  I feel  justified  in  saying  that, 
while  the  Chinese  Government  has  bought  ships  of  the 
very  latest  design,  armed  with  excellent  guns  of  heavy 
caliber,  and  furnished  with  full  complements  of  men, 
they  are  yet  far  from  having  an  efficient  navy.  They 
have  but  few  competent  foreign  instructors,  and  scarcely 
any  competent  native  officers.  Contrary  to  the  com- 
monly accepted  opinion,  the  Chinese  are  by  no  means 
bold  or  adventurous  seamen,  and  although  the  common 
sailors,  like  the  common  soldiers,  are  a robust  and  hardy 
race,  they  are  far  from  being  competent  to  handle  an 
iron-clad  without  the  supervision  of  well-trained  officers. 
The  recent  destruction  of  the  Chinese  fleet  by  the  French, 
iron-clads  under  Admiral  Courbet,  at  Foo-chow,  is  but  a 


TEE  NORTHERN  FLEET. 


93 


sample  of  what  may  he  expected,  in  case  of  war  with  any 
first-class  naval  power,  unless  the  Chinese  Government 
shall  meanwhile  employ  competent  instructors,  in  suffi- 
cient numbers  and  with  sufficient  authority,  to  educate 
officers  as  fast  as  they  are  required  to  man  their  war- 
ships. Neither  one  English  captain  nor  a dozen  can 
create  a navy  without  this  help,  and  for  this  no  ample 
provision  has  yet  been  made,  although  a naval  school  has 
been  organized  in  a small  way  at  Tientsin. 

I refer  to  this  subject  now,  somewhat  in  detail,  be- 
cause the  Chinese  Government,  in  the  decree  above  men- 
tioned and  in  the  steps  taken  to  carry  it  into  effect,  have 
gone  farther  in  imitation  of  foreigners  than  in  any  other 
branch  of  their  public  business,  unless  I except  that  of 
the  maritime  customs,  which  was  organized  and  brought 
to  its  present  high  state  of  efficiency  by  Sir  Robert  Hart 
and  a corps  of  able  assistants,  all  of  whom  are  foreigners, 
and  to  which  I shall  refer  more  fully  in  another  chapter. 

We  arrived  at  our  anchorage  off  Taku  the  morning 
after  leaving  Chee-foo,  but,  as  our  ship  was  drawing  four- 
teen feet  aft,  and  there  was  only  eleven  feet  of  water  on 
the  bar  at  high-tide,  we  had  to  discharge  into  lighters 
most  of  our  cargo,  which  was  composed  of  rice,  “ brick- 
tea,”  and  copper  “cash,”  before  we  could  enter  the  Pei- 
ho.  While  this  was  going  on,  the  captain  and  I,  with  his 
gig  and  a crew  of  four  Chinese  sailors,  rowed  through 
and  around  the  “Northern  fleet”  of  iron-clads  which 
were  lying  within  four  miles  of  us,  looking  bright,  new, 
and  formidable. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  we  weighed  anchor  and  entered 
the  mouth  of  the  river  with  the  flood-tide,  between  the 
massive  and  heavily  armed  earthworks,  famous  in  history 
as  the  Taku  forts.  The  river  which  separates  them  is 
not  over  four  hundred  yards  wide,  and  turns  and  twists 
its  way  through  the  low,  marshy  land,  on  either  side,  to 


94 


CHINA. 


Tientsin,  fifty  miles  above.  The  fortifications  are  well 
supplied  with  Armstrong  and  Krupp  breech-loading  rifles, 
strongly  garrisoned  by  troops  partly  drilled  in  foreign 
tactics  by  competent  German  officers.  They  are  spread 
out  along  the  river  for  a half  or  three  quarters  of  a mile, 
and,  to  render  them  still  more  difficult  of  assault,  they 
are  covered,  front  and  rear,  by  wide  wet  ditches.  They 
were  taken  by  the  allied  French  and  English  forces, 
August  21st,  1860,  who  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peh- 
tang-ho,  ten  miles  farther  up  the  coast,  and,  after-several 
slight  skirmishes  with  a covering  force,  entered  the  works 
from  the  rear,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  Chinese  com- 
mander, while  the  allied  fleet  was  thundering  away  at 
long  range  in  front.  It  was  from  a front  attack  upon 
these  same  works  that  the  English  were  repulsed  with 
such  heavy  loss  the  year  before.  And  it  was  during  this 
attack  that  Commodore  Tatnall,  of  our  navy,  from  the 
deck  of  a small  steamer  hired  for  the  occasion,  but  taking 
no  part  in  the  action,  seeing  some  English  sailors  strug- 
gling in  the  water,  after  their  ship  had  been  sunk  by  the 
Chinese  guns,  exclaimed,  “ Blood  is  thicker  than  water  ! ” 
lowered  his  cutter,  and,  rowing  into  the  thickest  of  the 
firing,  rescued  the  drowning  men  from  a watery  grave. 

Just  beyond  the  fortifications  we  passed  an  excellent 
dock-yard,  and  anchored  in  front  of  the  city  of  Taku, 
built  entirely  of  mud-houses  and  containing  a population 
of  perhaps  fifty  thousand  souls.  There  is  plenty  of  water 
in  the  anchorage  in  front  of  the  city,  and  for  eight  or  ten 
miles  farther  up,  and  it  is  quite  evident,  from  the  soft- 
ness of  the  mud  on  the  bar  and  the  volume  of  water  dis- 
charged across  it,  that  the  entrance  could  be  readily  and 
inexpensively  deepened  so  as  to  admit  ships  drawing 
twenty  feet  at  all  times,  and  it  is  also  probable  that  that 
depth  could  be  maintained  mthout  great  difficulty.  There 
is,  however,  a prosperous  “tug  and  lighter  ” company, 


^^HEAVEN-SENT  BAREIERST 


95 


composed  of  foreigners,  whose  business  would  be  rained 
by  such  an  improvement,  and  the  Chinese  themselves  do 
not  believe  much  in  taking  liberties  with  nature.  They 
are  rather  disposed  to  regard  the  bars  at  the  mouths  of 
their  rivers,  and  especially  those  at  Taku  and  Wu-sung, 
as  “ Heaven-sent  barriers,”  specially  designed  to  keep  out 
foreign  men-of-war. 

Owing  to  the  absence  of  beacons  and  the  crookedness 
of  the  river,  we  were  compelled  to  lie  at  anchor  till  the 
moon  rose.  All  around  us  we  heard  the  hum  and  roar  of 
noisy  villagers,  and  the  shouting  of  soldiers,  and  in  the 
early  evening  the  air  seemed  full  of  foreign  bugle-calls,  in 
which  the  Chinese  buglers  have  certainly  been  well  in- 
structed. Another  curious  fact  that  may  be  mentioned 
here  is  that  all  military  commands  to  the  foreign-drilled 
Chinese  troops  are  given  in  English,  no  matter  what  the 
nationality  of  the  drill-master  may  be.  Every  drill-master 
is  accompanied  by  an  interpreter,  who  explains  the  mean- 
ing of  each  command  till  the  troops  thoroughly  under- 
stand its  significance  and  foreign  sound,  and  can  execute 
it  exactly  as  required.  This  is  of  course  a great  limitation 
upon  instruction,  and,  as  the  tactics  are  by  no  means  uni- 
form, and  the  discipline  far  from  rigid,  it  may  well  be 
taken  for  granted  that,  notwithstanding  a number  of  the 
troops  serving  in  the  maritime  provinces  are  armed  with 
excellent  breech-loading  fire-arms,  they  could  hardly  be 
expected  to  stand  up  before  well  - disciplined  foreign 
troops,  no  matter  how  great  the  disparity  of  numbers. 

In  my  travels  through  the  interior  I saw  no  troops,  ex- 
cept a few  about  Peking,  with  improved  fire-arms.  They 
all  had  matchlocks  of  the  most  primitive  pattern,  and  of 
every  size  and  length.  It  is  true  that  I paid  no  special 
attention  to  military  matters,  but,  having  had  ample  ex- 
perience in  them,  and  kept  my  eyes  open  wherever  I 
went,  I am  perhaps  justified  in  saying  that  I saw  nothing 


96 


CHINA. 


formidable  in  a military  sense  anywhere  in  the  empire, 
and  have  no  hesitation  in  adding  that  it  is  entirely  un- 
prepared, in  my  judgment,  either  in  military  administra- 
tion, organization,  or  equipment,  to  resist  invasion  from 
any  first-class  military  power,  with  even  an  ordinary  force. 
It  has  neither  transport,  commissariat,  nor  an  adequate 
quantity  of  military  munitions,  and,  barring  its  inexhaust- 
ible population  from  which  to  draw  fresh  soldiers,  it  is 
simply  a huge  boneless  giant,  which  must  fall  a ready 
prey  to  the  first  great  power  that  attacks  it  in  earnest. 
Some  of  its  great  leaders  and  statesmen,  like  the  Viceroy 
Li  and  the  late  Tso  Tsung-Tang,  years  ago  began  to  per- 
ceive this  truth,  and  have  done  what  they  could  to  arouse 
the  Throne  to  a realizing  sense  of  its  danger.  Something 
has  been  done,  in  a small  and  unsystematic  way,  toward 
arming  and  drilling  the  troops  in  foreign  style,  and  more 
in  buying  and  equipping  the  Northern  fleet,  but,  withal, 
scarcely  a beginning  has  yet  been  made  toward  putting 
the  country  in  a position  to  resist  attack,  and  absolutely 
nothing  toward  conducting  a successful  foreign  war. 

The  distance  from  Taku  to  Tientsin  is  about  thirty- 
five  miles  by  land,  but  it  is  full  fifty  by  the  river,  which, 
as  before  stated,  is  about  as  crooked  as  it  can  be.  Al- 
though it  has  been  the  bed  of  the  Hwang-ho  at  least 
twice  within  the  historic  period,  and  remained  so  from 
fifty  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  it  narrows  down 
within  ten  miles  of  its  mouth  from  four  hundred  yards, 
which  is  about  the  average  width  of  the  Hwang-ho,  to 
scarcely  more  than  as  many  feet.  Were  it  not  for  its 
soft  and  stoneless  sides  and  bottom,  its  navigation  by 
steamsliips  would  be  impossible.  As  it  is,  it  is  extremely 
diflficult.  The  country  on  either  side,  as  far  as  the  eye 
can  reach,  is  a perfectly  level  plain,  unbroken  by  even  a 
high  embankment.  It  is  covered  next  to  the  river  with 
a continuous  succession  of  vegetable  patches  and  millet- 


GRA  VE-MOURTBS. 


97 


fields.  At  every  turn  of  the  river  a village  of  one-story 
sun-dried  brick  houses,  all  thatched  vrith  millet-stalks  and 
straw,  presents  itself  to  the  view.  Here  and  there  is  one 
of  greater  importance  surrounded  by  walls  and  guarded 
by  fortifications,  overlooking  the  river  and  the  road  ; but 
the  most  curious  sight  to  the  traveler  is  the  great  number 
of  hemispherical  grave-mounds  looking  very  much  in  size 
and  color  like  hay-cocks,  which  surround  every  town  and 
village  immediately  outside  its  limits,  and  the  larger  the 
town  the  more  thickly  are  the  fields  next  to  it  covered  by 
the  mounds.  Some  of  these  are  as  high  as  ten  feet,  and 
look  exactly  like  hay-stacks  from  a distance,  and  it  is  the 
same  everywhere  else  in  the  Great  Plain.  And  yet  I 
think  there  is  some  misconception  of  this  subject  exist- 
ing in  the  minds  of  people  who  have  obtained  their 
knowledge  of  China  entirely  from  books.  The  general 
impression  seems  to  be  that  the  whole  face  of  the  country, 
wherever  you  go,  is  dotted  over  by  graves,  and  that  these 
graves  are  regarded  with  great  reverence  and  maintained 
with  pious  care  from  generation  to  generation,  and  such, 
perhaps,  is  the  theory  of  the  Chinese,  hut,  like  many  theo- 
ries even  among  more  highly  civilized  people,  it  is  not 
rigidly  adhered  to.  In  the  first  place,  it  should  be  borne 
in  mind  that  the  Chinese  do  not  live  in  farm-houses  on 
the  land,  even  when  they  own  it,  but  all  classes  are  gath- 
ered together  in  villages,  towns,  and  cities,  and  naturally 
the  larger  these  are,  the  more  numerous  and  thickly 
placed  are  the  graves  about  them.  Where  the  country  is 
thinly  settled,  the  graves  are  infrequent,  and  they  are 
never  scattered  about  in  the  open  country.  In  the  sec- 
ond place,  there  are  no  common  grave-yards  devoted  ex- 
clusively to  burials  ; rich  families  have  their  own  ground, 
in  which  they  set  off  a lot  and  surround  it  by  ever- 
greens for  the  family  graves  ; hut  the  common  people  bury 
in  the  fields,  under  a license  from  the  owner,  for  a limited 
5 


98 


CHINA. 


number  of  years,  usually  not  over  three.  Such  as  can 
not  pay  for  a license,  encoffin  their  dead  and  lay 
them  alongside  the  highway,  thinly  covered  with  earth, 
and  sometimes  only  with  matting.  The  result  is,  that 
every  considerable  town  seems  to  be  surrounded  by  graves 
thickly,  and  sometimes  oddly  enough,  strewn  about  the 
fields  for  a mile  or  even  two  miles  out ; but  great  as  may 
be  the  confusion,  each  gi-ave  is  laid  out  with  due  regard 
to  “fung-shuy,”  which  may  be  regarded  as  a system  of 
geomancy  or  superstition  by  which  the  common  people 
are  largely  governed  in  the  important  transactions  of  life. 
In  the  third  place,  while  the  custom  of  ancestral  worship 
requires  that  the  father’s  grave  should  be  carefully  pre- 
served, in  order  that  his  male  descendants  may  worship 
before  it,  the  graves  of  the  women,  unmarried  people, 
and  children,  are  not  so  well  made  nor  so  scrupulously 
looked  after,  and,  as  a matter  of  fact,  not  only  the  graves 
of  this  class,  but  of  the  heads  of  families,  gradually  fall 
into  decay  and  become  obliterated.  Even  in  the  case  of 
the  best-established  families,  it  must,  with  the  lapse  of 
time,  become  difficult  to  say  whose  duty  it  is  to  keep  in 
repair  the  ancestral  grave,  and  this  fact,  together  with 
the  additional  one  that  while  it  is  provided  by  law  that 
families  shall  neither  change  their  occupation  nor  place 
of  abode,  they  do  so  quite  frequently,  without  let  or  hin- 
drance, and  thus  j)ut  it  out  of  their  power  to  keep  the  old 
graves  in  order.  Besides  all  of  this,  the  fields  around 
and  between  the  graves,  however  small  the  space,  are  cul- 
tivated yearly  ; and  especially  throughout  the  Great  Plain 
where  plowing  is  resorted  to,  or  where  the  ground  is  subject 
to  overflow,  the  grave-mounds  are  gradually  encroached 
upon,  lowered  in  height,  and  ultimately  disappear,  or  are 
covered  up  and  effaced  entirely.  In  my  travels  I tried  to 
obtain  trustworthy  information  as  to  the  average  duration 
of  common  graves,  but  could  not  make  myself  understood 


GEA  V E-MOUNDS. 


99 


snflScientiy  well,  even  through  my  interpreter,  to  get  at 
anything  exact  enough  to  justify  me  in  speaking  with 
confidence  about  it.  My  impression  is,  however,  that  it 
can  not  possibly  exceed  ten  years,  and  may  not  exceed 
five. 

It  has  been  commonly  supposed  that  the  difiBculty  of 
laying  out  railroads  without  interfering  with  the  graves 
and  violating  the  sacred  customs  of  the  people  would 
prove  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  the  introduction  of  rail- 
roads into  China,  and  I am  free  to  confess  that  if  the 
graves  can  not  be  moved,  the  difficulty  will  at  least  com- 
pel the  location  of  the  railroads  at  considerable  distances 
from  the  present  towns  and  cities.  Itwould  be  impossible 
to  enter  the  most  of  those  in  the  Great  Plain  without  run- 
ning over  or  encroaching  upon  many  graves.  In  the  hill- 
country  it  is  different.  The  graves  are  located  in  such 
regions  on  the  hill-tops  and  sides,  and  the  lowlands  and 
valleys,  where  railroad  lines  would  naturally  be  located, 
are  reserved  for  farms  and  roads.  But,  so  far  as  I can 
learn,  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  the  graves 
can  not  be  moved,  when  necessary,  if  the  proper  measures 
are  taken  to  conciliate  the  people  and  to  compensate 
them  for  the  damage  inflicted  upon  them.  Of  course 
the  primary  condition  to  be  observed  in  China,  as  in  other 
countries,  is  that  no  person’s  private  property  shall  be 
taken  for  public  or  corporate  use  except  by  due  process 
of  law  and  with  prompt  payment  for  the  amount  taken. 
Under  this  rule,  all  lands  actually  set  off  for  railroad  use 
would  have  to  be  paid  for  after  valuation  by  disinterested 
parties,  but  in  the  case  under  consideration  there  is  more 
to  be  provided  for  than  the  mere  value  of  the  land.  The 
graves  should  not  only  be  moved,  but  gi’ound  for  new 
ones  should  be  furnished,  and  all  expenses  connected  with 
the  reinterment  should  be  paid  for  by  the  railroad  com- 
pany on  a just  and  liberal  scale.  If  this  is  done,  and  all 


100 


CHINA. 


steps  of  the  business  are  taken  with  due  deliberation  and 
decorum,  as  well  as  a due  regard  for  the  customs  and  pre- 
judices of  the  people,  there  is  little  doubt  that  most  of  the 
difficulty  on  this  account  will  rapidly  disappear,  especially 
if  the  Imperial  sanction  be  given  to  the  proceedings  and 
some  appropriate  recognition  be  extended  to  the  23eople 
whose  plaees  of  sejmlture  it  has  been  necessary  to  inter- 
fere with  for  the  public  good.  A simple  tablet  of  wood 
erected  over  the  remains,  or  in  some  neighboring  temple, 
by  Imperial  decree,  would  go  far  toward  allaying  the 
prejudices  of  the  most  superstitious  and  obdurate  China- 
man. After  all,  he  is  not  unlike  other  people,  and  if  he 
is  well  and  kindly  treated  and  his  natural  rights  are  re- 
spected, he  is  easily  managed.  Besides,  there  is  reason 
for  believing  that  while  reverence  for  the  dead  is  a part 
of  the  Chinaman’s  daily  life,  it  is  not  a cult  of  such  great 
vitality  nor  of  such  fixed  and  unbending  rules  as  to  pro- 
hibit the  application  of  common  sense  to  such  cases  as 
may  arise  affecting  it.  Later  during  my  travels  I made 
inquiry  as  to  the  average  cost  of  coffin,  ground,  and 
funeral  for  the  average  Chinaman,  and  learned  that  it 
varies  in  the  Great  Plain  from  five  to  eight  dollars. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Races  at  Tientsin — Chinese  band  playing  American  airs — No  social  in- 
tercourse between  Chinese  and  foreigners — Removal  of  grave-mounds 
to  make  way  for  the  race-course — Political  and  commercial  impor- 
tance of  Tientsin — The  foreign  settlement — Foreign  gunboats — The 
Viceroy  Li  Ilung-Chang — His  American  secretary — First  call  upon 
the  Viceroy — Ilis  official  residence  or  Yamen — Subjects  discussed — 
Railroads  and  canals — Intelligence  and  interest  displayed  by  the 
Viceroy — Ceremony  of  leave-taking — “Setting  the  watch.” 


Almost  immediately  after  my  arrival  at  Tientsin  I 
was  taken  to  the  race-course,  where  I found  nearly  every 
gentleman  and  lady,  and  most  of  the  children  of  the 
foreign  settlement,  and  a thousand  or  more  Chinamen 
assembled,  all  eager  and  excited  over  the  coming  con- 
tests. The  entries  were  all  Mongolian  ponies,  owned  and 
ridden  by  foreign  gentlemen  residing  in  the  settlement, 
each  of  whom  was  dressed  in  a fancy  jockey  suit  of  gayly- 
colored  silk.  The  ponies  were  well  trained,  hardy  little 
fellows,  from  twelve  to  fourteen  hands  high,  and  very 
spunky.  They  belong  to  the  breed  from  which  the  Tartar 
and  Chinese  cavalry  draw  their  mounts,  and  have  not  yet 
been  improved  by  crossing  with  European  horses. 

The  Viceroy’s  band,  composed  of  about  thirty  musi- 
cians, clad  in  gay  red  uniforms  of  Chinese  cut  and  con- 
ducted by  a foreign  leader,  was  in  attendance,  and,  much 
to  my  surprise  and  gratification,  it  played  an  assortment 
of  familiar  American  airs  in  a most  spirited  manner,  such 


102 


CHINA. 


as  “Old  Blind  Joe”  and  “Marching  throxigh  Georgia.” 
It  was  a gay  and  animated  scene,  in  which  the  manners 
and  customs  of  the  old  and  the  new  civilization  were 
sharply  contrasted.  There  were  many  Chinese  looking 
on,  but  I was  at  once  struck  by  the  fact  that  there  were 
none  takjug  any  part  whatever  in  the  races.  And  it  is 
worthy  of  note  that  neither  here  nor  elsewhere  is  there 
any  social  out-door  intermingling  of  natives  and  foreign- 
ers. The  English  custom  of  non-intercourse  with  all 
inferior  races  prevails  here  as  everywhere  else  in  India 
and  China.  Occasionally  a mandarin  invites  a distin- 
guished foreigner  to  dine  with  him,  and  the  compliment 
is  duly  returned,  but  there  all  social  intercourse  ends. 
Most  of  the  foreigners  residing  in  the  treaty  ports  are 
merchants  or  missionaries,  and  neither  of  these  classes 
has  any  social  standing  with  the  official  class  in  China. 
They  are  simply  ignored,  unless  they  have  private  or 
public  business  which  must  be  attended  to,  and  even 
then  they  are  generally  required  to  present  it  through 
the  consul  of  the  nationality  to  which  they  belong.  So 
far  is  non-intercourse  the  rule  that  no  Chinaman,  how- 
ever high  his  rank,  is  ever  invited  to  enter  a foreign  club 
or  permitted  to  take  jxart  in  foreign  games  and  sports, 
and  in  some  cases,  as  in  the  settlement  at  Shanghai,  they 
are  even  prohibited  from  entering  the  grounds  and  pub- 
lic gardens  set  apart  for  foreign  use.  Whether  they  are 
ready  to  do  so  or  not  if  invited  and  permitted,  is  by  no 
means  certain,  but  the  practice  is  as  I have  stated,  and 
this  is  in  marked  contrast  to  the  rule  in  Japan,  where 
native  and  foreign  gentlemen  belong  to  the  same  clubs, 
and  treat  with  each  other  on  all  business  and  social  mat- 
ters on  terms  of  perfect  equality. 

I was  particularly  struck,  while  on  the  race-course  at 
Tientsin,  with  the  fact  that  the  track,  which  is  elUixtical 
and  about  a mile  round,  occupies  a field  thickly  studded 


REMOVAL  OF  GRAVE-MOUNDS. 


103 


with  grave-mounds,  many  of  which  must  have  been  re- 
moved in  order  to  make  room  for  it.  At  a rough  esti- 
mate I should  say  that  it  incloses  five  thousand  graves, 
and  that  there  are  twice  as  many  in  sight  of  it  on  the 
outside.  Another  curious  fact  is  that  many  of  these 
grave-mounds  were  occupied  by  Chinamen  irreverently 
standing  on  top  of  them  and  eagerly  straining  their 
necks  and  eyes  to  see  the  sport  going  on  around  them. 

I made  inquiry  as  to  how  the  ground  covered  by  the 
race-course  had  been  disencumbered  of  its  graves,  and 
was  told  with  a smile  that  “old  China  hands”  know 
how  to  manage  such  matters.  And  I have  no  doubt 
they  did  it  by  using  common  sense  and  money,  and  not 
very  much  of  the  latter. 

Tientsin,  or  the  Heavenly  Ferry,  is  a point  of  great 
interest,  not  only  on  account  of  its  being  the  port  of 
Peking,  eighty  miles  farther  inland,  but,  as  before  stated, 
because  it  is  the  principal  residence  of  the  Viceroy  Li, 
with  and  through  whom  nearly  all  foreign  business  must 
be  conducted.  It  is  situated  mostly  on  the  south  bank 
of  the  Pei-ho,  just  below  the  confluence  of  its  three  prin- 
cipal branches,  and  is  said  to  contain  nearly  a million 
inhabitants.  Its  site  is  as  low,  fiat,  and  uninviting  as 
any  other  in  the  Great  Plain.  It  is  of  course  subject  to 
overflow,  and  is  in  fact  almost  surrounded  by  shallow 
ponds,  in  which  the  flood-  or  rain-water  stands  all  the 
year  round.  Close  to  the  river-bank  below,  on  either 
side  the  ground  is  given  up  entirely  to  gardens,  in  which 
cabbage,  onions,  garlic,  sweet-potatoes,  and  millet  are  the 
principal  crop.  Like  Shanghai,  it  has  a thrifty  foreign  set- 
tlement extending  along  the  river-bank  for  nearly  a mile, 
and  containing  a number  of  fine  residences  and  \fare- 
houses.  It  also  contains  several  churches,  a club,  two 
hospitals,  a bank,  and  with  its  own  government  under 
the  consuls  of  the  treaty  powers,  an  excellent  police, 


104 


CHINA. 


well-paved  streets,  and  a wharf  or  bund  reveted  with 
cut  stone,  presents  almost  as  strong  a contrast  with  every- 
thing in  the  Chinese  city  above  as  does  the  settlement  at 
Shanghai  with  the  Chinese  city  there.  Last  year  two 
hundred  and  forty  steamships  entered  and  cleared  at  the 
port  of  Tientsin,  and  it  is  estimated  that  they  carried 
into  it  at  least  two  hundred  thousand  tons  of  freight. 
The  outbound  cargoes  were  much  lighter,  as  the  export 
from  this  part  of  the  country  consists  mostly  of  straw 
braid,  camels’  wool,  hogs’  bristles,  and  a few  other  arti- 
cles of  no  great  moment.  The  heart  of  the  Chinese  city 
is  surrounded  by  a high  crenelated  brick  wall  of  the 
usual  Chinese  type,  built  several  hundred  years  ago,  but 
the  suburbs  lying  about  the  junction  of  the  Grand  Canal 
or  south  branch,  with  the  main  river,  and  outside  of 
the  wall,  are  of  greater  extent  than  the  old  city  itself. 
The  foreign  settlement,  suburbs,  and  the  old  city  are  all 
inclosed,  however,  by  a high  earthern  embankment  of 
irregular  trace,  derisively  known  as  Sankolinsin’s  Folly, 
built  by  the  Tartar  prince  of  that  name,  who  commanded 
the  imperial  forces  confronting  the  allied  French  and 
English  in  1860.  This  great  embankment,  having  a 
command  of  about  fifteen  feet,  although  laid  out  with- 
out any  regard  to  flanking  arrangements,  would  have 
been  a very  formidable  bar  to  the  advance  of  the  allied 
forces  had  it  been  properly  manned  and  defended,  but, 
inasmuch  as  the  Imperial  commander  fled  from  it  with- 
out making  a single  effort  to  hold  it,  the  allies  took  pos- 
session of  it,  and  found  it  useful  as  a fortified  base  for 
further  operations  against  Peking. 

Since  the  outbreak  of  the  mob  which  destroyed  the 
French  mission  and  orphan  asylum,  and  massacred  the 
Sisters  of  Charity  at  Tientsin,  in  1873,  the  port  has  been 
occupied  every  winter  by  foreign  gunboats — generally  one 
American,  one  French,  and  one  English — and  is  as  orderly 


TIENTSIN,  OR  TEE  HEAVENLY  FERRY.  105 


and  quiet  a place  as  there  is  in  China.  It  is  the  seat  of 
the  naval  administration  provided  for  in  the  late  imperial 
decree,  and  of  incipient  naval  and  military  academies.  It 
is  also  the  headquarters  of  the  imperial  telegraph  system 
and  the  telegraph  school,  and  has  two  arsenals,  managed 
by  foreigners  and  provided  with  foreign  machinery. 
"While  far  inferior  to  Shanghai  as  a commercial  city,  it 
is,  perhaps,  superior  to  that  place,  and  even  to  Peking,  as 
a base  of  operations  against  the  conservatism  and  ignorance 
which  control  the  entire  country.  Although  Pau-ting-fu, 
aboirt  a hundred  miles  west-southwest,  is  the  official  capi- 
tal of  the  province  of  Chihli,  and  Peking,  eighty  miles 
northwest,  in  the  same  province,  is  the  capital  of  the 
empire,  it  is  quite  certain  that  Tientsin  is  the  center  of 
all  progressive  movements  which  have  shown  themselves 
of  late  years  in  North  China,  and  this  arises  solely  from 
the  fact  that  the  Viceroy  Li  makes  it  his  home  and  prin- 
cipal place  of  business.  He  goes  to  Pau-ting-fu  whenever 
the  provincial  business  requires  it,  and  to  Peking  when- 
ever called  there  by  Imperial  mandate,  but  nine  tenths  of 
his  time  is  passed  at  Tientsin.  In  addition  to  being  the 
Governor-General,  or  Viceroy  of  the  Province,  and  admin- 
istering the  government  of  thirty-five  million  people,  he  is 
First  Grand  Secretary  of  the  Empire,  and  conducts  the 
foreign  affairs  of  the  whole  nation.  He  is  also  practically 
the  head  of  the  Northern  fieet,  or  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
and  is  absoffitely  Minister  Superintendent  of  Trade  for  the 
Northern  Seaboard.  He  is,  besides,  the  leading  military 
adviser  of  the  Throne,  and  it  was  mainly  through  his  ef- 
forts and  those  of  the  foreign  officers  used  by  him  in  or- 
ganizing and  commanding  the  “ Ever- Victorious  Army  ” 
that  the  Taiping  rebellion  was  suppressed  after  it  had 
overrun  two  thirds  of  the  empire,  and  cost  the  lives  of 
ten  million  Chinamen.  Although  he  can  not  speak  or 
read  a word  of  English,  he  has  been  for  many  years  in 


106 


CHINA. 


almost  daily  contact  Tritli  foreigners,  and  especially  wita 
Americans  and  Englishmen,  and  is  familiar  with  their 
ideas  on  all  subjects  of  importance.  He  received  Gen- 
eral Grant,  during  his  late  tour  around  the  world,  with 
every  honor  and  attention,  and  owing,  perhaps,  to  a cer- 
tain similarity  of  tastes  and  mental  qualities,  as  well  as 
to  the  fact  that  each  had  been  the  final  and  successful 
leader  of  his  countrymen  in  the  suppression  of  a great  re- 
bellion, these  two  distinguished  men  came  to  be  intimate 
personal  friends. 

One  of  the  Viceroy’s  foreign  secretaries  is  an  Ameri- 
can, of  rare  modesty  and  attainments,  who  not  only  reads 
and  writes  literary  Chinese  as  well  as  it  is  possible  for 
any  one  except  a native  scholar  to  ever  read  or  write  it, 
but  at  the  same  time  keeps  himself  abreast  of  the  world’s 
current  thought  on  all  questions.  This  gentleman,  after 
serving  through  the  rebellion  as  a private  soldier  in  a 
New  York  cavalry  regiment,  went  to  China  when  still  a 
boy,  with  a letter  of  introduction  from  President  Lin- 
coln to  Mr.  Burlingame,  then  our  minister  at  Peking, 
and  has  resided  in  the  country  ever  since,  devoting  him- 
self conscientiously  to  its  literature  and  art,  and  to  the 
furtherance  of  whatever  promises  to  improve  its  material 
condition.  He  established  intimate  social  and  official  rela- 
tions with  the  Viceroy  and  his  family,  and  has  rendered 
them  much  effective  and  disinterested  service,  especially 
in  familiarizing  them  with  the  foreign  way  of  looking  at 
all  questions.  He  enjoys  the  Viceroy’s  personal  confidence 
and  friendship  to  a high  degree,  and  is  one  of  the  few 
men,  whether  native  or  foreign,  who  has  access  to  him  at 
all  times. 

I made  my  first  call  upon  the  Viceroy  on  the  day  after 
my  arrival  at  Tientsin,  in  company  with  the  American 
vice-consul,  and,  thanks  to  my  credentials,  and  also  to 
my  services  as  a soldier  and  an  engineer,  with  which  the 


LI  HUNG-CHANG,  VICEROY  OF  CHIHLI.  107 


viceroy  had  been  made  acquainted  beforehand,  I was 
received  with  every  mark  of  respect  and  consideration. 
During  that  and  my  subsequent  visits  to  Tientsin  it 
was  my  good  fortune  to  see  the  Viceroy  often,  to  enjoy 
his  hospitality,  and  to  establish  with  him  an  exceedingly 
pleasant  and  cordial  friendship. 

As  the  ceremonies  and  incidents  of  these  visits  were 
novel  and  interesting  to  me,  I venture  to  describe  the 
first  one  as  a samjde  of  all,  in  the  hope  that  it  will  also 
prove  interesting,  and  in  some  degree  instructive,  to 
others. 

Custom  requires  that  all  ceremonial  visits  from 
persons  of  rank  should  be  made  in  a sedan-chair, 
covered  with  blue  or  green  cloth,  lined  with  silk,  and 
borne  upon  the  shoulders  of  four  coolies,  clad  in  official 
costume.  If  occasion  requires  it,  the  chair  is  preceded 
and  followed  by  mounted  retainers,  for  the  purj)ose  of 
clearing  the  way  and  bearing  proper  evidence  to  the 
rank  and  consideration  of  the  visitor.  In  this  manner  I 
proceeded  from  the  settlement,  through  the  narrow, 
crooked,  and  dirty  streets  of  the  Chinese  city,  to  the 
Yamen  or  official  residence  of  the  Viceroy,  on  the  bank  of 
the  Grand  Canal,  three  miles  away.  It  is  situated  in  a 
compound  or  high  wall  of  gray,  burned  bricks,  pierced 
by  a portal  with  high  granite  posts  and  heavy  timber 
doors,  opening  into  an  outer  court-yard  in  front  of  the 
residence.  As  my  cortege  turned  into  the  court-yard, 
which  was  by  no  means  cleanly  swept,  we  were  met  by 
the  vice-consul,  who  had  arrived  before  us  and  given  the 
necessary  notice  that  we  were  near  at  hand,  so  that  every- 
thing was  arranged  in  order  according  to  the  require- 
ments of  Chinese  etiquette.  I sat  for  a few  minutes  in 
my  chair,  waiting  in  front  of  another  pair  of  large,  double 
doors,  gorgeously  decorated  in  red,  yellow,  and  gold,  with 
huge  figures,  one  looking  like  a herculean  king  of  clubs. 


108 


CHIKA. 


and  the  other  like  a queen  of  the  same  suite.  This  slight 
delay  gave  me  time  to  look  about,  but  I saw  nothing  par- 
ticularly striking,  except  a granite  column  or  tablet  to 
the  left,  about  twelve  feet  high,  three  feet  wide,  and  a 
foot  thick,  standing  on  the  back  of  a granite  tortoise 
about  five  feet  long,  three  feet  wide,  and  two  feet  thick, 
half  buried,  with  its  head  stretched  out  upon  the  ground. 
The  face  of  the  tablet  was  deeply  cut  with  Chinese  char- 
acters from  top  to  bottom,  but  their  significance  I never 
learned.  While  engaged  in  looking  at  this  singular  ob- 
ject, many  of  which  I afterward  saw  near  the  graves  of 
great  men  about  Peking,  the  great  central  doors  were 
thrown  open  with  a bang,  and  my  bearers  were  motioned 
to  advance,  which  they  did  for  about  twenty  paces,  and 
then  sat  me  down  again.  My  footman  then  came  for- 
ward, lifted  out  the  yellow-silk  curtain  which  closed  the 
front  of  the  chair,  and  indicated  that  I was  to  step  out. 
The  vice-consul  joined  me  at  once,  and  then — preceded 
by  an  official  of  the  Yamen,  carrying  our  Chinese  cards, 
pieces  of  bright-red  paper  about  seven  inches  long  and 
three  and  a half  wide,  containing  the  Chinese  characters 
which  had  been  selected  to  represent  our  names — we  were 
shown  into  the  reception-room  reserved  for  foreigners. 
The  farther  end  of  it  contained  a platform  or  dais,  lighted 
by  a window  back  of  it,  and  furnished  with  a divan,  two 
seats,  and  a sort  of  low  table,  all  covered  with  red  silk. 
On  either  side  was  a row  of  chairs  and  small  tables,  also 
covered  with  red  silk  ; back  of  them  were  a lot  of  Chinese 
screens  hung  with  pictures,  and  the  floor  was  covered 
with  an  English  Brussels  carpet.  The  front  of  the  room 
was  separated  from  an  open  corridor  by  a screen  of  glass 
and  carved  wood,  and  the  ceiling  was  also  of  wood,  all  in 
its  natural  color.  In  one  corner  of  the  room  was  an 
^ American  coal-stove  of  the  base-burner  pattern,  made  at 
Troy,  New  York,  and  in  the  other  a portrait  of  the 


LI  HUNG-CHANG,  VICEROY  OF  CHIHLI.  109 

Viceroy  done  in  oil,  by  a German  artist,  from  a photo- 
graph. 

I had  hardly  taken  in  these  details  when  the  Viceroy 
made  his  appearance  through  the  door  by  which  we  had 
entered,  bowed  with  grace  and  dignity,  and  then  cordially 
shook  hands  with  me  in  European  style.  Bowing  again, 
he  turned  and  led  the  way  into  a little  private  office 
opening  into  the  reception-room,  and,  seating  himself  at 
the  head  of  a large  table,  he  showed  me  a chair  to  his 
left,  the  post  of  honor  in  China,  and  the  vice-consul,  who 
is  also  his  American  secretary  and  interpreter,  a chair  to 
the  right.  A pretty  little  porcelain  tea-cup,  containing 
freshly  made  tea  of  excellent  quality,  was  placed  in  front 
of  each  of  us  ; a box  of  cigars,  another  of  cigarettes,  and 
a box  of  Austrian  matches  were  put  on  the  table.  At 
the  same  time  a pipe-bearer,  with  a water-pipe  of  steel 
and  ebony,  took  his  stand  near  the  Viceroy.  By  this  time 
I had  taken  a good  look  at  him,  and  was  pleased  with  his 
manly  and  dignified  appearance  and  his  grave  but  be- 
nevolent and  kindly  countenance. 

He  is  about  six  feet  high,  and  strongly  built,  but  by 
no  means  fat.  His  figure  is  erect,  and  indicates  that,  if 
he  had  been  properly  trained  when  young,  he  would  have 
been  a very  strong  and  active  man.  His  skin  has  the 
usual  yellowish  but  somewhat  swarthy  cast  which  charac- 
terizes the  pure  Chinese  race  to  which  he  belongs.  His 
eyes  are  dark,  piercing,  and  rather  small,  but  they  nev- 
ertheless show  both  acuteness  and  intelligence,  and  seem 
to  sparkle  with  amiability  and  kindness.  His  hair  is 
gray,  shaved  back  from  his  forehead,  and  plaited  into  a 
queue  of  medium  length  and  thickness,  according  to  the 
unvarying  Chinese  fashion.  His  teeth  are  somewhat  un- 
even and  discolored  by  tobacco.  He  has  a gray,  drooping 
mustache,  and  rather  thin,  gray  chin- whiskers,  or  imperial, 
which  come  to  Chinamen  generally  late  in  life.  His  age  is 


110 


CHINA. 


now  sixty-six  years,  counting  him  a year  old  at  birth,  as 
is  the  custom  in  China.  He  was  clad  in  a gray  astrakhan 
outer  garment  or  surtout,  with  long,  flowing  sleeves,  into 
which  he  could  withdraw  his  hands  when  cold,  loose 
silken  trousers,  felt  shoes,  and  a black  turban-shaped  hat 
with  flaring  sides  and  flat  top,  surmounted  by  the  button 
of  his  rank,  with  a peacock’s  feather  sticking  straight 
out  behind. 

We  had  hardly  taken  seats  before  he  asked  me  how 
old  I was.  This  question  is  always  asked  by  the  Chinese 
of  foreigners,  and  is  fully  justified  by  the  rules  of  their 
etiquette.  When  I had  answered  it  satisfactorily,  he  said, 
with  some  surprise:  “You  must  have  been  quite  young 
in  the  wars.  What  position  did  you  hold  when  you  were 
in  the  War  Department  at  Washington  ? ” 

Perceiving  that  he  wanted  an  account  of  my  public 
services,  I replied  that  I had  been  chief  of  the  cavalry  bu- 
reau, charged  with  the  supervision  of  the  organization  and 
equipment  of  all  the  cavalry  troops,  had  commanded  a cav- 
alry division,  and,  still  later,  a cavalry  army.  I added 
that  after  the  restoration  of  peace  I had  returned  to  my 
legitimate  duties  as  an  officer  of  regular  engineers,  and 
taken  charge  of  the  improvement  of  the  Mississippi,  the 
Illinois,  and  the  Eoek  Eivers,  and  finally  had  resigned 
from  the  army  for  the  purpose  of  building  and  operating 
railroads,  in  which  business  I had  been  engaged,  in  va- 
rious parts  of  the  United  States,  for  the  last  fifteen  years. 
This  recital  drew  from  him  au  expression  of  surprise  at 
the  extent  and  variety  of  my  services,  whereupon  I ex- 
plained to  him  that,  previous  to  reaching  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general,  I had  also  served  two  years  on  the  staff 
of  General  Grant  as  an  engineer  officer,  and  as  the  inspect- 
or-general of  the  army  under  his  command,  and  that  the 
aim  of  our  system  of  military  education  at  West  Point  is 
to  teach  all  sciences  useful  in  the  military  profession,  in- 


‘ LI  EUNG-CEANG,  VICEROY  OF  CEIELI.  HI 


eluding  drill,  tactics,  engineering,  and  the  art  of  war,  so 
thoroughly  that  the  graduate  is  competent  to  serve  effi- 
ciently wherever  he  may  be  placed. 

This  reference  to  General  Grant  drew  from  the  Viceroy 
an  expression  of  profound  sorrow  at  his  untimely  death 
under  such  sad  and  distressing  circumstances,  and  that 
after  retiring  from  his  high  public  employments  he  should 
have  been  drawn  into  business  relations  with  men  who 
had  proved  themselves  so  unworthy  of  his  confidence 
and  had  betrayed  him  in  such  a shameful  way.  He  ex- 
pressed the  greatest  sympathy  for  Mrs.  Grant,  coupled 
with  anxious  solicitude  for  her  comfort,  and  the  sufficiency 
of  her  fortune  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  herself  and 
family.  When  I told  him  of  General  Grant’s  struggle 
during  the  last  year  of  his  life,  while  suffering  under  a 
painful  and  incurable  disease,  to  write  his  memoirs  for 
the  purpose  of  providing,  by  its  sale,  another  fortune  for 
his  family,  and  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  it  was,  on 
the  whole,  the  most  heroic  year  of  his  life,  and  had  been 
crowned  by  success  as  complete  as  any  he  had  ever  gained, 
the  Viceroy  expressed  his  gratification  in  the  highest 
terms,  and  said  it  was  a noble  ending  to  a noble  career. 

He  then  asked  me  if  I knew  General  Upton,  whom  he 
had  met  during  the  visit  of  the  latter  to  China  and  the 
other  nations  of  Asia  and  Europe  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
specting and  reporting  upon  their  armies,  and  who  had 
proposed  to  establish  a military  academy  for  the  Chinese 
Government.  I explained  that  I had  known  him  inti- 
mately from  boyhood,  that  he  had  commanded  a divison 
of  cavalry  under  me  during  the  closing  days  of  the  rebel- 
lion with  marked  ability,  had  died  only  a few  years  ago 
under  distressing  circumstances,  and  had  left  behind  him 
a great  reputation  as  a military  man. 

After  expressing  sorrow  at  the  sad  ending  of  a career 
which  promised  so  much  usefulness  to  his  country,  the 


112 


CHINA. 


Viceroy  then  reverted  to  my  own  services  and  varied 
employments,  and  said,  ” With  all  you  have  done,  you 
must  be  very  rich,”  I replied,  “No,  not  rich,  and  yet 
not  altogether  poor,”  adding  that  “ I had  rather  striven 
to  do  things  and  accomplish  what  I had  undertaken  than 
to  make  money  out  of  them,  and  yet  I had  made  some 
money.”  He  asked  at  once,  “How  much?”  It  seems 
that  this  is  quite  the  question  to  ask  a foreigner,  but  that  it 
is  hardly  ever  asked  of  a Chinaman.  Not  feeling  quite 
like  putting  a fixed  value  upon  the  usual  assortment  of 
American  assets,  I replied,  “I  have  enough  to  keep  the 
wolf  away  from  the  door,  and  yet  not  so  much  but  that  a 
man  of  my  age,  wdth  wife  and  children  to  care  for,  might 
properly  want  more.”  And  this  seemed  to  satisfy  him. 
At  all  events,  he  dropped  the  subject,  and  asked  if  I had 
brought  my  family  with  me  to  China,  and  how  long  I in- 
tended to  stay.  This  gave  me  an  opportunity,  which  I 
availed  myself  of  at  once,  to  explain  in  a general  way  the 
objects  which  I had  in  view  in  visiting  China,  and  that, 
while  I had  hoped  they  would  not  keep  me  away  from 
home  more  than  six  months,  I should  stay  longer  if  neces- 
sary. I then  adverted  to  the  fact  that  he  was  not  only 
the  first  statesman  and  soldier  of  China,  but  also  its 
recognized  leader  in  intelligence  and  progress,  and  asked 
him  to  explain  the  policy  of  the  Chinese  Government  in 
regard  to  railroads  and  other  industrial  undertakings.  He 
replied,  without  hesitation,  and  apparently  with  perfect 
frankness  : “ China  must  build  railroads,  open  mines,  and 
put  up  furnaces  and  rolling-mills,  but  the  great  question 
is  where  to  find  the  money  with  which  to  pay  for  them.” 
I rejoined  that  I had  no  doubt  the  money  could  be  got  on 
reasonable  terms  if  the  Chinese  Government  would  ask 
for  it;  that  its  credit  was  good,  that  money,  and  especially 
silver,  were  abundant  in  both  Europe  and  America,  and 
that  the  times  were  favorable  for  getting  it.  I added,  I 


RAILROADS  IN  CHINA. 


113 


had  even  heard  it  stated  by  a distinguished  American 
statesman  that  he  'would  be  glad  to  see  the  silver,  which 
was  accumulating  in  such  large  quantities  in  our  Treasury, 
used  for  building  railroads  in  China. 

This  remark  excited  his  interest  at  once,  and  he  asked 
eagerly  if  I could  not  induce  our  Government  to  lend  a 
part  of  its  surplus  silver  to  China  for  this  purpose.  I of 
course  told  him  that  such  a thing  were  hardly  possible, 
but  added  that,  being  only  a private  citizen,  with  no  au- 
thority whatever  to  discuss  a matter  of  such  serious  im- 
portance, I could  only  express  my  private  opinion  about 
it,  and  that  was  that  it  could  not  be  done  directly,  al- 
though it  was  doubtless  possible  that  our  bankers,  who 
had  larger  deposits  than  ever  before,  might  make  a loan 
which  would  indirectly  accomplish  the  same  object.  His 
Excellency  then  asked  : “ What  is  your  Government 
going  to  do  with  the  large  quantity  of  silver  accumulat- 
ing in  its  Treasury  ? I understand  it  amounts  to  hun- 
dreds of  millions,  and  that  they  have  to  build  new  houses 
of  iron  and  steel  to  hold  it.”  How  he  got  his  informa- 
tion I never  learned,  but  I was  struck  with  its  general 
accuracy,  as  well  as  with  the  question  he  asked  about  it. 
I replied  that  of  course  the  Government  would  use  so 
much  of  it  as  necessary  to  pay  its  current  expenses  and 
maturing  debts,  but  had  not  decided,  so  far  as  I knew, 
upon  a definite  policy  for  disposing  of  its  surplus.  He 
smiled,  and  came  back  quickly  with  the  remark,  “ Well, 
it  might  get  rid  of  some  of  it  by  paying  its  diplomatic 
and  consular  agents  in  China  larger  salaries  than  they 
now  get,”  and  in  this  I concurred  most  heartily. 

A pause  now  occurred  in  the  conference,  during  which 
a servant  brought  in  and  opened  a bottle  of  champagne 
and  poured  out  a glass  for  each.  He  then  struck  a 
match,  with  which  he  lit  a twisted  paper  lighter,  and 
carefully  placing  the  mouth-piece  of  the  -water-pipe  be- 


Hi 


tween  the  lips  of  the  Viceroy,  who  had  his  hands  spread 
out  on  the  table  before  him,  and  was  looking  intently  at 
me,  without  seeing  the  pipe-stem.  As  soon  as  he  felt  it, 
however,  between  his  lips,  he  closed  them,  took  a long 
deep  pull  at  it,  blew  out  the  smoke,  and  then  took  an- 
other, still  deeper  if  possible,  and  exhaled  it  through  his 
nostrils.  The  pipe  was  then  withdrawn,  cleared  of  smoke, 
recharged,  and  returned  to  his  mouth  in  the  same  delib- 
erate and  careful  manner,  and  he  smoked  again  in  the 
same  way.  The  operation  was  repeated  several  times, 
and  then  the  conversation  was  resumed  by  the  Viceroy’s 
asking  if  I knew  Colonel  Denby,  the  newly  arrived  Ameri- 
can Minister,  or  had  served  with  him  in  the  rebellion. 
Upon  my  replying  in  the  affirmative,  he  expressed  him- 
self much  pleased  with  the  colonel’s  distinguished  bearing 
and  intelligence,  and  said  he  would  like  to  see  him  ap- 
pointed as  Minister  to  Corea  also,  not  only  as  an  honor 
to  the  colonel,  hut  because  it  would  be  a convenience  to 
all  parties  concerned,  and  there  seems  to  be  but  little 
doubt  that  such  an  ari-angcment,  if  it  were  allowed  by 
our  Government,  would  not  only  bo  an  economy,  but  it 
would  be  productive  of  excellent  results.  I explained  to 
his  Excellency  that  Congress  controls  all  such  matters, 
and  that  neither  the  President  nor  the  Secretary  of  State 
would  feel  at  liberty  to  do  what  he  had  suggested  with- 
out the  authority  of  a law  specially  authorizing  it.  I 
assured  him,  however,  that  I would  take  an  early  oppor- 
tunity to  make  his  views  known,  and  this  I did  by  cable. 

The  conversation  now  took  a wider  and  less  formal 
range,  champagne,  of  which  the  Chinese  are  very 
fond,  was  drunk,  and  although  this  is  generally  the 
signal  for  closing  an  interview,  it  was  not  intended 
as  such  in  the  case  now  under  consideration.  To  the 
contrary,  the  Viceroy  then  returned  to  the  subject  of 
railroads  and  asked  many  questions  as  to  their  use,  their 


LI  EUNG-CHANG,  VICEROY  OF  CHIHLI.  115 


probable  cost  in  China,  the  best  system  for  the  Chinese 
to  adopt,  and  also  what  would  be  the  relative  cost  of 
transportation  by  railroad  and  canal.  In  reference  to 
the  last-mentioned  subject  he  said  : “ General  Grant  told 
me  when  he  was  in  China  that  transportation  by  canal 
was  cheaper  than  by  railroad.  How  is  this  ? ” I gave 
him  my  views  fully  on  that  subject,  and  illustrated  them 
by  reference  to  the  facts  and  statistics,  which  are  familiar 
to  all  students  of  the  subject  and  need  not  be  repeated 
here  ; but  when  I told  him  that  even  if  there  were  any 
doubt  as  to  the  relative  merits  of  railroads  and  canals, 
when  speed  as  well  as  the  actual  cost  of  transportation 
for  freight  and  passengers  were  considered,  and  expressed 
the  opinion  that  he  could  surely  entertain  no  doubt  as  to 
which  was  best  when  he  remembered  the  additional  and 
important  fact  that  in  a climate  like  that  of  Northern 
China  the  canal  must  necessarily  freeze  up  and  remain 
closed  for  three  or  four  months  of  the  year,  while  the 
railroad  would  remain  open  all  the  year  round,  he  frankly 
admitted  that  the  considerations  I had  cited  were  con- 
clusive, and  reiterated  his  declaration  that  China  must 
have  railroads. 

He  then  made  some  practical  suggestions  as  to  the 
way  in  which  I could  most  profitably  spend  my  time 
while  in  China,  pointed  out  several  expeditions  which  he 
thought  I ought  to  make  in  order  to  get  a practical  idea 
of  the  country,  and  of  the  diflBculties  which  would  be 
encountered  in  building  railroads  in  it,  and,  after  express- 
ing the  wish  that  I should  see  him  often,  he  indicated 
that  the  interview  was  closed.  It  was  now  about  sun- 
set, and  the  room  had  become  so  dark  that  lights  would 
have  soon  been  necessary.  We  accordingly  rose  to  take 
our  leave.  The  Viceroy  was  then  standing,  and,  seeing 
us  ready  to  start,  he  turned  and  passed  out  into  the  cor- 
ridor. I took  my  place  by  his  side  and  walked  with 


116 


CEIXA. 


him  toward  the  main  entrance  of  the  Yamen,  and  during 
our  progress  the  stillness  was  broken  by  a sudden  but 
muffled  roll  of  drums  and  a blare  of  brazen  trumpets 
from  the  court-yard,  which  was  very  weird  and  impress- 
ive. It  continued  till  we  had  reached  the  inner  court- 
yard, where  we  had  left  our  chairs.  The  Viceroy  stopped 
at  the  edge  of  this  court,  and,  turning  toward  me,  grasped 
my  hand  most  cordially  in  foreign  style,  saying  : “ You 
are  my  friend  and  I am  your  friend,”  and  then  hade  me 
good-by  in  a most  polite  and  courtly  manner.  He  did 
not  turn  away  at  onee,  but  stood  bowing  to  me,  with  his 
own  hands  clasped  and  raised  to  his  chin,  until  I had  re- 
entered my  chair,  which  I of  course  did  not  do  till  I had 
turned  and  recognized  his  civility  as  best  I could. 

At  a subsequent  interview,  just  as  I was  entering  the 
Yamen,  I again  heard  the  roll  of  the  kettle-drum  near 
at  hand,  but  this  time,  instead  of  a “flourish,”  it  was 
the  signal  for  the  close  of  the  official  day,  and  “set- 
ting the  watch  ” about  the  premises  for  the  night.  On 
stepping  outside  the  waiting-room,  I saw  the  drummer 
standing  at  the  right  of  the  door,  beating  a large  sonor- 
ous drum  like  those  used  in  Western  orchestras ; his 
hands  were  flying  with  the  greatest  rapidity,  but  every 
now  and  then,  with  measured  regularity,  he  would  strike 
a heavier  blow.  Farther  out  in  the  dim  twilight  there 
were  two  trumpeters  clad  in  white  robes,  and  each  play- 
ing a long,  straight  brass  trumpet,  of  the  kind  depictured 
in  Old  Testament  scenes.  Each  raised  his  instrument  in 
unison  with  the  other,  till  it  was  nearly  perpendicular, 
and,  while  lowering  it  slowly  to  the  level,  blew  a long, 
quavering  blast,  now  soft  and  low,  now  loud  and  strong, 
but  always  in  harmony  with  the  drum,  and  always  with  a 
strange  weird  sweetness  of  tone,  which  impressed  me  pro- 
foundly. Pausing  a moment,  they  raised  their  trumpets 
as  before,  repeating  the  strange,  semi-barbaric  and  yet 


<<  SETTING  TEE  WATCH. 


117 


pleasing  music  over  and  over  again  for  perhaps  five 
minutes,  after  which  they  let  it  die  away  as  though  they 
were  disappearing  in  the  distance.  The  drummer,  with 
softening  beat,  closed  the  ceremony  by  giving  three 
measured  taps,  which,  after  a short  pause,  were  followed 
by  three  strokes  of  a musical  bell.  And  then  the  watch- 
men marched  away  to  their  various  posts  for  the  night. 
This  ceremony,  I was  told,  is  conducted  daily  at  every 
provincial  Yamen,  and  at  the  headquarters  of  every 
army.  If  a modern  musical  composer  could  give  it, 
with  proper  scenic  accessories  and  instrumental  accom- 
paniment as  I heard  it,  I am  sure  it  would  prove  to  be 
a striking  and  interesting  entertainment  to  a Western 
audience. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Li  Hung-Chang — His  public  career — Influence  of  Generals  Ward  and 
Gordon — English  misconception  of  their  character — The  career  of 
Burgevine — The  influence  of  the  war  threatened  with  Russia — Gor- 
don rcvi^tcd  China — The  introduction  of  telegraphs — Messages  sent 
in  English,  or  cipher — Memorial  of  Liu  Ming-Chu’an  on  the  intro- 
duction of  railways — Referred  to  Li  Ilung-Chang  and  Lin  K’un-Ti 
— The  memorial  of  Li  Hung-Chang  and  Lin  K’un-Yi — Tso  Tsung- 
Tang’s  dying  memorial  on  the  same  subject — Xo  oflicial  action  yet 
taken  thereupon — The  essence  of  progress  and  the  death-knell  of 
conservatism. 

Li  HuxG-CnAKG,  now  by  far  the  most  conspicuous 
figure  on  the  Chinese  theatre  of  action,  is  a pure  China- 
man, with  no  trace  of  Tartar  blood  in  his  veins.  He 
comes  of  a family,  six  or  seven  generations  of  which 
have  attained  high  literary  rank  but  only  moderate  for- 
tune, was  born  in  the  province  of  Xgan-whei,  and  early 
gave  promise  of  decided  literary  ability,  which  in  China 
is  the  only  test  of  fitness  for  office — having  successfully 
passed  the  three  public  examinations,  and  obtained  in  the 
last  one  at  Peking  the  highest  degree,  which,  translated, 
simply  means  fit  for  office.  He  is  a fellow  of  the  Han-lin 
College — the  most  learned  body  of  men  in  the  empire. 
By  the  time  he  had  reached  middle  age  he  had  passed 
through  the  various  grades  and  public  employments  open 
to  men  of  his  attainments.  Shortly  after  the  Taiping 
rebellion  reached  his  native  province,  he  was  appointed 
to  the  staff  of  the  general  acting  against  the  rebels,  and 
was  engaged  in  the  various  operations  in  the  Kiang  prov- 


LI  HUNG- CHANG,  VICEROY  OF  CHIHLI.  H9 


inces,  from  1853  till  the  close  ol  the  rebellion,  during  the 
latter  part  of  which  he  was  in  chief  command  of  the  im- 
perial forces.  In  February,  1863,  he  was  made  Superin- 
tendent of  Trade  for  the  southern  ports.  In  1866  he  was 
appointed  special  commissioner  for  the  suppression  of  the 
Nienfei  rebellion,  and  in  1870  he  was  directed  to  settle 
the  difficulty  with  the  French  and  Eussians  arising  from 
the  Tientsin  massacre.  He  has  since  that  time  been  spe- 
cial commissioner  for  the  settlement  of  the  Yunnan  ques- 
tion, and  for  readjusting  the  various  treaties  and  arrange- 
ments with  foreign  powers  ; and,  in  all  matters  intrusted 
to  him,  has  acquitted  himself  with  such  marked  ability, 
that  the  Empress  Regent  bestowed  upon  him,  January 
9,  1875,  the  office  of  Senior  First  Grand  Secretary,  which 
is  equivalent  to  saying  that  he  is  the  first  civilian  of  the 
empire. 

Chinese  custom  and  law  require  a public  official  to  re- 
tire from  all  public  employments  for  three  years  upon  the 
death  of  his  mother.  Having  been  appointed  Goveimor- 
General  of  Chihli  in  1870,  on  the  death  of  his  mother 
(in  1882)  he  retired  from  office,  but  was  ordered  to  re- 
turn to  his  post  as  Viceroy  after  the  expiration  of  only 
one  hundred  days  of  mourning.  Shortly  afterward,  at 
his  earnest  request,  he  was  allowed  to  vacate  his  posts  as 
Grand  Secretary  and  Viceroy,  but  was  again  compelled  to 
resume  office  in  August,  1883.* 

In  this  connection  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  no  Chi- 
naman can  hold  office  in  his  native  province,  nor  can 
any  near  relative  hold  office  under  him.  It  is  also 
worthy  of  note  that  in  China,  as  in  America,  the  civil 
functions  of  government  are  supposed  to  be  superior  to 


* Biographical  table  of  the  high  officials  composing  the  central  and 
provincial  governments  of  China,  published  as  an  Appendix  to  the  trans- 
lation of  the  “Peking  Gazette”  for  1884. 


120 


CHINA. 


the  military  functions.  The  scholar,  therefore,  looks 
down  upon  the  soldier,  but  is  frequently  called  upon  to 
perform  the  highest  military  duty.  The  governor-gen- 
eral of  a province  is  ex-officio  the  commander-in-chief 
of  its  military  forces,  and,  whenever  necessity  requires 
it,  is  compelled  to  lead  them  in  the  field.  In  accord- 
ance with  this  rule,  Li,  who  had  come  to  be  one  of 
the  leading  scholars  of  the  country,  also  became  in  due 
course  of  time  its  most  conspicuous  if  not  actually  its 
ablest  soldier.  In  the  terrible  struggle  which  ensued  for 
the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  he  had  Tso  Tsung- 
tang,  Tseng  Quo-fan,  and  Tseng  Quo-chu’an  for  coad.- 
Jutors ; but,  without  disparaging  these  able  men,  it  is 
safe  to  say  that  he  received  by  far  the  most  valuable  as- 
sistance given  to  him  from  the  “ Ever- Victorious  Army,” 
which  was  organized  by  the  American  Ward,  and  con- 
sisted of  native  Chinamen,  instructed  and  led  by  foreign 
officers.  Ward,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  killed  at  the 
head  of  his  force  after  an  extraordinary  career,  in  which 
he  showed  skill,  courage,  and  organizing  capacity  of  a 
high  order.  He  was  succeeded  by  Burgevine,  another 
American  of  great  bravery,  but  of  bad  habits  and  an  un- 
governable temper,  which  soon  brought  him  into  dis- 
grace. The  force  then  fell  temporarily  under  the  com- 
mand of  an  Englishman,  who  proved  to  be  incompetent, 
and  was  in  turn  succeeded  by  Gordon,  an  officer  of  the 
Koyal  British  Engineers,  who  had  the  qualities  of  a true 
soldier,  and  speedily  restored  the  discipline  and  pres- 
tige of  the  force.  He  adopted  the  methods  of  Ward, 
even  in  the  matter  of  leading  his  men  into  action  with  a 
walking-cane  or  wand  in  his  hand  as  the  sole  sign  of  his 
authority.  By  great  activity  and  rigid  discipline,  com- 
bined with  a thorough  knowledge  of  the  theatre  of  war, 
gained  by  actual  surveys  which  he  had  previously  made 
for  the  British  authorities,  he  soon  brought  the  rebellion 


LI  HUNO-CHANO,  VICEROY  OF  CEIELL  121 


to  desperate  straits.  Of  course  he  had  the  co-operation  of 
the  imperial  commanders  in  all  combined  undertakings. 
He  was  especially  subject  to  the  orders  of  Governor- 
General  Li,  and  made  no  campaign  except  with  his  consent 
and  under  his  control.  This  fact  has  been  too  frequently 
ignored  or  glossed  over  by  English  writers,  to  the  dispar- 
agement of  Ward,  who  was  undeniably  an  able  man,  and 
without  whose  untimely  death  it  is  more  than  likely  that 
the  English  commander,  great  as  were  his  abilities,  would 
never  have  become  known  to  history  as  Chinese  Gordon, 
and  also  of  Li,  whose  intelligence  and  sound  judgment 
enabled  him  to  perceive,  even  at  that  early  day,  the  vast 
superiority  of  foreign  organization,  discipline,  and  ai’ms, 
and,  in  spite  of  the  prejudice  of  his  ablest  coadjutor,  in- 
duced him,  in  desperate  undertakings,  to  put  his  main  re- 
liance upon  the  “ Ever-Victorious  Army.”  In  other  words, 
it  was  Li  who  upheld  Gordon  and  gave  him  the  chance 
to  use,  with  such  terrible  effect,  the  organization  which 
had  been  fashioned  to  his  hand  in  all  essential  particulars 
by  Ward,  the  intrepid  Yankee  sailor.  Another  circum- 
stance in  connection  with  Gordon,  frequently  overlooked, 
is,  that  he  was  not  intrusted  with  the  exclusive  control 
of  the  force,  but  had  a Chinese  adlatus,  who,  nominally 
at  least,  had  as  much  to  say  as  himself.  How  far  this 
was  an  acUial  limitation  upon  the  independence  of  Gor- 
don does  not  appear  in  the  histories  of  that  period,  all  of 
which  were  written  by  Englishmen  ; but  there  is  reason 
for  believing  that  he  was  not  wholly  trusted  either  by  Li 
or  his  lieutenants. 

The  final  surrender  of  the  Taiping  chieftains  was 
made  to  Gordon  on  his  assurance  that  their  lives  should 
be  spared,  but  this  was  an  innovation  upon  Chinese 
methods  of  concluding  such  matters,  and  it  was  repu- 
diated ; the  prisoners  were  slain,  and  a hot  feud  arose 
between  Gordon  and  Li  in  reference  to  it.  Gordon 
6 


122 


CHINA. 


charged  Li  with  had  faith,  and  is  said  to  have  sought 
for  him  three  days  with  a revolver,  openly  avowing  that 
he  would  kill  him  on  sight.  Fortunately  for  China, 
and  probably  for  himself,  his  anger  was  evanescent,  and 
soon  friendly  if  not  intimate  relations  wei’e  re-established 
between  him  and  Li.  High  honors,  including  a yellow 
jacket  and  a gratuity  of  ten  thousand  taels,  were  be- 
stowed upon  him  by  the  Imperial  Government,  but  he 
rejected  the  latter  with  the  plain  though  perhaps  un- 
necessary intimation  that  he  was  no  mercenary  soldier  of 
fortune.  Still  feeling  aggrieved  at  the  execution  of  the 
Taiping  chieftains,  and  perceiving  that  the  rebellion  was 
over,  he  resigned  his  commission  and  the  force  was  dis- 
banded. This  was  perhaps  a wise  measure,  for  it  had 
come  to  regard  itself  as  the  only  respectable  military 
organization  in  the  empire.  Its  officers  had  from  the 
first  been  more  or  less  inclined  to  be  insolent,  and  Burge- 
vine  at  least  had  threatened  more  than  once,  when  he  got 
through  with  the  rebels,  to  turn  the  force  against  the  im- 
perial armies,  and,  after  overthrowing  them,  to  drive  out 
the  reigning  dynasty  at  Peking,  and  make  himself  master 
of  China. 

The  subsequent  career  of  Burgevine  was  romantic  but 
unfortunate.  After  being  relieved  from  the  command,  he 
went  to  Peking  and  protested  against  the  treatment  he 
had  received  at  Li’s  hands,  and  so  much  interested  Mr. 
Burlingame,  the  American  minister,  and  Sir  Thomas 
Wade,  the  British  minister,  in  his  case,  that,  through  their 
intercession,  the  Peking  authorities  sent  him  back  to  Li, 
■with  a vague  sort  of  request  that  he  might  be  restored 
to  command.  Li,  who  doubtless  knew  him  better  than 
his  diplomatic  friends,  or  had  some  secret  understanding 
witli  the  Government,  declined  to  reinstate  him,  and  after 
a short  time  he  made  his  way  through  the  lines  and  joined 
the  Taiping  rebels.  They  in  turn  failed  to  treat  him 


LI  EVNG-CnANG,  VICEROY  OF  CHIHLI.  123 


with  that  consideration  which  he  regarded  as  his  due,  or 
he  saw  that  they  could  not  possibly  succeed  even  with  his 
help,  and  consequently  he  left  them,  making  his  way  back 
through  the  imperial  lines,  probably  by  consent,  to  the 
sea-coast,  whence  he  sailed  for  Japan.  Kemaining  in  that 
country  for  several  months,  he  again  became  discontented, 
and  returned  to  China,  it  is  said,  in  violation  of  a tacit 
agreement  with  the  imperial  authorities,  under  which  he 
had  been  permitted  to  depart  from  China  without  mo- 
lestation. At  all  events,  he  was  speedily  apprehended 
and  sent  into  the  interior  under  escort.  Efforts  were 
made  by  foreigners,  and  especially  the  American  consul 
at  Shanghai,  to  secure  his  release  ; but,  whether  by  design 
or  accident  has  never  been  clearly  established,  he  was 
drowned  by  the  upsetting  of  a boat  while  crossing  a river. 

Li’s  experience  with  Ward,  Burgevine,  and  Gordon, 
and  also  with  the  foreign  ministers,  consuls,  and  naval 
officers,  during  the  closing  days  of  the  rebellion,  was  of 
such  character  as  to  put  him  somewhat  on  his  guard 
against  foreign  influence,  which  was  by  no  means  at  all 
times  entirely  disinterested  ; but,  nevertheless,  it  inspired 
him  with  a high  opinion  of  foreign  skill  and  ability  in 
military  and  naval  matters.  It  familiarized  him  with  for- 
eign methods,  and  must  in  some  degree  have  shaken  his 
confidence  in  those  of  his  own  countrymen.  As  a reward 
for  the  craft  and  discretion  displayed  in  his  management 
of  affairs  in  Che-kiang,  he  was,  as  before  stated,  appointed 
Governor-General  of  the  metropolitan  province  of  Chihli 
in  1870,  with  the  enlarged  powers  of  a Viceroy,  and  the 
high  offices  of  tutor  to  the  yoxing  Emperor,  Grand  Secre- 
tary, and  virtual  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  In  this 
position  he  was  thrown  more  and  more  into  relations  with 
foreigners,  by  whom  he  soon  came  to  be  regarded  as  an 
exceedingly  able  diplomatist.  As  special  commissioner, 
he  negotiated  new  treaties  with  most  of  the  treaty  powers, 


124 


CHINA. 


and,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  was  confronted  by 
men  of  great  skill  and  experience,  it  is  now  apparent  that 
he  was  by  no  means  overmatched  by  them. 

When  the  difficulties  arose  with  Eussia  in  1881,  in 
regard  to  the  northern  boundary,  and  war  appeared  to  be 
imminent,  he  sent  for  Gordon,  who  had  been  many  years 
in  England,  and  it  is  said  offered  him  command  of  the 
imperial  forces.  Gordon  revisited  China,  and  remained 
in  conference  with  Li  for  several  months,  but  finally  re- 
turned to  Europe  when  it  was  evident  that  the  war-cloud 
had  passed  away.  There  is  the  best  of  reason  for  believ- 
ing that  Gordon,  at  the  time  of  this  visit,  had  not  only 
entirely  forgiven  the  viceroy  for  putting  the  Taiping 
chieftains  to  death,  but  wished  to  secure  for  him  the 
highest  possible  position  which  a Chinaman  could  hold,  and 
was  willing  to  undertake  an  adventure  in  his  behalf  quite 
as  desperate  as  any  Burgevine  had  ever  contemplated  for 
himself.  I mention  this  circumstance  for  the  purpose  of 
showing  that  Gordon  was  not  a safe  adviser  in  all  things, 
as  well  as  that  the  viceroy’s  prudence  and  loyalty  were 
proof  against  temptation,  no  matter  from  what  quarter  it 
came,  nor  how  great  an  honor  it  held  out  to  him. 

It  was  during  this  period  that  the  Viceroy  memorial- 
ized the  Throne,  and  obtained  permission  to  erect  tele- 
graph lines  to  the  principal  provincial  capitals  and  com- 
mercial cities  of  the  northern  and  southern  seaboards. 
The  work  was  done  under  the  personal  direction  of  Mr. 
Carl  H.  0.  Poulsen,  assisted  by  Mr.  Culmsee,  formerly 
officers  of  the  Danish  Cable  Company’s  service.  They 
have  now  in  operation  about  five  thousand  miles  of  line, 
connecting  Seoul,  the  capital  of  Corea,  Mukden,  the  capi- 
tal of  Manchooria  and  the  home  of  the  reigning  dynasty. 
Port  Arthur,  Shan-hai-kwan,  Peking,  Tientsin,  Taku, 
Chinan-foo,  Che-foo,  Chin-kiang,  Shanghai,  Nanking, 
Wuchang,  Hankow,  Hang-chow,  Ning-po,  Foochow, 


TELEGRAPH  LIHES. 


125 


Amoy,  Canton,  and  Kin,  and  are  fast  extending  it  to  all 
the  provincial  capitals  in  the  interior,  and  also  through 
Mongolia  to  the  Russian  border.  Notwithstanding  this  is 
as  great  an  innovation  as  anything  which  could  be  sug- 
gested, and  was  opposed  at  first  by  the  conservatives,  it  is 
now  desired  by  every  governor,  prefect,  and  magistrate,  as 
well  as  by  every  intelligent  merchant  throughout  the  em- 
pire, and  is  in  no  way  molested  by  the  common  people. 
All  the  operators  are  Chinese,  w’ho  have  been  taught  Eng- 
lish and  telegraphy  in  America,  or  in  a school  established 
for  that  purpose  at  Tientsin,  under  the  immediate  charge 
of  Messrs.  Poulsen  and  Culmsee.  The  Chinese  written 
language  being  a language  of  idiographs,  with  a separate 
character  for  each  word,  instead  of  syllables  made  up  of 
distinct  sounds  represented  by  letters,  it  is  impossible  to 
send  by  the  Morse  system  a message  written  in  such  char- 
acters, but  the  difficulty  is  overcome  by  representing  each 
character  by  a combination  of  three  Arabic  numerals,  and 
then  sending  the  corresponding  figure-message,  which  the 
operator  at  the  receiving  office  immediately  transposes 
into  the  proper  cliaracters,  by  reference  to  a key,  a copy 
of  which  is  in  the  hands  of  every  operator.  The  system 
is  very  ingenious,  and,  although  it  has  certain  defects, 
works  with  as  much  satisfaction  as  could  be  expected. 
Of  course,  it  is  equivalent  to  putting  every  Chinese  mes- 
sage into  a foreign  language,  which,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  there  are  something  like  eight  thousand  characters 
in  common  use,  and  nearly  forty-five  thousand  in  all, 
each  of  which  must  have  its  equivalent  combination  of 
three  figures,  it  is  easy  to  see  requires  a large  key,  and 
much  time  for  the  preparation  of  each  message.  It  is 
much  easier  to  send  an  English  message,  because  the  tele- 
graph system  is  specially  adapted  to  that,  and  every  opera- 
tor is  required  to  know  enough  English  to  read  the  mes- 
sages fluently,  and  to  write  a good  plain  hand. 

7 


126 


CHINA. 


It  was  also  during  the  excitement  growing  out  of  the 
probability  of  a war  with  Russia,  that  the  Viceroy  Li 
prepared  and  submitted  to  the  Throne  a very  remarkable 
memorial,  setting  forth  at  length  the  reasons  favoring 
the  immediate  construction  of  railroads.  This  was  pre- 
ceded, however,  by  a memorial  from  Liu  Ming-Chu’an,  at 
that  time  a general  in  the  Chinese  army,  but  now  Gov- 
ernor-General of  the  Island  of  Formosa,  and,  besides 
being  one  of  the  Viceroy  Li’s  most  devoted  friends  and 
adherents,  is  an  able  and  progressive  man,  still  in  the 
prime  of  life. 

Although  I find  other  allusions  to  railroads  in  the 
“ Peking  Gazette,”  these  memorials  are  the  first  formal 
presentation  of  the  subject  to  the  Throne,  and  inasmuch 
as  they  have  been  published  in  the  official  gazette,  for  the 
information  of  Chinese  subjects,  I deem  it  best  to  set 
them  forth  at  large  herein.  They  are  not  only  important 
state  papers,  but  may  have  great  historical  value  here- 
after. Moreover,  they  show  how  Chinese  statesmen  com- 
municate with  the  Throne,  and  also  the  state  of  knowl- 
edge existing  among  them  in  regard  to  this  most  impor- 
tant subject  : 

Memorial  of  Liu  Ming-  Chu’an,  a general  in  the  Chinese 
army,  in  retirement,  recommending  the  immediate  in- 
troduction of  railways  as  a means  of  augmenting  the 
2)0wer  of  the  country.  * 

“ Your  Majesties’  slave,  Liu  Ming-Ch’uan,  etc.,  etc., 
upon  his  knees  addresses  the  throne.  Looking  upward, 
he  implores  the  glances  of  Your  Sacred  Majesties  upon  a 
memorial,  reverently  prepared,  showing  that  as  the  situa- 
tion of  the  emjiire  is  daily  becoming  more  critical,  and 

* It  is  understood  that  this  memorial  was  prepared  at  the  instance 
of  the  Viceroy  Li. 


MEMORIAL  OF  LIU  MING-GHIPAN.  127 


as  difficulties  from  without  are  pressing  harder  upon  us 
day  by  day,  immediate  consideration  should  he  given  to 
the  question  of  introducing  railways  as  a means  whereby 
to  augment  the  power  of  the  empire. 

Your  slave’s  merits  sink  into  insignificance  when 
compared  with  the  abundant  favors  which  have  been 
bestowed  upon  him  since  his  withdrawal  from  the  army, 
in  consequence  of  illness.  Your  slave,  in  the  retirement 
of  his  garden  home,  has  always  studied  the  relations  be- 
tween China  and  foreign  countries,  with  the  result  that 
he  has  often  been  awaked  and  brought  to  his  feet  in  the 
hours  of  night  to  find  his  eyes  streaming  with  tears  from 
anxiety.  He  feels  mortified  at  the  thought  that  all  his 
dog-  or  horse-like  * exertions  are  inadequate  to  repay  one 
ten-thousandth  part  of  the  favors  which  he  has  received. 

“ Recently  he  had  the  honor  to  be  summoned  by  Your 
Majesties,  and  in  contempt  of  his  sickness  came  to  the 
capital.  On  his  arrival  he  was  further  honored  by  being 
summoned  into  the  imperial  presence,  when  he  reeeived 
full  and  complete  instructions,  his  gratitude  and  respect 
for  which  your  slave  can  not  find  words  to  express. 

“ Your  slave  conceives  it  to  be  the  duty  of  an  officer 
toward  his  sovereign  to  speak  when  he  learns  anything 
that  should  be  known  to  his  master,  and,  acting  on  this 
principle,  he  feels  it  his  duty,  with  all  diligence,  respect- 
fully to  submit  to  Your  Imperial  Majesties,  the  Empress 
Dowager  and  the  Emperor,  that  the  introduction  of 
changes  are  matters  which  are  attended  with  tlie  gravest 
embarrassments,  and  the  adoption  of  measures  which  may 
result  in  benefit  or  in  injury  to  the  country  are  consid- 
erations of  the  gravest  importance. 


* A mode  of  expression  designed  to  humble  one’s  self  when  speaking 
of  favors  received.  (The  dog  can  watch  its  master’s  house,  and  the 
horse  can  draw  or  carry  burdens  for  him.) 


128 


CHINA. 


“ The  troubles  ■whicli  have  beset  China  since  she  re- 
moved the  bolts  and  opened  her  doors  to  engage  in  trade 
with  foreign  countries  are  by  far  more  numerous  and 
embarrassing  than  anything  she  has  had  to  meet  from 
her  enemies  since  the  earliest  ages.  These  foreigners,  in 
their  dealings  with  us,  are  ever  ready,  on  the  smallest 
pretext,  to  create  a dispute  whereby  they  may  deceive 
and  oppress  us,  and,  when  there  is  a quarrel  between  any 
one  of  them  and  ourselves,  the  others  press  around  and 
eagerly  watch  for  an  opportunity. 

“ Russia’s  southern  frontier  (in  Asia)  is  very  extensive  ; 
so  much  so,  that  it  is  contiguous  to  and  interlocked  with 
our  northern,  eastern,  and  western  frontiers ; we  feel  her 
grip  on  our  throat,  and  her  fist  upon  our  back,  and  our 
contact  with  her  is  a source  of  perpetual  uneasiness  to 
our  hearts  and  minds.  But  our  long  season  of  weakness 
and  inaction  disables  us  from  making  a show  of  strength, 
and  our  only  alternative,  therefore,  is  to  patiently  bear 
insult  and  obloquy.  When  a quarrel  occurs  we  have  to 
yield  to  her  demands  and  make  a compromise,  regardless 
of  money,  in  order  to  avert  the  dangers  of  war. 

‘•'It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  along-endur- 
ing peace  between  two  countries  is  a thing  that  can  not 
be  relied  upon  as  a certainty,  and  that  the  wealth  of 
a nation  is  not  unbounded.  If  we  make  no  departure 
from  our  present  conservatism,  what  strength  can  we 
hope  to  acquire  ? 

“ There  are  those  who  speak  thoughtlessly  of  going 
to  war.  In  this  connection  your  slave  would  beg  to  ob- 
serve that  the  essential  point  before  going  to  war  is  to 
ascertain  the  condition  of  the  enemy’s  forces.  Russia 
has  built  railways  which  run  from  Europe  to  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Hao  Han,  and  she  purposes  to  build  one  from 
Hai-Shen-Wei  to  Hui  Ch’un,  and  the  reason  why  she  did 
not  proceed  to  send  troops  recently,  when  the  quarrel 


MEMORIAL  OF  LIU  MING-CHU'AN. 


129 


with  us  commenced,  is  not  that  she  feared  to  encounter 
our  soldiers,  but  that  her  railways  were  not  quite  com- 
pleted. Your  slave  foresees  that,  before  ten  years  are 
passed,  some  immeasurable  disaster  may  be  looked  for 
from  that  quarter. 

“Now,  Japan  is  an  extremely  small  country — like  a 
pill.  Her  rulers,  however,  have  adopted  Western  mechani- 
cal arts ; and  relying  on  her  possession  of  railways,  she 
attempts  now  and  again  to  be  arrogant — like  a mantis 
when  it  assumes  an  air  of  defiance — and  to  despise  China, 
and  gives  us  no  small  amount  of  trouble  on  the  smallest 
pretext. 

“Your  slave  is  much  grieved  and  distressed  when  he 
thinks  that  if  the  present  time  is  allowed  to  go  past 
without  measures  being  taken  to  strengthen  our  country, 
how  vain  it  will  be  to  repent  when  it  is  too  late. 

“ Although  it  is  true  that  the  proper  way  to  proceed 
to  strengthen  our  country  is  by  drilling  troops  and  manu- 
facturing arms,  etc.,  regularly  in  their  turn,  yet  it  must 
be  confessed  that  the  immediate  construction  of  railways 
will  be  the  main-spring  of  our  country’s  strength. 

“ It  would  be  difficult  to  enumerate  all  the  advantages 
that  will  be  derived  from  the  possession  of  railways ; 
such,  for  instance,  as  facilitating  the  transportation  of 
the  grain-tax,  affording  prompt  and  effective  communi- 
cation in  the  distribution  of  relief,  the  extension  of  com- 
merce, the  furtherance  of  mining  operations,  the  sup- 
pression of  likin*  stations,  and  the  improved  system  of 
traveling.  But  the  principal  advantage  that  will  be 
derived  from  them  is  the  more  effective  method  of  trans- 
porting troops,  and  this  consideration  renders  it  im- 
portant that  their  introduction  should  not  be  delayed. 


* Stations  in  the  interior  for  the  collection  of  taxes  on  goods  in 
transit. 


130 


CHINA. 


“ The  area  of  China’s  territory  is  very  great.  Her 
northern  frontier  stretches  ont  to  a length  of  10,000  li* 
and  is  conterminous  with  the  confines  of  Russia;  more- 
over, there  are  foreigners  of  many  nationalities  resident 
at  the  treaty  ports,  who  are  engaged  in  trade  with  our 
people.  To  draw  a line  on  our  frontier  and  guard  it 
against  invasion  is  a matter  which,  in  sjute  of  our  desire, 
we  are  unable  to  do.  ‘Although  we  ride  about  on  a 
fleet  horse,  and  do  not  spare  the  whip,  we  are  unable  to 
come  up  in  time.’  f If  railways  are  built  all  parts  of  the 
country,  north,  south,  east,  and  west,  will  be  within  easy 
communication,  and  in  case  of  war  we  can  form  our  plans 
according  to  our  observations  of  the  enemy’s  movements. 
It  will  be  easy  to  come  to  a given  point  in  a few  days, 
although  the  distance  be  10,000  li,  and  a million  troops 
can  be  brought  together  at  one  call ; and  such  irregulari- 
ties as  confusion  and  hurry  when  troops  are  ordered  to 
move  and  obstructions  and  delays  in  the  transport  of 
materials  and  supplies,  and  similar  vexatious  embarrass- 
ments will  be  removed.  The  strength  of  an  army  con- 
sists in  its  troops  being  united,  and  a state  of  division 
means  weakness. 

“ China  numbers  eighteen  provinces  [now  nineteen]  ; 
her  troops  are  not  few,  nor  are  her  supplies  insuflficient ; 
but  the  troops  and  supplies  of  each  province  are  under 
the  control  of  its  high  provincial  officers.  The  affairs  of 
each  province  being  thus  confined  to  its  own  limits,  the 
result  is  the  division  of  interests  that  should  be  united  in 
one  mutual  and  common  concern.  In  case  of  war,  each 
province  has  barely  time  to  concert  its  own  plans,  and 
when  called  upon  to  furnish  troops  or  supplies  has  not 
the  means  wherewith  to  meet  the  demand.  They  are  un- 

A li  is  equal  to  about  one  third  of  an  English  mile, 
f Metaphor  for  “ Our  movements  are  too  slow  to  guard  the  vast  ex- 
tent of  our  country.” 


MEMORIAL  OF  LIU  MmG-CHU'AK 


131 


able,  moreover,  to  come  forward  with  the  necessary  relief 
in  times  of  adversity,  although  an  edict  be  issued  from  the 
throne  visiting  the  responsible  officers  with  severe  punish- 
ment. With  the  construction  of  railways  the  power  of  the 
country  will  be  concentrated,  its  arteries  will  be  unob- 
structed, the  number  of  soldiers  may  be  diminished,  sup- 
plies curtailed,  and  several  regiments  converted  into  one 
effective  corps.  In  the  protection  of  our  frontiers  and  sea- 
board, the  necessary  materials,  such  as  artillery,  etc.,  can 
be  transported  with  surpassing  rapidity  [literally  between 
the  dawn  and  twilight].  Troops  garrisoned  at  different 
stations  can  be  converted  into  an  effective  active  battalion, 
and  the  strength  of  the  eighteen  provinces  will  be  brought 
into  one  center.  One  soldier  may  be  made  as  efficient  as 
ten.  Hereafter  the  army  and  commissariat  will  bo  under 
the  control  of  the  central  Government,  which  will  become 
the  seat  of  importance,  while  the  provincial  administra- 
tion will  remain  auxiliary  and  secondary,  and  the  efficiency 
of  the  army  will  not  ho  ex]:)osed  to  be  impaired  and  ob- 
structed by  the  failures  of  provincial  officers. 

“In  the  present  state  of  our  affairs  the  expenditure 
required  for  the  defenses  of  our  frontiers  makes  a sensible 
diminution  in  the  revenue  of  the  country,  the  prosperity 
of  the  people  is  fettered  by  the  lekin  excise,  the  wealth 
of  the  country  is  being  monopolized  by  foreign  merchants, 
and  the  riches  of  the  land  are  daily  diminishing.  There 
are  signs  portending  some  great  calamity.  But  if  rail- 
ways arc  constructed,  the  profits  to  be  derived  from  their 
working  will  suffice  for  the  maintenance  of  troops.  Some 
of  the  lekin  stations  may  be  abolished  after  due  consid- 
eration, and  the  worries  caused  by  complaints  of  foreign 
merchants  regarding  transit  passes,  etc.,  will  be  avoided. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  devise  any  other  plan  more  emi- 
nently calculated  to  benefit  the  prosperity  of  the  country 
and  to  further  the  happiness  of  the  people. 


132 


CHINA. 


“ The  reasons  why  Russia  is  overbearing  in  her  rela- 
tions with  ns,  and  why  Japan  underrates  us,  are  to  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  China  has  only  one  corner  of  her 
vast  possessions  protected,  is  afraid  to  face  difficulties,  and 
is  incapable  of  rousing  her  energies,  because  possessed  of 
an  inordinately  pacific  disposition.  But  the  day  when  an 
imperial  edict  is  issued  sanctioning  the  construction  of 
railways  it  will  be  manifesting  our  desire  to  strengthen 
ourselves,  and  the  life  and  energy  of  our  country  will  in- 
stantly he  roused.  This  intelligence  will  startle  those 
countries ; and  while,  in  the  first  place,  we  shall  find  it 
easier  to  agree  to  the  terms  of  a treaty  with  Russia,  on 
the  other  hand  the  insidious  designs  of  JajDan  will  insen- 
sibly disappear. 

“ Some  time  in  the  current  year,  the  Viceroy,  Li  Hung- 
Chaug,  memorialized  the  throne  praying  for  the  sanction 
of  a telegraph  line  to  be  laid  along  the  coast.  Telegraphs 
are  one  of  the  essential  requirements  in  the  operations  of 
an  army,  and  if  constructed  as  auxiliaries  to  and  in  con- 
junction with  railways,  there  will  be  a large  saving  in 
expense,  as  well  as  increased  facility  of  supervision.  If 
any  difficulty  be  encountered  in  raising  the  requisite  funds 
for  the  construction  of  railways,  and  doubts  arise  as  to 
our  inability  to  proceed  with  the  work,  your  slave  thinks 
that  the  plan  of  inviting  contributions  from  the  mercan- 
tile classes  is  not  unworthy  of  consideration  ; hut  if  this 
plan  be  infeasible  in  consequence  of  the  wide  dispersion 
of  these  classes,  the  contraction  of  a foreign  loan  is  the 
only  plan  worthy  to  be  considered,  if  there  exists  a desire 
to  avail  ourselves  of  the  present  time  for  the  construc- 
tion of  railways. 

“If  the  contraction  of  a foreign  loan  in  aid  of  the 
Government  be  held  to  be  an  impossibility,  a loan  for  this 
purpose  may  be  considered  an  exception.  It  is  a means 
whereby  a source  of  profit  may  be  opened  up,  and  the 


MEMORIAL  OF  LIU  MINO-CEU'AN. 


133 


money  expended  will  be  represented  in  tbe  materials  and 
plant.  These  are  considerations  which  will  induce  the 
foreign  banker  to  gladly  accommodate  us  with  the  loan. 

“ The  Government  will  have  no  diflSculty  in  repaying 
the  debt.  As  the  interest  asked  will  be  small  and  the 
time  for  repayment  ample,  it  may  be  liquidated  with  the 
profit  of  the  undertaking.  The  mechanics  of  the  West 
are  expert  in  manufacturing  railways,  and  are,  moreover, 
eager  for  an  opportunity  of  displaying  their  skill  in  our 
Celestial  country.  Your  slave  believes  the  present  occa- 
sion is  especially  opportune,  and  one  that  should  not  be 
missed. 

“ Two  lines  of  railways  are  urgently  needed  in  China  : 
One  to  go  from  Chin-kiang  [on  the  Yang-tse-kiang] 
through  the  provinces  of  Shantung  and  Chihli,  having 
its  terminus  at  Peking ; the  other  to  go  from  Hankow 
through  Honan  to  Peking.  There  should  be,  besides 
this,  two  northern  routes,  one  from  Peking  running  east- 
ward to  Shengking,  the  other  running  westward  to  Kansu. 
But  as  it  will  be  difficult  to  undertake  all  these  lines 
at  once,  in  consequence  of  the  enormous  outlay  that 
will  be  required,  your  slave  would  suggest  and  prays 
that  sanction  be  given  for  the  construction,  first,  of  the 
line  from  Chin-kiang  to  Peking,  to  be  in  connection 
with  the  line  of  telegraph  which  it  is  proposed  to  lay 
this  year.  As  the  provinces  of  Shantung  and  Chihli 
cover  a large  tract  of  territory  through  which  this  rail- 
road will  have  to  pass,  and  as  stories  are  likely  to  be  cur- 
rent about  its  interference  with  the  family  graves  and 
homes  of  the  people,  much  opposition  to  it  must  be  ex- 
pected from  those  who  are  ignorant  that  the  govern- 
ment roads  are  broad,  and  that  the  space  required  for  the 
permanent  way  will  be  little  more  than  ten  feet,  and  that 
the  railway  will  in  no  way  interfere  with  their  homes  and 
graveyards  ; but  if  obstacles  do  present  themselves  in  the 


134 


CHINA. 


way  of  the  line,  it  will  be  easy  to  avoid  them  by  a slight 
detour. 

“Your  slave,  while  engaged  in  extirpating  the  rebels 
in  former  years,  traveled  all  through  the  empire,  and 
has  frequently  traversed  the  provinces  in  question.  He 
is  therefore  pei’fectly  familiar  with  the  condition  of  the 
country,  and  the  circumstances  of  the  inhabitants  ; he 
would  not  dare  to  be  careless  or  reckless  in  forming  his 
opinions  so  positively. 

“Should  this  business,  which  so  closely  concerns  the 
efficiency  of  the  army,  and  is  so  intimately  connected 
with  the  weal  or  woe  of  the  empire,  be  honored  with 
the  sanction  of  Your  Majesties,  your  slave  would  pray 
that  an  edict  be  issued  instructing  the  Board  of  Foreign 
Affairs  to  take  the  matter  into  immediate  consideration, 
and  to  memorialize  in  reply.  If,  however,  indecision  and 
procrastination  prevail,  and  the  business  be  regarded  as  a 
thing  that  can  be  put  off  to  a future  day,  it  is  much  to 
be  feared  that,  after  the  treaty  with  Kussia  is  signed,  the 
construction  of  railways  will  be  indefinitely  postponed, 
like  the  case  of  the  ‘ man  who,  wanting  to  build  a house, 
concerts  his  plans  with  passers  in  the  street,’*  and  also 
that  the  lesson  taught  in  ancient  history  by  ‘sleeping  on 
straw  and  tasting  the  bitter  gall  ’ f will  become  a vain 
waste  of  words,  and  that  the  day  will  never  come  when 
an  effort  to  strengthen  our  country  will  be  made. 

“ Your  slave  has  written  out  the  reasons  which  have 
prompted  him  to  make  this  request  for  the  introduction 
of  railways  as  a means  of  augmenting  the  power  of  the 


■*  That  is,  does  not  make  up  his  mind  and  go  to  work  seriously, 
f An  allegory  drawn  from  ancient  Chinese  history,  in  which  the  ruler 
of  a certain  state,  being  overcome  by  his  enemies,  slept  on  straw  and 
tasted  the  bitter  gall  to  inure  himself  to  hardship,  and  to  foster  resent- 
ment and  a determination  for  strength  to  be  revenged,  which  he  was 
eventually  enabled  to  accomplish  by  vanquishing  his  victors. 


MEMORIAL  OF  LIU  MING-CHWAN. 


135 


country  in  a memorial,  reverently  prepared,  which  he 
now  submits  to  the  throne.  Prostrate,  he  prays  Your 
Majesties,  the  Empress  - Dowager  and  the  Emperor,  to 
cast  your  sacred  glances  thereon,  and  to  announce  your 
pleasure  regarding  the  feasibility  or  otherwise  of  the  rec- 
ommendations set  forth  therein.” 

This  memorial  was  referred  by  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment to  Li  Hung-Chang  and  Lin  K’un-Yi,  northern  and 
southern  superintendents  of  trade,  and  they  supported  and 
supplemented  it  as  follows  : 

“ Your  Majesties’  servants,  Li  Hung-Chang,  northern 
superintendent  of  trade,  and  Lin  K’un-Yi,  southern  super- 
intendent of  trade,  upon  their  knees  address  the  Tlirone  : 
Looking  upward  they  implore  the  sacred  glances  of  Your 
Majesties  upon  a memorial  reverently  prepared,  showing 
that,  in  obedience  to  an  imperial  rescript,  a satisfactory 
consultation  has  been  held  upon  the  subject  of  railways, 
and  that  as  their  construction  is  a question  of  the  fore- 
most importance  in  augmenting  the  power  of  the  country 
and  promoting  its  prosperity,  measures  should  be  imme- 
diately devised  whereby  to  raise  the  necessary  funds  for 
their  construction,  and  steps  taken  in  the  first  place  to 
appoint  a competent  person  to  make  a careful  study  of 
the  subject. 

“ Your  servants  would  humbly  state  that  they  had  the 
honor  to  receive  from  the  Grand  Council,  who  had  private- 
ly communicated  to  them,  the  Imperial  Edict  of  Decem- 
ber 3d,  as  follows  : 

“ ‘ Whereas,  Liu  Ming-Chu’an  has  memorialized  us  re- 
garding the  formation  of  railways,  and  has  recommended 
that  steps  be  taken  for  the  construction  first  of  a line 
from  Chin-kiang  to  Peking,  to  be  in  connection  with  the 
line  of  telegraph  which  Li  Hung-Chang  has  asked  for 
permission  to  establish  this  year,  the  purport  of  the  me- 


136 


CHINA. 


morial  being  to  recommend  the  adoption  of  measures 
whereby  to  augment  the  power  of  the  country  : 

“ ‘ Let  Li  Hung-Chang  and  Lin  K’un-Yi  carefully 
consider  the  proposals  set  forth  therein,  and  let  them 
memorialize  the  result  of  their  deliberations. 

“ ‘ Let  a copy  of  Liu  Ming-Chu’an’s  memorial  be 
made  and  forwarded  to  them. 

“ ‘ Respect  this  ! ’ 

“ Looking  upward,  your  servants  behold  with  unspeak- 
able respect  and  submission  their  sacred  master’s  anxiety 
concerning  the  present  troubles,  and  his  untiring  endeav- 
ors to  devise  plans  for  rousing  the  energies  of  the  country, 
and  incessant  efforts  to  obtain  information  on  every  side. 

“ Prostrate,  your  servants  beg  to  make  the  following 
observations  : 

“In  the  earliest  ages,  when  mankind  were  first  creat- 
ed, the  nine  divisions  of  China  were  subdivided  into  some 
ten  thousand  different  states,  each  of  which  had  its  own 
habits  and  customs.  Although  within  a few  hundred  li 
of  each  other,  they  were  divided  and  had  no  intercourse 
with  each  other.  When  the  sages  came  into  existence, 
men  learned  to  scoop  out  logs  of  wood  and  convert 
them  into  canoes ; wood  was  hewed  into  paddles,  and 
with  the  aid  of  these  paddles  and  canoes  they  crossed 
over  to  places  which  were  before  inaccessible  ; oxen  were 
yoked  to  carts  and  horses  were  mounted  ; heavy  burdens 
were  dragged  to  great  distances,  and  thus  all  parts  of  the 
world  became  benefited.  It  is  over  four  thousand  years 
from  that  time  to  the  present,  and  all  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, north,  south,  east,  and  west,  have  the  same  doctrine 
and  the  same  literature  ; a condition  of  things  that  may 
rightly  be  styled  flourishing. 

“ The  nations  of  the  West  have  always  studied  the  arts 
with  minute  care,  and  they  all  manufacture  steamboats 
and  railways.  Although  the  earth  is  about  ninety  thou- 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  HUNG-CHANG. 


137 


sand  U in  circumference,  they  are  able  to  surmount  all 
obstacles,  and  travel  through  almost  every  part  of  it. 
They  have  superseded  the  boats  and  chariots  bequeathed 
to  us  by  the  old  sages,  by  putting  forth  new  ideas  and 
producing  inventions  which  appear  to  be  Heaven-sent  for 
the  benefit  of  mankind, 

“In  these  latter  years  China  has  derived  no  small 
amount  of  benefit  by  imitating  Western  nations,  and 
building  steamboats.  The  human  intellect  becomes  en- 
lightened after  it  has  been  obscure.  Rough  materials  are 
transformed  into  utensils  for  use.  Communities  get 
united  after  being  divided.  These  are  the  natural  results 
of  the  laws  of  Nature,  and  it  is  neither  wisdom  nor  force 
that  can  restrain  them. 

“ Railways  first  had  their  origin  in  England,  in  the 
working  of  coal-mines.  In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of 
Tao-Kwang,  the  tracks,  which  were  to  keep  the  wheels  of 
the  cars  in  control,  were  first  laid  down,  and  from  that 
time  the  invention  gradually  improved.  They  were  used 
in  transporting  coal  and  iron  to  the  markets  for  sale,  and 
the  profits  realized  were  very  great.  Their  use  was  sub- 
sequently extended  to  every  branch  of  industry  and  trade, 
and  England  came  to  be  the  champion  of  Europe  ; 
France,  America,  Russia,  Germany,  and  other  great  na- 
tions then  followed  suit,  and  built  railways,  and  it  was 
only  after  they  possessed  them  that  they  were  enabled  to 
encroach  upon  and  usurp  the  land  of  their  neighbors  and 
open  up  and  reclaim  wild  territory.  As  the  populations 
of  these  countries  increased,  and'  trade  flourished,  they 
had  to  extend  their  railways  in  order  to  meet  the  im- 
proved circumstances  of  the  times.  From  that  time  the 
two  continents  of  Europe  and  America  became  accessible 
from  all  points  of  the  compass,  as  each  had  constructed 
some  hundred  thousand  li  of  railroads.  Troops  ordered 
to  a given  point  reach  their  destination  in  a day. 


138 


CHINA. 


and  news  and  tidings  trayel  with  the  ra^ndity  of  the 
wind. 

“The  daily  increase  in  prosperity  and  strength  that 
has  marked  the  progress  of  these  nations  throughout  the 
last  forty  or  fifty  years  may  be  ascribed  to  the  fact  that 
they  possess  steamers  that  plow  through  the  sea,  and  rail- 
ways that  make  traveling  by  land  exceedingly  convenient. 

“Now,  to  speak  of  Japan,  she  is  a small,  insignificant 
country,  yet  she  possesses  railways  that  run  across  the 
whole  of  her  country.  Her  idea  is  that,  by  adopting  West- 
ern mechanical  improvements,  she  will  have  it  in  her 
power  to  despise  China. 

“Kussia  has  railways  that  run  from  Europe  to  within 
a short  distance  of  Hao  Han,  Kiakhta,  and  neighboring 
places,  and  she  is  about  to  build  a line  from  Ilai  Shen 
Wei  to  Hui  Chun.  The  frontiers  of  China  and  Russia 
arc  co-termiuous  with  each  other  for  some  ten  thousand  li. 
If  we  build  some  railways  now  while  it  is  time,  the  pres- 
ent force  of  our  army  v.dll  be  amply  sufficient  to  pro- 
tect our  frontier  ; but  without  railways  all  our  endeavors 
to  jirotect  that  frontier  v/ill  be  futile,  even  though  v/e  in- 
crease our  troops  and  supplies. 

“ China’s  isolation  in  being  without  railways,  when  all 
other  nations  possess  them,  may  be  aptly  illustrated  by 
supposing  those  who  lived  in  the  middle  ages  to  have 
discarded  the  use  of  the  boats  and  chariots  of  their  time. 
They  could  not  help  being  behind  other  men  in  all  their 
movements. 

“ Your  servants  estimate  that  the  advantages  to  be  de- 
rived by  the  possession  of  railways  may  be  classed  under 
about  nine  principal  divisions  : 

“1.  The  country  north  of  the  Yang-tse  and  Ilwai 
Rivers  is  rather  destitute  of  water-courses,  unlike  the 
southern  provinces  which  abound  with  rivers  and  streams, 
by  which  all  manner  of  goods  are  conveyed  in  different 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  EUNG-CEANG. 


139 


directions.  It  is  owing  to  this  that  out  of  the  twenty 
to  thirty  million  taels  of  revenue  derived  yearly  from 
foreign  goods  and  lekin,  the  southern  provinces  provide 
about  nine  tenths,  while  the  northern  provinces  figure 
for  one  tenth  only  ; whereas,  if  railways  are  gradu- 
ally built,  communication  will  be  established  throughout 
the  country  like  the  threads  in  a loom,  commodities  can 
be  transported  and  interchanged  between  the  different 
provinces  according  to  their  respective  w'ants.  The  idle 
population  of  the  northern  provinces  will  become  indus- 
trious ; no  part  of  arable  land  will  be  allowed  to  remain 
unprofitable,  nor  the  energies  of  man  lie  dormant,  and 
the  condition  of  the  country  will  gradually  become  one  of 
affluence.  The  customary  duties  and  lekin  can  be  levied 
at  the  important  points  of  the  line,  so  that  the  revenue 
derived  from  these  sources  will  be  equally  divided  between 
the  northern  and  southern  provinces.  This  is  the  first 
advantage  that  will  accrue  to  the  finances  of  the  country. 

“ 2.  It  is  a well-known  fact  that  union  in  an  army 
means  strength,  and  that  weakness  is  the  result  of  dis- 
union. China’s  frontier  on  land  and  her  seaboard  are 
each  over  ton  thousand  li  in  extent.  It  is  not  to  be  s\ip- 
posed  that  defenses  are  to  be  built  at  every  place  along 
this  line,  for  not  only  will  our  troops  and  supplies  be  in- 
sufficieirt,  but  this  would  be  a plan  without  any  sense. 
Railways  are  wanted  to  make  military  operations  success- 
ful. With  their  aid,  distanees  like  those  of  Yunnan, 
Kwei-Chow,  Kansu,  and  Kuldja,  can  be  accomplished 
in  about  ten  days.  The  troops  garrisoned  in  the  eighteen 
provinces  may  be  converted  into  an  effective  active  bat- 
talion ; hereafter  the  number  of  soldiei’s  may  be  dimin- 
ished, supplies  curtailed,  and  several  regiments  converted 
into  one  effective  corps.  The  army  can  be  summoned  at 
one  signal,  its  discipline  and  power  will  be  concentrated, 
and  one  soldier  made  as  efficient  as  ten.  This  is  the  sec- 


140 


CHINA. 


ond  advantage  that  will  result  from  the  possession  of  rail- 
ways. in  making  military  operations  more  successful. 

“ 3.  Peking,  which  may  be  termed  the  root  of  our 
country,  is  situated  in  a lonely  position  in  the  north  of 
China,  at  a great  distance  from  its  center,  and  is  very  diffi- 
cult to  control,  nor  can  help  be  afforded  in  time  of  trouble. 
During  the  war  which  happened  in  the  tenth  year  of 
Hsien  Fung’s  reign,  several  statesmen  of  that  day  advised 
that  the  capital  be  transferred  to  some  more  suitable  lo- 
cality, but  in  view  of  the  gravity  of  the  step  it  was  deemed 
undesirable  to  act  precipitately  on  that  advice.  More- 
over, every  time  a quarrel  occurs  between  foreign  nations 
and  ourselves,  they  threaten  to  shatter  our  capital.  If 
railways  are  constructed,  a distance  of  ten  thousand  li 
may  be  considered  as  at  one’s  very  threshold,  for  it  can 
be  accomplished  in  no  time,  and  a hundred  million  sol- 
diers can  be  moved  to  a given  place  within  a few  days. 
All  parts  of  the  country  Avill  be  in  a condition  of  pro- 
tection and  security,  the  Government  will  be  peaceable 
and  unmoved  as  a rock,  and  in  case  of  danger  assistance 
will  be  readily  forthcoming.  Officials  and  merchants  of 
every  province  wiU  be  continually  traveling  to  long  dis- 
tances by  the  railway.  Merchandise  and  government 
grain  will  be  transported  with  surprising  rapidity.  All 
will  be  anxious  to  travel  by  this  route,  and  to  avail  them- 
selves of  the  railway-depot  for  the  storage  of  their  goods. 
In  time  of  peace  it  can  not  fail  to  prosper  trade  and  to 
increase  the  activity  of  the  multitudes.  There  will  be  no 
further  necessity  to  talk  of  transferring  the  capital ; 
moreover,  the  covetous  designs  of  foreign  nations  will  be 
cut  short  forever,  and  the  foundation  of  our  country 
will  become  immovable  for  a hundred  centuries.  In  this 
way  our  capital  city  will  be  protected,  which  is  the  third 
advantage  to  be  gained  by  the  possession  of  railways. 

“4.  A few  years  since,  during  the  disastrous  famine 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  HUNG-GEANG. 


141 


that  raged  in  the  provinces  of  Shansi  and  Honan,  the 
price  of  grain  in  Shansi  rose  to  the  exorbitant  rate  of 
over  forty  taels  * per  picul.  Had  there  been  railways  to 
convey  it,  the  price  could  not  have  exceeded  some  seven 
taels  per  picul,  including  the  freight  from  Tientsin. 
When  the  country  is  in  possession  of  railways,  if  any 
calamity  by  drought  or  inundation  should  happen  in  any 
of  the  provinces,  relief,  in  the  shape  of  grain  or  money, 
can  be  transported  as  rapidly  as  light  or  sound  takes  to 
travel,  and  the  lives  of  many  human  beings  will  be 
spared.  Moreover,  goods  will  flow  easily  to  all  parts  of 
the  country,  and  the  evils  of  exorbitant  prices  and  en- 
grossing commodities  in  a market  will  be  avoided.  This 
is  the  fourth  advantage  that  railways  will  bring  by  bene- 
flting  and  preserving  the  lives  of  the  people. 

“ 5.  Since  the  transportation  of  the  government  grain-  • 
tax  was  transferred  from  the  junks  to  be  conveyed  over 
the  sea  by  steamers,  several  officials  have  criticised  the  step, 
and  have  ever  been  anxious  that  the  old  custom  of  con- 
veying it  via  the  Grand  Canal  should  be  re-established,  in 
order  to  forestall  the  unseen  dangers  of  the  sea.  When 
railways  are  constructed,  the  transportation  of  the  grain 
will  flow  unobstructed  like  [the  blood  in]  the  arteries  of 
the  human  system,  and  if  on  some  day  the  sea-road  be 
rendered  dangerous  by  war,  there  need  be  no  anxiety  that 
any  obstacle  will  prevent  the  whole  amount  (one  million 
piculs)  of  grain  from  being  transported  to  its  destina- 
tion. Besides  this,  munitions  of  war,  such  as  gunpow- 
der, guns,  and  weapons,  and  Government  taxes  [in  kind], 
will  all  be  conveyed  without  the  slightest  impediment. 
This  is  the  benefit  that  will  result  to  measures  of  trans- 
portation, and  is  the  fifth  advantage  to  be  gained  by  the 
possession  of  railways. 

■*  A tael  is  worth  about  one  dollar  and  thirty-three  cents  in  Mexican 
silver. 


142 


CHINA. 


“ 6.  The  speed  of  railways  is  ten  times  that  of  the 
fleetest  horse.  Ilenceforth  dispatches  can  be  sent  with 
increased  rapidity,  Government  orders  and  missions  for 
]:)urpo3es  of  investigation  will  travel  with  greater  speed 
than  is  now  possible  by  the  post-horses.  Exclusive  of 
this,  letters  and  parcels  will  be  conveyed  rapidly  ; soldiers 
sent  in  pursuit  of  robbers  and  malefactors  will  reach  them 
in  a day.  Some  of  the  Government  post-stations  on  the 
main  road  might  be  abolished,  and  the  savings  appropri- 
ated to  the  maintenance  of  the  railway.  This  is  the  sixth 
advantage  that  will  result  to  the  postal  department  of  the 
Government. 

“ 7.  The  coal  and  iron  mines  of  the  empire  are  all  at 
a distance  from  the  water-courses.  If  railways  are  used 
in  transporting  the  products  of  these  mines,  the  cost- 
price  will  be  small,  and  their  sale  abundant,  and  in  pro- 
portion as  the  sales  increase  the  mines  will  prosper  and 
be  oj)eucd  up  in  large  numbers.  The  expenditure  re- 
quired for  constructing  the  railway  will  be  greatly  econo- 
mized by  using  the  coal  and  iron  of  the  mines,  and  the 
profits  that  will  be  derived  from  their  working  will  be  an 
inexhaustible  source  of  supply  for  the  army.  Thus,  min- 
ing operations  will  be  developed  and  benefited,  and  this 
is  the  seventh  advantage  that  railways  will  bring. 

“8.  It  is  difficult  to  carry  goods  to  places  that  are  re- 
mote from  the  rivers  and  canals,  as  it  is  difficult  to  bring 
native  produce  thence.  With  railways  merchandise  will 
bo  conveyed  to  and  from  places  that  are  inaccessible  to 
steamers,  and  traffic  will  be  considerably  increased.  Thus, 
steamers  and  railways  will  aid  each  other  mutually  in 
transporting  goods.  This  is  the  eighth  advantage  that 
will  inure  to  the  carrying-trade  of  the  China  Merchants’ 
Steam  Navigation  Company. 

‘■'9.  When  railways  are  introduced,  all  classes  of  trav- 
elers, whether  officials,  commoners,  merchants,  or  soldiers. 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  EUNG-CHAMG. 


143 


traveling  on  private  or  juiblic  business,  can  go  to  great 
distances  with  sui’passing  speed  (literally  one  thousand  li) 
iu  a twinkling.  The  expenses  of  the  journey  will  be  con- 
siderably reduced  in  view  of  the  rapidity  with  which  one 
travels,  there  need  be  no  fear  of  robbers  on  the  road, 
and  the  dangers  of  wind  and  wave  will  be  avoided.  This 
is  the  ninth  advantage  that  railways  will  create  by  im- 
proving the  system  of  traveling  in  the  empire. 

“As  your  servants  have  shown  in  the  beginning  of  this 
memorial,  the  various  nations  of  the  West  have  suddenly 
risen  in  importance  because  they  have  all  been  careful  to 
develop  and  employ  this  new  invention.  It  must  be  re- 
membered, moreover,  that  the  revenue  of  the  state  and 
military  tactics  are  considerations  of  the  foremost  im- 
portance in  planning  measures  for  strengthening  the 
country  and  promoting  its  prosperity. 

“Your  Majesties’  confirmation  of  the  purport  of  Liu 
Ming-Chu’an’s  memorial,  viz.,  the  recommendation  of 
measures  that  will  augment  the  power  of  the  country,  is 
in  reality  what  is  meant  when  he  says  that  he  foresees 
the  advent  of  some  calamity,  and  the  daily  increase  of 
our  embarrassments,  and  while  expressing  his  resentment 
at  the  injustice  of  foreign  nations  toward  us,  desires  that 
the  energies  of  the  country  be  immediately  roused  by  the 
promulgation  first  of  our  intention  to  introduce  railways, 
and  thus  cause  the  insidious  designs  of  Eussia  and  Japan 
to  disappear. 

“The  railroads  that  are  urgently  needed  in  China 
are,  two  lines  in  the  south,  one  to  go  from  Chin-kiang, 
through  the  provinces  of  Shantung  and  Chihli,  reaching 
Peking,  the  other  from  Hankow,  through  Honan,  to 
Peking ; and  two  northern  lines,  one  running  from  Pe- 
king eastward  to  Feng-t’ien,  the  other  running  westward 
to  Kansu.  These  four  routes,  if  constructed,  may  be 
termed  the  root  and  stem  of  the  railway  enterprise.  If 


144 


CHINA. 


branch  lines  are  required  to  go  to  places  of  importance 
distant  a few  hundred  li  from  the  main  way,  your  serv- 
ants believe  that  they  can  easily  be  formed.  The  dis- 
tances being  short,  and  the  necessary  expenditure  small, 
contributions  can  be  invited  from  the  merchants,  who 
will  be  glad  to  respond  to  them.  Thus  the  smaller  lines 
will  shoot  off  from  the  main  way  like  the  branches  of  a 
tree,  so  as  to  form  a regular  network,  and  there  need  be 
no  anxiety  that  the  railway  enterprise  will  not  flourish. 

“As,  however,  the  construction  of  these  four  lines  will 
necessitate  an  enormous  outlay,  it  will  be  exceedingly 
difficult  to  undertake  them  all  at  once.  The  suggestion 
of  Liu  Ming-Chu’an,  that  the  line  from  Chin-kiaug  to 
Peking  be  first  built  in  connection  with  the  line  of  tele- 
graph which  your  servant,  Li  Hung-Chang,  proposed  to 
lay  this  year  is  one  which,  if  adopted,  will  bring  two  ad- 
vantages, viz.,  facility  in  overseeing  the  line,  and  unin- 
terrupted means  of  sending  telegrams.  If  the  construc- 
tion first  of  this  line  be  said  to  be  only  a partial  benefit 
to  the  country,  considering  its  condition  and  require- 
ments, it  must  be  remembered  that  all  the  nations  of  the 
West  were  similarly  situated  fifty  years  ago,  and  that  it  is 
only  owing  to  their  determined  efforts  to  construct  them 
and  push  to  the  front,  for  fear  of  being  behind,  that  they 
are  able  to  have  the  influence  which  they  possess  to-day. 
Liu  Ming-Chu’an’s  idea  is  first  to  give  an  example, 
whereby  a start  may  be  made.  If  the  enterprise  is 
pushed  on  gradually,  there  need  be  no  fear  that  it  will 
not  some  day  be  in  a flourishing  condition. 

“ If  it  be  argued  by  some  that  after  railways  are  con- 
structed it  is  to  be  feared  that  the  road  will  be  used  by 
enemies  to  invade  our  country,  or,  again,  that  as  for- 
eigners have  long  been  wishing  to  build  railways  in 
China,  if  she  once  makes  a commencement  it  may  give 
these  foreigners  reason  to  become  exceedingly  importu- 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  EUNQ-CHANO. 


145 


nate  ; * it  must  be  said  that  such  objections  can  only  be 
made  by  those  who  are  ignorant  that  every  nation  uses 
its  railways  in  transporting  troops  to  defend  the  country 
against  its  enemies.  They  have  never  been  known  to 
serve  the  purposes  of  an  enemy.  This  will  be  made 
plain  by  remembering  that  the  railway  is  within  our 
territory.  Every  pass  on  the  frontier  being  guarded,  it 
is  not  likely  that  the  enemy  will  find  their  way  through 
some  neglected  passage.  If,  by  some  extraordinary  haz- 
ard, a danger  like  this  should  happen,  one  portion  of  the 
road  can  be  destroyed,  and  the  whole  made  useless,  or  if 
the  train  be  kept  out  of  the  enemy’s  hands,  the  road  will 
be  of  no  value  without  it.  Other  nations  have  had  no 
reason  to  be  anxious  on  this  point,  since  railways  were 
built  some  scores  of  years  ago.  It  is  a condition  that 
may  be  likened  to  the  convenience  of  the  man  at  home, 
and  the  disadvantage  of  the  stranger  abroad. 

“ By  international  law  and  the  treaties,  foreign  nations 
are  prohibited  to  build  railroads  in  the  territory  of  an- 
other power  without  the  authority  of  that  power.  If  we 
apprehend  that  they  will  rely  on  their  superior  strength 
and  violate  the  treaties,  and  we  do  not  proceed  to  con- 
struct railways  ourselves,  will  our  mere  apprehensions 
prevent  them  from  presuming  on  their  strength  if  they 
desire  to  do  so  ? 

“ Foreigners  are,  moreover,  constantly  advising  us  how 
to  'benefit  China.  If  we  proceed  of  our  own  motion  to 
adopt  measures  that  will  benefit  the  country  by  con- 
structing this  important  line,  it  will  be  enough  to  cut 
short  all  further  officious  advice  from  them. 

“ Again,  if  objections  be  made  to  the  railway  on  the 
score  of  its  interference  with  the  welfare  of  carters  and 


* This  fear  is  never  lost  sight  of  by  those  opposed  to  the  introduetion 
of  railroads. — J.  II.  W. 


146 


CHINA. 


other  classes  of  laborers,  who,  it  is  apprehended,  will 
have  no  way  of  getting  their  food  and  clothing,  and  that 
disturbances  must  inevitably  result  in  consequence  of 
these  poor  people  having  lost  their  means  of  sustenance 
to  these  objections  it  must  be  answered  that  in  England, 
’ in  the  early  days  of  the  railway,  there  were  similar  fears 
that  many  poor  people  would  be  robbed  of  their  means  of 
support ; but  before  long  the  number  of  carts  and  traflSc 
generally  in  the  important  towns  on  the  line  of  the  rail- 
way became  double  what  it  was  formerly.  Then  the 
railway  will  be  on  the  main  road,  and  can  not  interfere 
with  the  villages  and  little  towns  in  the  by-places,  which 
will  continue  as  before  to  use  carts  and  men  to  transport 
goods  and  passengers.  An  increase  in  the  railway-traffic 
will  necessarily  produce  a corresponding  increase  in  the 
number  of  carts  and  carriers. 

“ If  the  railway  enterprise  reaches  a condition  of  pros- 
perity, it  will  give  work  to  numbers  of  men,  viz.,  em- 
ployes to  run  the  train,  laborers  to  make  the  roads, 
guardsmen  to  watch  the  line,  carriers  to  load  and  unload 
merchandise,  and  menials  to  attend  on  the  passengers. 
The  monthly  allowances  to  these  men  will  amj^ly  suffice 
them  to  support  their  parents  and  their  families,  and  if 
any  of  them  have  a little  surplus  means  they  might  open 
an  inn,  and,  with  an  increase  in  their  business,  take 
partners,  and,  without  much  effort,  have  a trade  with 
capital  and  profit.  It  may,  therefore,  be  reckoned  that 
every  ten  or  twenty  li  of  railroad  will  support  and  afford 
means  of  living  for  not  less  than  some  hundred  thousand 
men. 

“Another  way  in  which  numbers  of  men  will  be  em- 
ployed is  in  the  coal,  iron,  and  other  mines,  which  will 


* This  argument  is  constantly  used  against  the  introduction  of  rail- 
roads.— J.  U.  W. 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  HUNG-CnANG. 


147 


be  opened  in  large  numbers  when  railways  are  construct- 
ed. The  numbers  of  poor  miners  who  live  by  the  sweat 
of  their  brow  will  be  incalculably  increased,  which  is  posi- 
tive proof  of  the  benefit  that  will  result  to  all  classes 
of  miners. 

“Finally,  some  may  argue  that  the  railway  will  inter- 
fere with  the  fields,  homes,  and  graves  of  the  people,  and 
that  much  opposition  to  it  must  be  expected  in  conse- 
cpience.*  These  arguments  can  only  be  made  in  ignorance 
of  the  fact  that  the  government  roads  are  broad,  and  that 
the  permanent  way  will  not  require  much  more  than  ten 
feet,  and  therefore  can  not  interfere  Avith  the  fields, 
homes,  and  graves  of  the  people.  In  places  Avhere  the 
government  road  is  too  narrow,  a strip  of  land  can  be 
bought  and  paid  for  liberally ; and  if  graves  do  present 
themselves  in  the  way  of  the  line,  they  can  easily  be 
avoided  by  a slight  detour.-  Liu  Ming-Chu’an  traveled 
all  over  the  empire  while  engaged  in  exterminating  the 
rebels  in  former  years,  and  is  thoroughly  familiar  with 
the  condition  of  the  country  and  the  circumstances  of 
the  inhabitants. 

“ The  introduction  of  railways,  however,  being  a ques- 
tion of  paramount  importance,  it  behooA^es  us  to  examine 
the  subject  very  carefully  in  the  first  stages  of  its  man- 
agement to  forestall  future  evils  and  have  a good  model 
by  which  to  go  in  the  long  run.  Your  servants  have 
been  careful  to  gather  much  information  on  this  subject, 
and  find  that  the  railways  constructed  by  foreigners  are 
of  various  kinds  ; some  are  strong  and  last  a good  while  ; 
others,  again,  are  less  durable  and  last  only  a short  time. 
Their  prices  also  differ  very  widely  ; one  li  of  road  may 
cost  a few  thousand  taels,  or  it  may  cost  ten  thousand 


■*  This  is  generally  supposed  to  be  the  greatest  difficulty  to  be  overcome, 
but  I do  not  regard  it  as  at  all  insuperable.  See  page  9 V,  cl  scq. — J.  II.  W. 


148 


CEINA. 


taels.  As  the  road  from  Chin-ldaiig  to  Peking  is  an 
important  highway,  the  hue  which  it  is  proposed  to  build 
shoiild  be  a substantial  one,  so  as  to  last  for  a long  time. 
Although  it  is  difficult  to  estimate  in  advance  what 
sum  will  be  required,  it  is  certain  that  it  will  not  be 
small. 

“ The  money  at  the  disposal  of  the  Government  is  very 
limited  at  the  present  time.  If  the  funds  required  for 
constructing  the  railway  be  called  for  from  the  provinces, 
the  provincial  officers  will  not  know  how  to  raise  the 
money  ; or  if  contribution  be  invited  from  merchants,  it 
will  be  difficult  to  collect  them  in  consequence  of  the 
wide  dispersion  of  these  classes.  The  proposition  of  Liu 
Ming-Chu’au,  that  a foreign  loan  be  negotiated,  is  the 
only  feasible  plan.  China  has  on  former  occasions  fre- 
quently contracted  foreign  loans,  but  some  officials,  fear- 
ing that  each  province  would  make  this  a precedent  for 
borrowing  money,  and  become  so  far  involved  as  to  be  at 
the  mercy  of  foreign  creditors,  the  Board  of  Eevenue 
memorialized,  and  the  contraction  of  foreign  loans  was 
interdicted.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that  a loan  for 
starting  a large,  profitable  undertaking  and  a loan  in  aid 
of  the  army  are  two  different  things.  When  railways  are 
started,  the  interest  on  the  loan  can  be  easily  repaid  by 
the  profits  of  their  working,  and  the  Government  wiU 
have  gained  a lasting  source  of  profit. 

“But  there  are  three  things  in  the  contractions  of  for- 
eign loans  that  demand  great  care  : 

“ 1.  As  it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  the  foreign  lend- 
ers will  take  the  direction  of  the  railway  into  their  own 
hands  and  exclude  us  from  being  masters  in  the  business, 
a clause  must  be  inserted,  distinctly  stating  that  they  may 
not  interfere  in  the  matter.  The  interest  of  the  money 
being  guaranteed,  and  the  debt  being  punctually  paid  up 
at  the  specified  dates,  all  matters  relating  to  employing 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  HUNG-CHANO. 


149 


•workmen,  purchasing  materials,  and  constructing  the 
line,  must  be  left  to  our  management,  the  foreign  credit- 
or being  debarred  from  questioning  our  actions.  If  this 
condition  be  inadmissible,  no  foreign  loan  should  be 
made. 

“ 2.  The  next  fear  is  that  foreigners  will  strive  unlaw- 
fully to  get  the  undertaking  into  their  own  hands.  To  pre- 
vent this,  the  regulations  of  the  China  Merchants’  Steam 
Navigation  Company,  which  exclude  foreigners  from  be- 
coming shareholders,  will  have  to  be  followed.  When 
the  railway  company  is  formed,  its  management  will  be 
in  the  hands  of  Chinese  merchants,  subject,  however,  to 
the  supervision  of  some  government  official.  Regula- 
tions should  be  made,  after  consultation,  providing  for 
tlie  repayment  of  the  loan  by  the  said  company  by  in- 
stallments in  different  years,  till  the  whole  amount,  in- 
terest and  capital,  be  cleared  off.  If  there  should  happen 
to  be  failures  in  paying  up,  the  government  superintend- 
ent will  urge  payment ; the  company  will  only  be  allowed 
to  mortgage  the  railway,  but  not  to  transfer  it  into  the 
hands  of  the  foreign  creditors.  The  repayment  of  the 
loan  being  thus  clearly  provided  for  by  limitation,  all 
malpractices  Avill  be  cut  short.  A foreign  loan  should 
not  be  contracted  unless  the  foregoing  indispensable  con- 
dition be  complied  with. 

“3.  The  third  danger  is,  that  the  finances  of  the  coun- 
try will  have  to  suffer  in  consequence  of  the  railway  loan. 
Hitherto  when  foreign  loans  have  been  negotiated,  the 
revenue  derived  from  the  maritime  customs  has  always 
been  appropriated  to  repay  them.  Recently  the  customs 
establishments  have  been  called  upon  to  meet  so  many 
demands  for  money  that  they  are  greatly  embarrassed.* 

* They  are  now  in  a healthy  condition,  but  there  is  a great  and 
growing  indisposition  on  the  part  of  the  Imperial  Government  to  pledge 
the  customs  revenues  for  the  security  of  foreign  loans. — J.  D.  W. 

8 


150 


CHINA. 


It  should  be  clearly  stipulated  that  the  loan  ■will  have  no 
connection  -with  the  customs  revenue.  The  Government 
•will  decide  in  ■what  ■w’ay  the  profits  to  be  derived  from 
the  railway  enterprise  will  be  successively  appropriated 
toward  repaying  the  debt,  which  will  be  cleared  off  at 
latest  within  ten  or  twenty  years.  No  foreign  loan 
should  be  made  without  this  indispensable  condition  for 
the  protection  of  the  finances  of  the  state. 

“ The  foregoing  three  provisos  are  important  consid- 
erations in  negotiating  a foreign  loan. 

“Your  servants  have  learned  that  foreigners  have 
hitherto  been  very  careful,  in  making  loans,  to  consider 
what  the  chances  are  of  recovering  their  money.  If  the 
conditions  set  forth  above  are  rigorously  adhered  to,  it  is 
likely  they  will  not  be  willing  to  lend  ; but  if  they  are, 
then  the  construction  of  railways  may  be  j^roceeded  wdth 
at  once.  Instead,  how'ever,  of  proceeding  to  build  tliem 
hastily,  regardless  of  evils  which  a loan  on  any  condi- 
tion might  entail,  the  business  should  be  deferred  to  be 
maturely  considered,  that  there  be  no  reason  to  repent 
of  errors.  Your  servants  have  also  learned  that  none  of 
the  railways  of  other  nations  have  been  built  without  a 
loan._  Their  mode  of  procedure  is  the  following  : An  en- 
gineer of  reputation  makes  a survey  of  the  road,  and  a 
prospectus  is  prepared,  clearly  showing  the  estimates  of 
the  undertaking  and  the  probabilities  of  its  suecess, 
which  is  a means  of  amply  securing  the  confidence  of 
the  people. 

“The  road  from  north  to  south  which  it  is  proposed 
to  build  in  China  will,  after  it  has  run  some  time,  bring 
considerable  profit.  When  the  public  company  is  formed, 
an  engineer  of  intelligence  and  reputation  should  be  en- 
gaged to  make  a careful  estimate  of  the  undertaking.  His 
estimate  will  be  carefully  considered  by  the  Tsung-li  Ya- 
men  and  your  servants,  who  will  prepare  a satisfactory  and 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  HUNG-CHAm. 


151 


reliable  prospectus,  on  which  some  wealthy  foreign  mer- 
chants might  be  induced  to  accommodate  us  with  the  loan. 

“ As  regards  the  selecting  of  materials  for  construct- 
ing the  railway,  estimating  how  many  li  of  the  road  are 
to  be  built,  hiring  laborers  economically  and  at  the  same 
time  to  obtain  substantial  work,  all  these  are  matters 
that  should  be  carefully  investigated,  so  that  the  essential 
parts  of  the  business  be  not  overlooked. 

“A  high  official  should  be  specially  deputed  to  super- 
intend the  management  of  this  business,  which  includes 
inviting  shareholders  and  raising  the  loan,  measuring  the 
land,  hiring  laborers,  etc.,  etc.,  and  is  somewhat  intricate. 
Without  this  step  the  business  can  not  be  expected  to 
work  satisfactorily.  Your  servants  beg  to  state  that  Liu 
Ming-Chu’an  is  a man  in  the  full  vigor  of  life,  and  pos- 
sesses a bold  and  resolute  nature  ; he  has  gone  through 
great  hardships  in  the  service  of  his  country,  and  is  very 
desirous  to  undertake  the  management  of  this  business, 
since  he  has  seen  lately  that  foreign  nations  are  ill-treat- 
ing us  on  all  sides,  and  believes  that  the  country’s  pres- 
ent state  of  helplessness  should  be  changed  for  an  atti- 
tude of  strength.  The  business,  however,  being  an  in- 
novation, its  management  will  be  difficult,  and  it  will 
require  time  before  we  experience  its  benefits.  If  any 
imminent  danger  were  threatening  the  empire,  and  the 
court  were  to  order  Liu  Ming-Chu’an  to  take  a com- 
mand, the  consideration  of  this  affair  would  naturally 
have  to  be  postponed,  but  he  is  now  without  any  occupa- 
tion, having  solicited  leave  to  nurse  his  health.  Should 
this  proposition  be  honored  with  the  sanction  of  their 
sacred  master,  and  Liu  Ming-Chu’an  be  appointed  to 
superintend  the  management  of  the  railway  company, 
your  servants  would  pray  that  he  be  ordered,  in  the  first 
place,  to  make  a careful  study  of  the  imj^ortant  points  in 
this  business,  and  without  precipitancy  to  consult  and 


152 


CHINA. 


deliberate  thereon.  Japan  and  Russia  will  be  startled  to 
hear  that,  in  the  midst  of  all  her  difficulties,  China  has 
still  strength  left  to  take  this  step.  It  will  be  manifest- 
ing something  on  which  they  did  not  reckon — a truly 
admirable  way  of  first  giving  the  sound  and  following  it 
up  with  the  reality.  As  Liu  Ming-Chu’an  is  now  at 
leisure,  he  might  proceed  to  invite  shareholders  and  form 
a company  to  consider  the  question  of  a foreign  loan  ; al- 
though it  is  hard  to  say  whether  or  not  a large  sum  can 
be  raised,  his  reputation  as  a man  of  loyal  merit  is  more 
likely  to  enlist  the  united  assistance  of  men  of  all  classes, 
both  foreign  and  native,  than  any  other  official. 

“ There  are  over  ten  thousand  men  stationed  in  the 
garrisons  of  Chihli  and  Kiangsu,  who  served  under  Liu 
Ming-Chu’an  in  former  years.  In  his  study  of  the  rail- 
way question,  it  might  appear  plain  to  him  that  an  eco- 
nomical way  of  proceeding  will  be  to  employ  the  aid  of 
these  men  in  constructing  the  road,  and  if  the  contribu- 
tions of  native  merchants  be  abundant,  the  surplus  can 
be  applied  to  some  other  purpose.  In  each  ease  it  will 
be  the  duty  of  your  servants  to  consult  with  him  and 
manage  the  business  according  to  the  shape  it  may  as- 
sume. The  question  of  introducing  railways  liaving  been 
thus  brought  before  the  Throne  by  Liu  Ming-Chu’an,  its 
management  from  first  to  last  should  be  intrusted  to  him. 
If,  for  any  reason,  the  business  be  put  off  ten  years,  at  the 
end  of  that  time  he  should  still  be  charged  with  it ; there 
is  no  other  person  on  whom  he  could  place  the  responsi- 
bility. Should  other  and  more  important  calls  of  duty 
arise  after  his  appointment,  he  can  leave  the  railway 
business,  and,  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  Throne 
proceed  to  his  new  post  of  duty. 

“ When  railways  are  built  in  China,  she  must  also  open 
up  her  coal  and  iron  mines  to  prevent  her  treasure  from 
flowing  into  foreign  lands.  The  coal  and  iron  mines  in 


MEMORIAL  OF  LI  RUNG- CHANG. 


153 


the  neighborhood  of  Che-chou-fu  and  Lou-wan-fu,  in 
Shansi,  are  very  rich.  It  is  matter  of  regret  that  no 
merchants,  with  large  capital,  are  to  be  found  to  work 
them.  If  the  capital  for  constructing  railways  can  be 
raised,  one  tenth  of  the  sum  obtained  might  be  employed 
in  working  the  mines  after  Western  methods  and  with 
foreign  machinery,  and  the  coal  and  iron  obtained  might 
be  used  for  the  railway.  Thus  the  mines  will  be  devel- 
oped and  benefited  by  the  railway,  and  will  in  turn, 
help  to  extend  the  railway  enterprise,  and  the  two  under- 
takings will  bring  about  a highly  desirable  result. 

“ Your  servants  forward,  with  all  dispatch,  their  me- 
morial in  reply,  reverently  prepared,  setting  forth  the 
considerations  relative  to  railways  as  a means  of  augment- 
ing the  power  of  the  country,  and  to  the  necessity  of  first 
making  a careful  study  of  the  question.  Prostrate  they 
submit  their  reply  to  the  Throne,  and  pray  Your  Majes- 
ties, the  Empress-Dowager  and  the  Emperor,  to  cast 
your  sacred  glances  thereon,  and  to  issue  your  instruc- 
tions in  the  premises.” 

There  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  either  the  Vice- 
roy Li,  or  the  Governor-Greneral  Liu,  has  in  any  way 
changed  his  opinions  upon  the  important  matters  dis- 
cussed in  the  foregoing  memorials,  but,  to  the  contrary, 
they  have  both  recently  reiterated  them  in  personal  con- 
versation with  me,  and  both  say,  clearly  and  unequivo- 
cally, that  they  intend  to  have  railroads  as  soon  as  they 
can  obtain  the  imperial  sanction  for  them.  There  is  now 
a generous  rivalry  between  them  as  to  who  shall  first  get 
permission.  Liu  is  more  remote  from  Peking,  and  natu- 
rally feels  that  he  is  less  likely  to  be  interfered  with  in 
anything  he  considers  necessary  for  the  defense  or  devel- 
opment of  the  Island  of  Formosa,  where  he  is  now  serving 
as  governor-general ; while  Li  is  almost  under  the  shadow 


154 


CHINA. 


of  the  Throne,  and  is  a statesman  of  far  greater  consid- 
eration than  his  friend.  He  is  patient,  adroit,  and  thor- 
oughly in  earnest,  and  while  he  is  not  by  nature,  so  far  as  a 
foreigner  can  judge,  disposed  to  make  himself  obnoxious  to 
those  in  authority  oyer  him,  or  to  seriously  weaken  himself 
by  running  counter  either  to  their  prejudices  or  to  the 
well-established  customs  of  the  country,  he  thoroughly 
understands  the  arts  of  a courtier,  as  well  as  those  of  a 
statesman,  and  if  he  lives  will  surely  silence  the  opposition 
and  secure  the  imperial  approval  of  his  policy.  Gradually 
throwing  aside  the  principles  of  rigid  conservatism  which 
is  the  essence  of  Chinese  i^hilosophy  and  state-craft,  he  has 
put  himself  squarely  at  the  head  of  the  progressive  move- 
ment. He  has  never  for  a moment  tried  to  delude  himself 
or  others  into  the  belief  that  the  Western  nations  are 
barbarians,  and  their  arts  valueless.  He  has  been  too  long 
and  too  intimately  associated  with  foreigners  to  look  down 
upon  them  with  contempt,  or  even  to  treat  them  with  dis- 
courtesy. He  impresses  me  as  a calm,  far-sighted,  and 
enlightened  statesman,  who,  without  having  a technical 
understanding  of  Western  arts  and  sciences,  knows  their 
vast  superiority  to  any  that  the  Chinese  have,  and  does 
not  fear  to  say  so  whenever  occasion  requires  it.  And 
yet  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  neither  he  nor  any 
other  subject  of  the  Emperor  will  dare  run  counter  to  his 
wishes,  or  take  any  aggressive  action  in  so  gi’ave  a matter, 
without  the  express  authority  of  the  Throne. 

The  Viceroy  Li  has  already  had  one  great  accession  to 
his  party,  if  I may  use  the  word  in  wi’iting  of  a country 
where  no  such  thing  as  party  is  known,  or  can  be  known 
for  many  years.  I refer,  of  course,  to  the  conversion  of 
the  late  Tso  Tsung-tang,  who  had  always  been  opposed  to 
foreigners  and  foreign  methods  in  everything.  He  was  a 
great  scholar,  and  also  a great  soldier.  Throughout  a long 
and  useful  career  he  was  a bold,  resolute,  and  outspoken 


DYING  MEMORIAL  OF  TSO  TSUNG-TANG.  155 


adviser  of  the  Throne,  and  was  always  a hero  and  favorite 
with  the  conservatives.  He  had  military  talents  of  a high 
order,  and  is  thought  by  many  to  have  been  the  greatest 
Chinese  general  of  modern  times  (as  Li  is  indubitably  the 
greatest  statesman),  but  he  never  undertook  to  disguise  his 
fierce  contempt  for  the  “Western  barbarians.”  He  used 
Krupp  guns  and  improved  small-arms  in  his  Turkistan 
campaigns,  but  would  never  admit  that  he  needed  any 
one  to  show  him  how  to  use  them.  He  was  a firm  be- 
liever in  the  Chinese  system,  and,  although  in  some  de- 
gree a recluse,  he  did  not  fail  to  keep  himself  informed 
of  what  progress  was  promising  to  do  for  his  country.  He 
died,  full  of  years  and  honors,  just  before  I reached  China, 
leaving  Li  with  no  living  rival  to  dispute  his  supremacy 
either  in  war  or  statesmanship,  and  paying  the  highest 
possible  tribute,  in  his  dying  memorial  to  the  throne,  to 
the  superior  wisdom  of  the  great  Chinese  liberal  leader. 

This  document,  which  was  evidently  prepared  with 
the  last  remnant  of  the  writer’s  strength,  and  is  a most 
touching  and  patriotic  appeal  to  the  Throne,  was  trans- 
lated for  the  “ North  China  Herald  ” of  October  7,  1885, 
It  runs  as  follows  : 

“May  it  please  Your  Majesties  ! Your  Majesties’  gra- 
cious favor  unrequited.  Your  servant  sick,  unto  death, 
utters  these  valedictory  words,  and  implores  that  the  sa- 
cred glance  may  deign  to  rest  thereon. 

“Your  servant,  finding  his  bodily  ailments  increasing 
daily,  besought  an  extension  of  furlough,  for  the  purpose 
of  restoring  his  health.  This  was  granted  him  on  the 
25th  of  the  seventh  moon,  and  he  prepared  forthwith  a me- 
morial of  thanks,  at  the  same  time  handing  over  to  Yang 
C’hang-Chun  his  imperial  commissioner’s  seal,  and  the 
business  connected  with  the  various  military  departments 
under  his  control.  Then  he  would  have  started  upon  his 


156 


CHINA. 


homeward  journey,  but,  within  a couple  of  days  or  so,  se- 
vere pains  in  the  loins  came  on,  making  it  troublesome 
for  him  either  to  sit  or  stand.  His  hands  and  feet  were 
numbed ; hot  phlegm  rose  in  his  throat ; he  knew  that 
the  end  was  come  ! 

“Your  servant,  a poor  scholar  of  hooks,  first  attract- 
ed the  attention  of  His  Gracious  Majesty  the  Emperor 
Hsieu-Feng,  and  has  held  important  posts  under  three 
successive  reigns.  He  has  assisted  at  the  deliberations  of 
the  Privy  Council ; he  has  been  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army.  And,  were  his  corpse  to  be  rolled  into  a 
horse’s  skin,  he  could  not  complain  that  he  had  not  re- 
ceived his  due.  But  now,  when  peace  or  war  in  Anam 
means  the  weakness  or  strength  of  China,  and  when  your 
servant,  traveling  southward,  has  to  this  date  not  once 
engaged  in  conflict  with  the  foe,  and  made  manifest  the 
might  of  our  arms,  he  feels  a grief  in  life  that  will  pre- 
vent his  closing  his  eyes  in  death. 

“ Overwhelmed  with  imperial  kindness,  it  is  but  a year 
since  your  servant  took  leave  of  Your  Majesties.  And 
now  he  can  never  again  set  eyes  upon  the  divine  counte- 
nance, but  must  wait  until,  as  a dog  or  a horse,  he  may 
discharge  his  debt  in  the  life  to  come.  Now  he  is  but  a 
bird  that  sings  a sadder  strain  as  death  draws  near. 

“At  present,  when  peace  has  just  been  made  in  the 
regions  of  the  west  (Anam),  Japan  is  seeking  to  thrust 
herself  upon  us,  and  the  various  nations  of  the  earth 
watch  round  us  like  glaring  beasts.  Unless  we  make  a 
great  and  united  effort  to  close  the  stable  ere  the  steed  be 
gone ; unless  we  keep  our  mugwort  * on  hand  ready  for 
use,  in  the  event  of  further  trouble,  we  shall  become 
weaker  and  weaker,  and  less  able  to  make  an  effort,  until 
at  length  we  shall  not  even  be  able  to  attain  the  point  at 
which  we  are  to-day. 


*For  purposes  of  cauterization. 


DYING  MEMORIAL  OF  TSO  TSENG -TANG.  157 


“ Therefore,  let  Your  Majesties,  out  of  the  delibera- 
tions of  the  high  offices  on  the  matter  of  the  coast-defense, 
come  rapidly  to  a decision.  Let  railways  and  mines  and 
tlie  construction  of  ships  and  guns  be  undertaken  at 
once,  as  a means  of  insuring  our  national  prosperity  and 
strength.  At  the  same  time,  as  understanding  is  at  the 
root  of  all  undertakings,  let  Your  Majesty  the  Emperor 
attend  with  more  and  more  diligence  to  the  study  of  our 
sacred  books.  Be  not  remiss  even  in  the  smallest  matter. 
Daily  associate  with  men  of  principle,  and  listen  to  their 
counsels.  Take  what  is  not  absolutely  necessary  to  be 
spent  at  the  moment,  and  apply  it  to  the  wants  of  na- 
tional defense.  Be  sparing  in  every-day  life,  that  there 
may  be  a fund  for  circumstances  unforeseen.  Let  the 
Emperor  and  his  ministers  strive  with  one  accord  in 
what  is  right,  to  procure  what  is  right,  and  your  serv- 
ant will  seem  in  the  day  of  his  death  to  be  born  again 
into  life. 

“ With  gasping  breath  and  flowing  tears  your  servant 
humbly  speaks  these  words,  which  are  copied  down  to  be 
submitted  to  careful  consideration  under  Your  Majesty’s 
mirror-like  glance.” 

I have  not  been  able  to  learn  that  any  official  action 
has  been  predicated  exclusively  upon  this  remarkable 
memorial,  but  there  is  abundant  evidence  that  it  has 
made  a profound  impression  upon  the  literary  and  official 
class  throughout  the  empire,  as  well  as  upon  the  foreign- 
ers residing  within  its  borders.  The  simple  fact  that  it 
was  not  suppressed  by  the  Empress-Dowager  would  alone 
go  to  prove  that  she  is  not  inimical  to  the  introduction 
of  railroads,  were  there  no  other  evidence  in  existence ; 
but  it  is  now  well  known  that  she  approves  them,  and 
has  expressed  herself  in  favor  of  tlieir  early  construc- 
tion. In  China,  as  in  every  other  country,  the  Throne 


158 


CHINA. 


has  its  courtiers  and  attendants,  who  are  loud  in  the 
declaration  that  it  can  do  no  wrong,  and  is  the  unfailing 
source  of  wisdom  and  virtue.  But  until  it  speaks  in  an 
authoritative  manner,  which  it  has  not  yet  done,  the  ut- 
terances of  such  men  as  Li  and  Tso,  however  great  their 
wisdom  or  exalted  their  patriotism,  can  do  no  more  than 
familiarize  the  official  class  with  the  great  ideas  which 
underlie  modern  progress.  The  adherence  of  so  great  and 
conservative  a statesman  as  Tso  Tsung-tang  to  these 
ideas,  although  he  limits  their  apjilication  to  the  national 
defense,  is  a great  event,  and  may  well  be  considered 
the  sure  precursor  of  a wide-spread  though  still  tardy 
acceptance  of  the  policy  which  they  foreshadow.  In 
every  line  of  the  dying  memorial  the  surrender  of  life- 
long prejudices  is  written.  Sadly  and  pathetically  the 
“poor  scholar  of  hooks”  confesses  that  Chinese  learning 
and  Chinese  arts,  whether  of  peace  or  war,  are  alike  un- 
able to  save  China  from  conquest  and  dismemberment, 
and  implores  his  imperial  master  to  “let  railways,  and 
mines,  and  the  construction  of  ships  and  guns  be  under- 
taken.” This  is  the  very  essence  of  progress  and  the 
death-knell  of  conservatism,  and  indorsing,  as  it  does, 
the  memorial  of  the  Viceroy  Li,  it  has  done  more  to  in- 
crease his  influence  and  popularity  than  any  event  which 
has  happened  for  years.  If  it  leads  to  the  construction 
of  the  initial  railroad,  it  will  prove  indeed  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  golden  age  of  China,  and  will  speedily  render 
her  invincible  to  the  rest  of  the  world.  Withal,  it  will 
be  the  Viceroy’s  chiefest  glory  that  he  has  become  her 
greatest  benefactor  as  well  as  her  greatest  soldier  and 
statesman. 

It  must  be  added,  however,  that  notwithstanding  the 
sound  arguments  contained  in  the  foregoing  remarkable 
memorials,  the  ignorant  and  conservative  censors  are 
far  from  yielding.  They  still  oppose  all  progress,  and 


DYING  MEMORIAL  OF  TSO  TSUNG-TANG.  159 


especially  the  introduction  of  railroads,  by  all  the  means 
in  their  power,  and,  having  the  right  of  memorializing 
the  Throne  at  all  times,  they  resort  to  it  whenever  occa- 
sion offers.  So  far  they  have  been  able  to  frustrate  all 
the  plans  of  Li  Hung-Chang  in  respect  to  this  most  im- 
portant matter. 


CHAPTER  XL 


Visit  to  Peking — The  unspeakably^^thy  city  of  the  world — Its  origin 
and  characteristics — No  suburbs  or  villas — Streets  not  paved — The 
foreign  legations  and  society — Non-intercourse  between  court  and 
diplomatic  corps — The  young  Emperor — The  Empress-Dowager — Her 
unlimited  power — The  censors — The  Emperor  worships  at  the  tomb 
of  his  ancestors — The  influences  which  control  him — He  can  hardly 
become  a conservative — The  difficulties  of  his  situation — Unprepared 
for  a foreign  war. 


Of  course,  no  foreigner  ynsits  Northern  China  without 
going  to  Peking,  and  ultimately  to  the  Great  Wall,  and 
I am  no  exception  to  the  rule.  The  distance  from  Tient- 
sin to  Peking  is  eighty  miles  ; the  wall  lies  about  forty- 
five  miles  farther  north,  and  the  journey  may  be  made  in 
either  of  three  ways.  The  most  common  and  perhaps 
the  most  comfortable  way,  for  Europeans,  is  by  house- 
boat, a sort  of  scow,  about  thirty  feet  long  and  six  feet 
wide,  with  a small  house  built  in  the  middle  for  the 
protection  of  the  occupant.  The  boat  is  propelled  by 
sails,  poles,  or  by  the  old-fashioned  method  known  in 
America  as  the  cordelle,  and  generally  goes  no  farther 
than  Tung-chow,  a city  fifteen  miles  from  Peking,  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Tientsin  River  (the  northern  branch  of 
the  Pei-ho),  where  the  Grand  Canal  leaves  it.  Another  way 
is  by  cart,  and  the  Peking  cart  is  an  institution  peculiar 
to  North  China.  It  is  an  exceedingly  rude,  springless 
vehicle,  which  fairly  illustrates  at  the  same  time  the  con- 


PEKING  THE  UNSPEAKABLY  FILTHY  CITY.  161 


dition  of  the  mechanic  arts  and  of  transportation  in  China. 
It  looks  like  a large  Saratoga  trunk  on  a pair  of  baggage- 
skids,  balanced  on  a pair  of  wheels,  and  drawn  by  two 
mules  driven  tandem.  And,  finally,  one  may  go  on  the 
back  of  a pony,  breaking  the  journey  into  two  stages,  and 
riding  the  same  pony  all  the  way  through,  or  by  a relay  of 
ponies,  which  enables  one  to  make  the  trip  in  a single  day. 

I chose  the  third  method,  as  the  one  requiring  the 
least  preparation,  but  sent  my  baggage  and  servant 
through  by  cart.  The  country  is  absolutely  level,  devoid 
of  trees,  and  uninteresting,  hut  it  is  under  the  closest 
cultivation.  The  road  is  distinct  enough  for  about  ten 
miles,  throughout  which  it  occupies  the  river-emhank- 
ment,  but  for  the  most  of  the  distance  it  wanders  about  in 
a very  indefinite  and  uncertain  way.  It  shows  no  evidence 
whatever  of  having  ever  been  laid  out  or  worked,  and  it 
certainly  has  never  been  paved  or  macadamized.  As  there 
are  no  fences,  hedges,  or  ditches  about  the  farms,  and  no 
farm-houses,  there  is  nothing  to  designate  even  the  gen- 
eral direction  except  the  telegraph-poles,  and  as  they  oc- 
cupy the  river-embankment,  which  is  very  crooked,  one 
would  have  to  travel  much  farther  than  necessary  if  he 
followed  them.  As  a consequence,  a foreigner  who  goes 
horseback  requires  a guide,  and  should  be  sure  before 
starting  that  his  mafoo,  or  horse-boy,  knows  the  way  and 
the  stopping-places.  I have  made  the  trip  several  times, 
and  was  never  over  twenty-four  hours  on  the  road. 

Peking  is  the  unspeakably  filthy  place  of  the  world. 
It  is  dirtier  than  Constantinople,  and,  although  it  is  the 
capital,  it  is  even  nastier  than  any  other  Chinese  city,  and 
nothing  worse  can  be  said  of  it.  No  correct  census  has 
ever  been  taken,  but  it  is  claimed  that  it  contains  a pop- 
ulation of  a million  souls.  It  is  surrounded  by  a stately 
gray  brick  wall,  forty-five  feet  high,  surmounted  by  a cren- 
elated parapet  with  flanking  towers  at  proper  intervals. 


162 


CHINA. 


It  is  penetrated  by  arched  gateways,  and  encircled  by  a 
moat  which  constitutes  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  the 
Grand  Canal. 

Its  origin  is  lost  to  history,  but  it  is  evident  that  it 
W'as  selected  as  a central  point  from  which  to  defend  the 
northern  frontier.  It  is  practically  a fortified  camp,  and 
has  never  been  anything  else.  Here,  in  the  olden  days, 
were  gathered  the  forces  which  were  expected  to  defend 
the  Great  Plain  from  the  ravages  of  the  Tartars,  and 
hence  it  was  against  this  point  that  they  directed  their 
first  attacks.  Having  captured  it  under  the  Great  Khan 
in  1264  A.  D.,  and  probably  many  times  before,  they 
made  it  their  own  capital,  not  only  because  it  gave  them 
a safe  base  for  further  operations,  but  also  because  it  cov- 
ers the  road  which  leads  back  into  the  fastnesses  of  Mon- 
golia. It  was  visited  by  Marco  Polo  during  the  reign  of 
Kublai,  and  called  by  him  Kambaluc,  or  Khan-baligh, 
that  is  to  say,  the  City  of  the  Khan.  It  had  already  had 
many  other  names,  and  gone  through  many  vicissitudes. 
After  remaining  the  capital  throughout  the  reign  of 
Kublai’s  descendants,  it  was  wrested  from  their  weak 
and  enfeebled  hands  by  Hung  Wu,  the  great  Chinese  sol- 
dier, who  drove  out  the  conquerors,  and  founded  the 
strictly  Chinese  dynasty  of  the  Mings.  He,  however,  re- 
stored the  capital  to  the  much  more  eligible  city  of  Kan- 
king,  where  it  remained  till  his  son,  Yung-loh,  established 
it  again  at  Peking.  The  descendants  of  the  latter  held  it 
till  1644,  when  it  was  captured  by  the  Manchus,  and  has 
ever  since  been  retained  by  them  as  the  seat  of  their 
dynasty  and  the  capital  of  the  whole  empire.  It  is  di- 
vided into  three  parts,  the  Chinese  City,  the  Tartar  City, 
and  the  “ Carnation  Prohibited  City,”  commonly  called 
the  ‘•'Forbidden  City,”  because  it  is  inhabited  by  the 
Emperor  and  his  court,  and  Europeans  are  excluded  there- 
from. The  parts  are  divided  from  each  other  by  separate 


PEEING  TEE  UNSPEAKABLY  FILTHY  CITY.  163 


inclosures  or  cross-walls,  and  while  they  are  well  laid  out 
in  broad,  straight  streets,  crossing  each  other  at  right 
angles,  they  are  equally  dirty  and  uninviting.  There  are 
no  sewers  and  no  police  regulations.  Dirt  and  dilapida- 
tion reign  supreme,  and,  what  is  worse,  the  people  seem 
to  live  almost  in  a state  of  nature,  and  to  have  no 
sense  of  shame  or  decency.  It  is  claimed  that  Peking 
was  much  larger  and  finer  than  now,  during  the  reigns 
of  Yung-loh  and  Kien-Lung,  but  this  may  well  bo 
doubted.  There  is  abundant  evidence  that  some  of  the 
roads  entering  it,  notably  those  from  Kalgan  and  Tung- 
chow,  were  once  paved  with  large  slabs  of  granite,  and 
kept  in  passable  condition,  but  they  have  long  since 
fallen  into  dilapidation  and  disuse.  Like  everything  else 
in  China,  they  seem  to  have  been  stricken  by  decrepitude. 
The  houses,  yamens,  and  compounds  are  generally  built 
of  fire-burned  brick,  but  here,  as  elsewhere,  disorder 
reigns  supreme,  and  no  one  ever  thinks  of  repairing  or 
cleaning  anything.  Koads,  city  walls,  temples,  houses, 
and  streets  alike,  betoken  an  inefficient  administration. 
Dust  and  dirt  give  a dingy  appearance  even  to  the  highly 
glazed  yellow  and  green  tiles,  which  cover  the  pavilions 
of  the  Forbidden  City.  The  palaces,  if  such  a word  can 
be  appropriately  used,  are  of  gray  brick,  but  only  one 
story  high,  and  there  is  every  reason  for  supposing  they 
are  as  open,  draughty,  and  uncomfortable  as  if  they  were 
the  residence  of  ordinary,  well-to-do  Chinamen,  instead 
of  tlie  Emperor,  the  Empress-Dowager,  and  their  im- 
media'te  family  and  dependents. 

Peking  is  peculiar  in  having  no  surrounding  villas  nor 
pretty  suburbs.  It  stands  solitary  and  alone  within  its 
massive  walls,  on  a wide  expanse  of  cultivated  plain,  like 
an  island  in  the  sea,  frequently  buried  in  clouds  of  dust, 
like  banks  of  fog  ; withal  it  is  an  interesting  place,  and  as 
the  capital  of  a far-reaching  empire  it  is  visited  by  many 


164 


CHINA. 


curious  people.  Its  streets  are  filled  by  hurrying  crowds 
of  officials,  soldiers,  and  common  Chinese,  and  present  to 
the  European  many  strange  if  not  inviting  sights  and 
sounds.  Here  camels  are  first  seen  in  large  caravans, 
transporting  Mongolian  products  to  market,  and  return- 
ing laden  with  tea,  cloth,  and  other  manufactured  arti- 
cles, suited  to  the  wants  of  the  Tartars  living  beyond  the 
Great  Wall.  They  also  carry  all  the  coal  used  in  Peking 
from  the  Western  Hills,  a few  miles  away.  Mongolians, 
Thibetans,  and  Coreans  abound,  and  all  seem  to  be  civil 
and  well-behaved.  It  is  plain  to  see,  whatever  outsiders 
may  say,  that  these  people,  one  and  all,  are  proud  of  their 
capital,  and  regard  themselves  as  fortunate  in  being  the 
subjects  of  the  Chinese  Emperor. 

Mud  and  dust  in  their  turn  render  communication 
exceedingly  disagreeable  if  not  difficult.  The  streets  are 
unpaved,  and  there  are  no  sidewalks.  Of  course  there 
are  no  street-railways,  nor  gas-mains,  nor  water-pijDes,  but 
they  are  all  sadly  needed,  and  there  can  be  but  little 
doubt  that  the  first  of  them  would  pay  a handsome  re- 
turn on  the  capital  invested  from  the  start. 

Peking  being  an  inland  city,  and  not  a treaty  port, 
has  no  foreign  settlement  in  or  near  it ; neither  foreign 
merchants  nor  bankers  are  permitted  to  reside  nor  even 
to  visit  there  mthout  a passport,  which  must  be  arranged 
for  through  the  consul  at  Tientsin.  Foreign  ministers 
and  attaches  live  in  legations,  generally  belonging  to 
their  own  governments.  They  are  all -situated  on  one 
street  close  to  each  other,  and  each  is  surrounded  by  its 
own  high  brick  wall  or  compound.  The  street  connect- 
ing them  is  broad  but  unpaved,  and  dirty  like  the  rest. 
The  legations  have  no  control  over  it,  but  a movement 
has  been  set  on  foot  to  secure  its  cession  to  them  for  po- 
lice and  sanitary  purposes.  There  is  no  hotel  open  to  for- 
eigners, but  the  merchant  who  is  allowed  to  live  near  the 


TEE  FOREIGN  SOCIETY  OF  PEKING.  165 


legations  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  them  with  foreign 
goods,  also  entertains  such  strangers  as  can  not  for  any 
reason  secure  the  shelter  of  their  own  legation  or  of  some 
member  of  the  maritime  customs  department,  which  also 
has  its  headrpiarters  here,  and  the  principal  officers  of 
which  are  foreigners,  with  the  able  and  accomplished  Sir 
Robert  Hart  at  their  head. 

The  foreign  society  at  Peking,  composed  as  it  -is  en- 
tirely of  diplomatic  and  customs  officers,  and  of  the  foreign 
professors  in  the  Tung-wen  College  and  their  families,  is 
most  attractive  and  charming.*  It  leads  a gay  and  happy 
life  ; tiffin,  riding,  and  dancing  parties  follow  each  other 
in  rapid  succession  during  the  winter  season,  and  in  the 
summer  most  of  the  families  retire  to  the  hills,  where 
they  live  in  Buddhist  temples  hired  for  the  purpose. 

The  diplomatic  corps  have  no  relations  with  the  Em- 
peror, the  Empress-Dowager,  or  the  court,  and  never  see  any 
one  connected  with  them,  except  the  prince  and  ministers 
of  the  Tsung-li  Yamen,  or  Board  of  Foreign  Affairs.  This 
board  is  a modern  one,  and  has  no  administrative  or  inde- 
pendent powers.  Its  sole  duty  is  to  receive  and  enter- 
tain the  foreign  ministers  and  such  distinguished  stran- 
gers as  may  be  presented  by  them,  and  to  forward  to  tlie 
Throne,  or  to  the  appropriate  boards,  such  communica- 
tions as  may  be  lodged  with  it.  In  view  of  the  fact  that 
none  of  the  members  of  the  hoard  (except  the  Marquis 
Tseng,  who  has  recently  returned  from  Europe)  under- 
stand English  or  any  other  foreign  language,  and  none  of 
the  foreign  ministers  understand  Chinese,  all  conversation 
must  be  carried  on  through  the  intervention  of  official 
interpreters,  and  to  prevent  mistakes  all  official  commu- 
nications must  be  in  writing,  translated  into  the  court 

* There  are  quite  a large  number  of  missionaries  residing  at  Peking, 
but  here  as  well  as  elsewhere  there  is  but  little  social  intercourse  be- 
tween them  and  the  diplomatic  corps  or  other  foreign  officials. 


1G6 


CHINA. 


dialect,  or  literary  language  of  the  country.  As  this  lan- 
guage is  an  almost  insuperable  obstacle  to  the  general 
dissemination  of  Western  knowledge,  and  as  there  is  no 
social  intercourse  whatever  between  foreigners  and  the 
conservative  Chinese  officials,  or  their  families,  it  will 
readily  be  seen  that  there  can  not  be  a very  active  inter- 
change of  ideas  between  them. 

Now  that  the  young  Emperor,  Kwang  Hsu,  has  as- 
sumed personal  direction  of  affairs,  one  of  the  first  duties 
required  of  him  under  the  treaties  will  be  to  receive  the 
foreign  ministers  accredited  to  his  Government ; and  this 
may  mark  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  China,  inasmuch  as 
it  may  lead  to  the  breaking  down  of  that  exclusiveness 
which  has  hitherto  so  eft’ectually  shut  out  modern  ideas. 
His  predecessor,  Tung  Chi,  gave  audience  to  the  foreign 
ministers  only  once,  and  the  regulation  of  the  details, 
and  especially  the  omission  of  the  hotow,  which  the  for- 
eigners insisted  upon,  gave  rise  to  protracted  and  deliber- 
ate negotiation,  much  of  which,  of  course,  will  have  to 
be  gone  through  with  again.  The  present  Emperor  was 
born  August  15,  1871,  and,  counting  him  a year  old  at 
birth,  according  to  Chinese  custom,  is  not  yet  seventeen. 
His  personal  name  is  Tsaitien,  but  he  is  officially  desig- 
nated as  Kwang  Hsu,  which  is  really  the  title  of  his  reign. 
He  is  the  ninth  of  the  Manchu  or  Tsing  dynasty ; and 
Tsing,  which  means  pure,  was  chosen  by  the  founder  of 
the  dynasty  to  indicate  the  purity  aud  justice  with 
which  he  and  his  descendants  projiosed  to  administer 
the  affairs  of  the  empire  which  they  had  captured.  The 
surname  of  this  family  is  Gioro,  or  Golden,  after  Aisin 
Gioro,  a brave  and  aggressive  but  petty  Manchurian  chief, 
who  was  its  progenitor,  and  whose  great  descendant,  Hien- 
tsu,  actually  led  its  followers  to  the  conquest  of  Peking, 
about  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Kwang 
Hsu  is  not  the  son,  but  the  first  cousin,  of  the  late  Em- 


THE  YOUNG  EMPEROR  KWANG  HSU.  167 


peror,  Tung  Clii,  who  died  without  issue  shortly  after  he 
had  ascended  the  throne.  A council  of  princes,  led  by 
the  mother  of  the  deceased  Emperor,  who  was  Empress- 
Dowager  during  his  nonage,  and  her  sister,  who  was  also 
a wife  of  the  Emperor  Hienfung,  and  consequently  the 
aunt  of  Kwang  Hsu,  adopted  him  as  heir  to  the  throne. 
He  is  the  son  of  Prince  Chun,  seyenth  brother  of  the 
Emperor  Hienfung,  and  hence  commonly  designated  as 
the  Seventh  Prince.  Exactly  why  or  how  the  son  of  the 
latter  was  selected,  instead  of  some  other  of  the  same 
generation,  is  not  clearly  understood  by  outsiders ; but 
when  it  is  remembered  that  the  Chinese  Emperor  has 
always  exercised  the  right  of  designating  which  of  his 
sons  should  succeed  him,  in  spite  of  primogeniture,  and 
that  if  a man,  as  head  of  a family,  has  no  son  of  his  own 
body,  he  may  adopt  one,  it  will  be  seen  how  the  Empresses- 
Dowager,  in  the  exercise  of  a similar  right,  may  have  been 
able  to  control  the  family  council  in  behalf  of  their  own 
favorite.  At  all  events,  the  selection  was  made  and  ac- 
quiesced in,  and  the  little  boy  (who  may  have  been  the 
oldest  of  his  generation)  was  duly  installed  on  January 
12,  1875,  as  heir  to  the  throne.  It  is  true  that  a cabal 
within  the  imperial  clan  undertook  to  control  the  Em- 
presses-Dowager  and  the  young  Emperor,  and  through 
them  the  administration  of  the  Government,  but  this  was 
promptly  frustrated  by  the  Empresses,  aided  by  Prince 
Kung,  the  eldest  surviving  brother  of  the  Emperor  Hien- 
fung, and  also  by  Prince  Chun,  the  young  Emperor’s 
father.  The  two  sisters,  as  co-regents,  carried  on  the  gov- 
ernment with  unusual  vigor  and  success  till  the  4th  of 
April,  1881,  at  which  time  the  first  one,  commonly  called 
the  “Empress  of  the  Eastern  Palace,”  died,  leaving  the 
sole  power  in  the  hands  of  her  sister,  Tz’-u  Hsi,  “Empress 
of  the  Western  Palace,”  and  the  present  Empress-Dowager. 
The  latter  is  a woman  of  strong  character,  and  it  is  asserted 


1G8 


ciin^A. 


by  the  best-informed  foreigners  in  Peking  has  proved  her- 
self to  be  the  ablest  ruler  of  China  since  the  days  of 
Kienlung,  whose  reign  was  contemporaneous  with  the  life 
of  George  "Washington.  She  is  fifty- three  years  of  age, 
and  is  said  to  give  the  closest  personal  attention  to  public 
business.  She  has  never  seen  or  been  seen  by  a foreign 
official,  and,  so  far  as  known,  takes  no  notice  or  account 
of  their  doings,  and  yet  she  is  supposed  to  be  a liberal,  or 
to  incline  toward  liberalism  and  progress  in  her  ideas. 
She  has  seen  the  entire  country  restored  to  peace  and 
comparative  prosperity  under  her  rule,  and  her  dominion 
at  the  surrender  of  it  to  her  ward  on  the  oth  of  February, 
1887,  was  undisputed  to  the  very  outermost  limits  of  the 
empire.  As  the  mother  or  guardian  of  the  young  Em- 
peror, she  has  looked  carefully  after  his  welfare  according 
to  her  lights,  but,  so  far  as  known,  no  ray  of  Western 
learning  has  been  extended  to  him.  He  has  no  Western 
teachers,  nor  is  it  likely  that  any  of  his  Chinese  tutors  have 
ever  studied  Western  science  or  languages.  His  instruc- 
tion is  therefore  exclusively  in  the  Chinese  language  and 
literature,  and  probably  extends  no  further  than  to  the 
teachings  of  the  great  sages  and  philosophers.  Of  course, 
in  a country  where  everything  is  regulated  by  custom  and 
a code,  all  the  details  of  his  daily  occupation  are  strictly 
laid  out  and  conducted;  but,  after  all,  it  is  only  Chinese, 
and  can  lead,  without  foreign  aid  or  influence,  to  nothing 
but  Chinese  results  in  the  end. 

The  Empress-Dowager  is  said  to  be  well  educated 
according  to  the  Chinese  system ; but,  inasmuch  as  even 
the  princes  and  great  dignitaries  of  the  empire  have  not 
been  permitted  to  see  her  familiarly,  or  communicate 
freely  with  her,  she  has  been  left  largely  to  the  guidance 
of  the  great  boards  of  Government  in  the  transaction  of 
public  business.  During  her  regency  she  has  been  for  all 
practical  purposes  an  absolute  monarch,  but,  according  to 


INFLUENCES  WHICH  CONTROL  THE  EMPEROR.  169 


the  theory  of  the  Chinese  Constitution — if  I may  use  the 
word  where  the  thing  itself  has  not  yet  passed  beyond  the 
rudimentary  stage — she  was  compelled  to  govern  accord- 
ing to  precedent  and  the  principles  of  the  code.  The 
censors  may  remonstrate  and  the  grand  secretaries  and 
the  boards  may  “advise  and  consent,”  but,  after  all,  there 
is  no  earthly  power  which  could  control  her  against  her 
will  when  she  had  once  made  up  her  mind.  The  process 
of  making  up  her  mind  was  therefore  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance, especially  in  connection  with  new  matters,  or 
such  as  do  not  come  within  the  range  of  precedent  or  of 
the  code. 

Like  all  human  beings,  the  occupant  of  the  Chinese 
throne  is  more  or  less  under  the  influence  of  the  people 
who  immediately  surround  his  person  and  minister  to 
his  wants,  and  these  are  of  course  servants  of  one  grade 
or  another.  They  can  unconsciously  give  his  mind  a 
bias  or  twist,  no  matter  how  seK-poised  or  independent 
he  may  be ; and  when  it  is  remembered  that  they  are 
also  strictly  Chinese,  and  that  many  of  them  belong  to  an 
unfortunate  class  peculiar  to  Oriental  countries,  it  will  be 
seen  that  he  is  much  more  likely  to  be  influenced  by  ig- 
norance and  prejudice  than  by  enlightened  and  progres- 
sive ideas.  Under  such  influences,  he  would  naturally 
be  inclined  to  let  well  enough  alone,  and  to  set  his  face 
against  change  ; and  so,  if  change  comes,  it  must  be  un- 
der the  pressure  of  some  force  great  enough  to  break 
down  the  opposition  of  the  ignorant  and  unfortunate, 
and  command  attention,  whether  the  case  in  hand  comes 
within  the  ordinary  rules  or  not.  Under  the  pressure  of 
war  or  some  great  emergency,  or  in  the  face  of  some  great 
public  necessity,  the  voice  of  the  statesman,  even  though 
he  be  but  “a  poor  scholar  of  books,”  may  penetrate  to 
the  innermost  recesses  of  the  palace  ; but,  even  when  in- 
vited, he  may  not  speak  except  when  lying  prostrate  in 


170 


CHINA. 


“the  divine  presence.”  The  common  method  of  advis- 
ing the  Throne  is  by  memorial,  which  must  be  most  care- 
fully expressed  in  the  classic  literary  style  ; and  I have 
been  told  that  no  verbal  explanations  may  be  offered,  ex- 
cept in  response  to  a direct  question  from  His  Majesty. 
The  “ Peking  Gazette  ” is  full  of  cases  where  the  memori- 
alist has  been  reprimanded,  or  handed  over  to  the  Board 
of  Punishments  for  the  determination  of  a proper  penalty 
for  the  use  of  a careless  or  inelegant  word  or  phrase. 

Theoretically  the  censors,  whose  functions  I will  ex- 
plain more  fully  hereafter,  may  memorialize  the  Throne, 
either  affirmatively  or  negatively,  upon  any  subject,  and 
the  memorial  must  go  upon  the  record,  and  even  the  offi- 
cial histoi’iographer  may  comment  as  he  chooses  upon  the 
acts  of  the  Emperor  ; but  both  must  be  careful  to  adhere 
closely  to  the  truth,  and  to  guard  their  language  and 
motives  against  the  charge  of  impertinence,  misrepresen- 
tation, and  malice.  Practically  the  post  of  censor  is  a 
dangerous  as  well  as  a powerful  one.  Only  last  year  a 
new  decree  was  issued  enlarging  upon  the  duties  of  cen- 
sors, encmrraging  them  to  make  suggestions  freely  and 
loyally,  and  to  be  guided  by  “considerations  of  time  and 
circumstance  in  what  they  say”;  but  to  “avoid  every- 
thing like  bias  or  private  prejudice.”  It  also  admonished 
them  that  “to  offer  improper  suggestions  to  the  Throne 
from  motives  of  private  animosity,  and  to  vilify  and  abuse 
the  object  of  attack  at  will,”  is  not  only  irreverent  to  the 
Emperor,  but  injurious  both  to  morals  and  good  govern- 
ment. After  quoting  several  decrees  issued  in  past  reigns 
severely  condemning  “ the  practice  of  indulging  in  slan- 
derous accusations  based  upon  private  spite,”  the  decree 
gives  emphasis  to  the  policy  laid  down  m it  by  ordering 
that  a censor  who  had  the  year  before  called  one  of  the 
gi-aud  secretaries  “a  traitor  to  his  country,”  and  a histo- 
riographer of  the  Han  Lin  College,  who  had  attacked  the 


TEE  EMPRESS-DOWAGER. 


171 


Grand  Secretary  Li  Hung-Chang  “ on  various  counts,  and 
in  involved  and  ornate  language  had  hinted  that  he  ought 
to  be  put  to  death,  to  be  both  of  them  committed  to  the 
board  for  the  determination  of  a severe  penalty,  as  an  ex- 
ample to  others  who  would  carry  vilification  of  ministers 
in  high  place  to  such  extreme  limits.” 

Although  the  Empress-Dowager  has  been  for  so  many 
years  the  absolute  head  of  the  Government,  and  must  al- 
ways, because  of  the  potential  influence  she  has  exerted 
in  the  selection  of  Kwang  Hsu  as  heir  to  the  throne,  wield 
a great  if  not  controlling  influence  over  him,  if  she  is  so 
disposed,  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  country  require 
that  she  shall  retire  from  all  public  participation  in  the 
business  of  the  Government  after  turning  it  over  to  the 
personal  charge  of  the  heir,  which,  as  before  stated,  she 
did  on  the  5th  of  February  of  the  current  year.  As 
mother  of  the  adolescent  Emperor,  she  had  a most  im- 
portant duty  to  perform  for  him,  and  that  was  to  select 
his  wife  or  wives,  conduct  the  wedding  ceremonies,  and 
to  see  that  he  worships  at  the  tomb  of  his  ancestors  both 
before  and  after  marriage. 

This  religious  duty  was  duly  performed  in  the  early 
spring  of  last  year,  at  which  time  the  young  Emperor, 
accompanied  by  the  Empress-Dowager ; his  father,  the 
Seventh  Prince  ; the  Viceroy,  Li  Ilung-Chang ; and  many 
of  the  grand  dignitaries  and  members  of  the  imperial  clan, 
made  his  pilgrimage  in  state  to  tlie  Eastern  Tombs,  and 
went  successfully  and,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  reverently 
through  the  solemn  ceremony  which  had  been  arranged 
for  the  occasion.  A new  road  something  over  a hundred 
miles  long,  with  proper  pavilions  and  stopping-places,  had 
been  built  beforehand,  and  every  effort  known  to  the  Chi- 
nese was  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  proces- 
s;‘"'n  imposing.  The  Emperor  and  the  Empress-Dowager 
were  carried  in  sedan-chairs,  and  were  escorted  by  soldiers 


172 


CHINA. 


and  retainers  all  clad  in  their  best ; but  withal  the  pageant 
was  described  as  disappointing.  The  trappings  and  out- 
fit were  neither  new  nor  fresh-looking,  and  as  the  column 
moved  before  daylight,  and  every  precaution  was  taken 
to  keep  the  streets  and  roads  near  its  line  of  march  clear 
of  spectators,  and  especially  of  foreigners,  none  of  the  lat- 
ter, except  one  who  occupied  a place  of  concealment  in  a 
Chinese  house,  obtained  a sight  of  the  procession.  The 
spring  rains  had  not  yet  begun,  and  the  road,  although 
quite  new,  and  of  course  unused  by  profane  feet,  was 
very  dusty.  It  was  sprinkled  by  an  advanced  guard  of 
soldiers,  each  of  whom  was  equipped  with  a small  wicker 
scoop  or  basket,  painted  pink,  and  which  he  used  for  dip- 
ping water  from  the  ditches  alongside. 

It  was  of  course  impossible  for  any  foreigner  to  wit- 
ness the  ceremony  at  the  tombs,  though  it  probably  con- 
sisted of  nothing  more  than  the  burning  of  incense,  to- 
gether with  gold  and  silver  paper  representing  money. 
The  young  Emperor  doubtless  prostrated  himself,  and 
knocked  his  head  against  the  floor  or  ground  in  front  of 
the  tomb  of  the  late  Emperor,  as  any  other  young  China- 
man would  have  done  before  the  tomb  of  his  father ; and 
this  may  have  been  repeated  before  the  various  tombs  of 
the  dynasty,  back  to  that  of  its  founder  if  buried  there. 
So  far  as  I have  seen  or  can  learn,  the  ceremony,  whether 
performed  by  Emperor  or  coolie,  is  a perfunctory  one,  and 
generally  entered  into  in  obedience  to  a time-honored 
custom  rather  than  to  the  dictates  of  a deep  religious 
feeling. 

The  young  Emperor  is  described  by  one  who  claims  to 
have  got  a good  look  at  him  as  a rather  frail,  sallow,  and 
undersized  youth,  showing  no  external  signs  of  extraor- 
dinary vitality  or  ability.  The  Chinese  say  it  is  understood 
among  them  that  he  is  petulant  and  unsteady  in  his  tem- 
per, and  shows  but  little  persistency  iu  his  studies.  The 


THE  EMPEROR  WORSHIPS  AT  EASTERN  TOMBS.  173 


chances  are  that  he  has  neither  the  mental  nor  physical 
constitution  of  a reformer.  His  father  is,  however,  a 
man  of  resolution  and  vigor,  and  will  necessarily  be  an 
important  factor  in  the  control  of  affairs,  although  he, 
too,  as  well  as  the  Empress-Dowager,  will  have  to  retire 
from  the  court  when  the  young  Emperor  assumes  per- 
sonal charge  of  the  Government.  This  is  necessary,  be- 
cause the  law  and  custom  of  the  country  are  such  that  no 
subject  can  approach  the  Emperor  without  prostrating 
himself,  while  the  higher  law  of  the  land  requires  that 
children,  whether  actual  or  adopted,  shall  bow  down  be- 
fore their  parents.  It  was  said,  however,  that  the  Empress- 
Dowager  might  issue  a decree  before  retiring,  giving  herself 
and  the  Seventh  Prince  a dispensation  against  the  strict 
letter  of  the  law,  and  authorizing  them,  in  view  of  his 
youth  and  inexperience,  to  have  audience  with  the  Em- 
peror on  public  and  family  affairs  without  going  through 
the  Tcotow  in  his  presence.  While  this  may  seem  quite 
simple  to  foreigners,  it  is  really  a very  serious  and  com- 
plex matter  to  the  Chinese.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  the  direct  male  line  of  the  present  dynasty  has  never 
before  failed,  and  it  has  been  on  the  throne  nearly  three 
hundred  years.  Precedents  are  therefore  very  old  and 
scarce,  and  it  is  possible  that  there  are  none  at  all.  So 
far  as  foreigners  know,  the  laws  may  be  silent  in  reference 
to  such  a case.  At  all  events,  even  the  most  learned  Chi- 
nese did  not  speak  with  any  confidence  as  to  what  would 
be  done  in  the  emergency  which  they  have  just  passed 
through.  So  far  as  I have  been  able  to  learn,  no  such 
dispensation  has  been  issued,  and  it  is  now  suggested  that 
an  able  counselor  may  be  obtained,  and  a part  of  the 
difficulty  removed,  by  the  restoration  of  Prince  Kuug, 
the  senior  uncle  of  the  Emperor,  to  favor.  He  is  an  ex- 
perienced and  progressive  statesman,  and  his  influence  can 
hardly  prove  to  be  anything  but  beneficial  to  the  empire. 
? 


174 


CHINA. 


But  one  thing  seems  to  be  entirely  clear,  and  that  is, 
that  the  Empress-Dowager  will  remain  a very  important 
factor  in  Government  afPairs  during  the  rest  of  her  life. 
Having  conducted  the  young  Emperor  safely  to  the  East- 
ern Tombs  and  back,  and,  it  is  said,  selected  her  favorite 
niece,  the  daughter  of  her  brother  the  Duke  Chow,  for  his 
first  wife,  it  is  evident  that  she  does  not  intend  to  leave 
the  young  couple  entirely  to  their  own  resources.  As  his 
mother  by  adoption,  it  is  her  right  and  duty  to  select  such 
other  wives  from  time  to  time  as  she  may  think  the  Em- 
peror ought  to  have,  and  it  is  certain  she  has  had  many  of 
the  eligible  young  women  of  the  country  sent  to  Peking 
for  her  inspection.  These  are,  of  course,  only  the  daugh- 
ters of  the  grandees  and  of  the  members  of  the  imperial 
clan.  So,  no  matter  what  restrictions  there  may  be  uiion 
free  intercourse  between  her  and  the  Throne  hereafter,  it 
will  readily  be  seen  that  the  person  who  selects  its  occu- 
pant, and  the  wife  who  alone  can  sit  beside  him  or  ap- 
proach his  person  without  prostrating  herself,  must  always 
remain  a very  considerable  personage. 

It  is  possible,  of  course,  that  the  young  Emperor  and 
his  wife  or  wives  may  develop  such  indei^endent  character 
as  to  throw  off  all  family  domination,  and  thus  get  rid  of 
both  father  and  aunt  at  the  same  time,  but  this  is  hardly 
to  be  expected.  Human  nature  must,  after  all,  be  the 
same  in  the  Chinese  imperial  family  as  elsewhere,  and 
hence,  notwithstanding  the  restriction  of  laws  and  cus- 
toms, it  may  fairly  be  assumed  that  both  the  Empress- 
Dowager  and  the  Seventh  Prince  will  continue,  for  many 
years,  to  play  an  important  if  not  a principal  part  in  the 
conduct  of  the  Chinese  Government.  The  Empress- 
Dowager  has  been  practically  head  of  the  Government 
for  over  twenty  years,  and  the  Seventh  Prince,  as  father 
and  tutor  of  the  jmung  Emperor,  has  held  a position 
scarcely  less  important.  As  titular  head  of  naval  affairs, 


TEE  EMPEROR'S  UNUSUAL  OPPORTUNITIES.  175 


lie  made  his  first  visit  to  Tientsin  and  to  the  fleet  in  the 
Gulf  of  Pechihli  last  spring.  During  this  visit,  he  not 
only  saw  foreign-built  ships  and  guns  for  the  first  time, 
but  personally  granted  audience  to  foreign  consuls  and 
dignitaries  themselves,  all  of  whom  he  received  with 
courtesy,  and  impressed  as  being  a man  of  liberal  senti- 
ments and  fine  natural  abilities. 

Finally,  it  is  understood  among  Chinese  and  foreign- 
ers that  both  the  Empress-Dowager  and  the  Seventh 
Prince  are  in  favor  of  progress,  and  especially  of  railroads, 
mines,  furnaces,  and  rolling-mills,  as  well  as  of  tele- 
graphs, foreign-built  ships,  and  guns,  and  of  foreign  in- 
struction in  their  use. 

This  being  the  case,  the  young  Emperor  can  hardly 
become  a conservative,  and  turn  back  the  hands  of  time, 
however  great  may  be  the  opi^osition  of  the  older  men. 
China  must  move  forward,  and,  whatever  may  be  the  natu- 
ral bent  of  the  young  Emperor  and  his  surroundings,  he 
and  they  must  move  with  her ; but  how  it  will  all  turn 
out,  with  special  reference  to  him,  the  world  can  tell  much 
better  after  he  has  occupied  the  throne  for  several  years, 
and  reached  actual  as  well  as  legal  manhood.  With  the 
tremendous  power  and  influence  wielded  by  him,  by  vir- 
tue of  the  system  of  which  he  is  the  center,  he  can  great- 
ly retard  as  well  as  facilitate  the  development  of  his  coun- 
try’s power  and  resources.  He  will  have  unusual  oppor- 
tunities for  signalizing  his  reign.  He  finds  the  empire 
united  and  at  peace  from  the  center  to  the  remotest 
boundary,  as  well  as  with  all  outside  nations ; but  it  is 
also  closely  watched  and  crowded  on  all  sides  by  Rus- 
sia, England,  and  France,  and  likely  at  any  time  to  be- 
come engaged  in  war  with  either  of  them.  Germany  is 
also  alert  and  aggressive.  She  is  sending  out  her  syndi- 
cates and  engineers  to  build  railroads  and  her  merchants 
to  secure  trade,  and  will  not  be  slow  to  find  a casus  belli  if 


176 


CHINA. 


she  wants  one.  Each  of  the  great  powers  named  is  keenly 
alive  to  the  fact  that  the  trade  and  the  internal  improve- 
ments of  a country  comprising  one  ninth  of  the  habitable 
globe,  and  containing  from  one  fifth  to  one  third  of  all  the 
people  in  the  world,  is  a tremendous  prize,  and  that  no 
sacrifice  or  exertion  is  too  great  to  make  for  it.  They  are 
all  represented  by  able  and  experienced  diplomatists,  who 
not  only  watch  one  another,  but  watch  and  report  every- 
thing going  on  within  the  empire.  Not  a ship  or  a gun 
is  bought,  but  all  compete  for  it.  Not  a military  or 
naval  review  is  held,  but  their  attaches  are  present  to 
witness  it ; and  not  a stranger  arrives  at  the  capital,  or 
even  at  a treaty  port,  but  they  endeavor  to  discover  his 
business,  and,  if  need  be,  to  frustrate  it. 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  contention,  watchfulness,  and 
distrust,  the  young  Emjjeror  and  his  advisers  will  have  a 
difficult  task  to  maintain  their  country’s  rights  and  to 
keep  the  peace  ; they  will  require  not  only  great  diplo- 
matic skill  and  knowledge,  but  a great  show  of  organiza- 
tion and  power,  which  as  yet  they  can  not  make.  They 
have  a few  excellent  ironclads  and  cruisers,  and  a few 
good  instructors  ; but  the  results  of  the  late  war  show 
that  neither  their  ships  nor  their  crews  can  stand  against 
those  of  the  French.  They  have  a considerable  armed 
force  and  many  improved  field-jiieces  and  breech-loading 
fire-arms,  but  no  organization  adequate  to  the  require- 
ments of  a war  with  even  the  least  of  the  European  pow- 
ers. They  have  unlimited  numbers  from  which  to  draw 
recruits ; but  the  more  of  such  undisciplined  men  they 
put  into  the  field  without  commissariat,  supplies,  or  trans- 
portation, against  a well-commanded  Anglo-Indian  or  Rus- 
sian army,  the  greater  will  be  the  number  slain  and  the 
more  overwhelming  the  disaster.  They  have  some  forti- 
fications, but  they  are  rudely  constructed,  and  in  many 
cases  badly  placed  ; moreover,  even  if  this  were  not  the 


CHINA  UNPEEFAEED  FOE  FOEEIGN  INVASION.  177 


case,  they,  like  all  fortifications,  are  powerless  to  inflict 
damage  upon  an  enemy  unless  they  are  assailed ; and  I 
know  of  none  that  can  not  be  easily  turned.  Besides, 
there  are  many  points  on  the  Chinese  coast  totally  un- 
defended, where  landings  can  be  made  by  bold  and  reso- 
lute commanders.  To  make  all  this  worse,  it  should  be 
remembered  that  they  have  no  railroads,  and  no  north 
and  south  lines  of  inland  water  communication  adequate 
for  military  uses  ; hence,  they  are  absolutely  powerless  to 
concentrate,  move,  or  supply  an  army  capable  of  making 
head  against  a properly  organized  and  equipped  European 
invasion,  even  if  they  could  find  or  create  such  an  army 
in  their  own  dominions  and  out  of  their  own  materials. 

War  is  always  possible  ; it  generally  comes  when  least 
expected,  and  may  come  in  that  way,  as  heretofore,  upon 
China.  Should  it  come  soon,  or  even  within  the  next 
decade,  it  can  have  but  one  result,  and  that  will  be  the 
defeat  and  humiliation  of  the  Chinese  army.  It  will  be 
impossible  for  it  to  defend  even  the  capital,  and  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  the  Emperor  and  his  court  will 
have  to  flee  into  Manchuria,  as  did  their  predecessors 
before  the  allied  French  and  English  armies.  This  pre- 
supposes an  invasion  from  the  sea-coast ; but  it  is  now  or 
soon  will  be  possible  for  the  Eussians,  whose  railroad  has 
already  penetrated  to  within  a few  hundred  miles  of  the 
Chinese  boundary,  and  whose  settlements  in  the  Amur 
Valley  are  growing  with  surprising  rapidity,  to  make  a 
descent  upon  Peking  from  the  north,  as  did  Kublai 
Khan  and  the  founder  of  the  present  dynasty.  In  that 
case,  the  Emperor  and  court  will  have  to  flee  toward  the 
Yang-tse  or  the  interior  of  the  empire ; and,  while  this 
may  enable  them  to  continue  the  war  longer,  the  result 
will  in  the  end  be  the  same.  Defeat  must  follow,  and 
there  will  be  nothing  left  for  them  but  to  accept  such 
terms  as  the  conquerors  may  consent  to  grant.  It  is 


178 


CHINA.  . 


hardly  to  be  doubted  that  an  army  of  fifty  thousand 
Europeans,  with  the  usual  proportion  of  artillery  and 
infantry  and  a preponderance  of  cavalry,  well  organized, 
supplied,  and  commanded,  can  go  anywhere  in  China, 
and,  if  so  disposed,  it  can  overrun  and  dismember  the 
empire.  Should  such  an  invasion  take  place  and  meet 
with  success,  is  it  safe  for  the  Emperor  or  his  advisers  to 
assume,  or  even  to  hope,  that  the  terms  extended  to 
them  will  ever  again  be  as  favorable  as  those  granted  by 
the  English  and  French  allies  ? It  has  been  said  that  the 
French,  upon  the  occasion  alluded  to,  proposed  a parti- 
tion of  the  country  along  the  line  of  the  Yang-tse-kiang, 
and  that  both  French  and  English  have  more  than  once 
since,  in  contemplating  “ their  opportunities,”  been 
‘‘astounded  at  their  moderation.”  If  either  should  find 
it  necessary  to  go  to  war  with  China  again  in  earnest,  it 
will  doubtless  go  alone,  and  thus  be  free  to  act  according 
to  its  own  judgment. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Emperor  an  absolute  monarch — The  Government  patriarchal  in  form 
— Liberty  unknown — Slavery  exists — No  hereditary  nobility  except 
the  imperial  clan  and  heads  of  the  families  of  Confucius  and  Koxinga 
— The  literati  are  the  office-holders — The  Imperial  Government — 
The  Grand  Secretariat — The  General  Council — The  “ Peking  Gazette  ” 
— The  Six  Great  Boards — The  Tsung-li  Yamen — The  Ccnsorate  or 
all-examining  court — The  minor  courts  and  boards — The  functions 
of  the  great  boards — Power  greatly  divided  and  distributed — The 
provincial  governments — All  officers  selected  by  public  examination 
— Defects  of  the  system — Li  Ilung-Chang’s  position  somewhat  like 
that  of  the  British  Premier — Foreign  ministers  not  yet  reeeived  by 
the  Emperor  or  Empress-Dowager — Much  of  the  foreign  business 
done  by  provincial  governors — The  central  Government  isolated  and 
inaccessible — Diffieulty  of  communicating  or  transacting  business 
with  it. 

Although  the  Emperor  of  Cliina  is  an  absolute  mon- 
arch, who  may  do  almost  as  he  pleases  in  any  speciOc 
case,  the  machinery  by  which  he  carries  on  the  govern- 
ment is  complex  and  ponderous  to  an  unusual  degree. 
It  is  patriarchal  in  form  and  arbitrary  in  character,  and 
yet  there  is  a vein  of  high  moral  ethics  underlying  and 
pervading  its  operations.  With  an  able  and  well-in- 
structed monarch  to  run  it,  he  might  not  only  be  entirely 
independent  of  restrictions,  but  he  could  hardly  fail  to 
make  it  a source  of  great  blessing  to  his  subjects.  It  has 
no  constitutional  limitations,  but  comprehends  all  sub- 
jects, and  is  the  source  of  all  power,  mercy,  and  justice. 


180 


CHINA. 


No  government  in  modern  times  is  altogether  like  it.  It 
has  no  cabinet  of  responsible  ministers,  as  in  Europe  and 
America,  each  presiding  over  an  executive  dej^artment, 
■with  -well-defined  ])Owers  and  duties,  and  in  a greater  or 
less  degree  independent  of  the  chief  of  state  ; but,  instead, 
its  current  operations  are  conducted  by  a series  of  great 
boards  and  courts,  composed  of  many  members,  none  of 
whom  have  power  individually  to  originate  measures,  or 
to  take  action  upon  them.  There  is  nothing  elective, 
and  no  element  of  popularity  to  be  found  anywhere  in  its 
machinery.  It  is  in  no  degree  the  servant  of  the  jieople, 
hut  belongs  exclusively  to  the  Emperor,  and  exists  sole- 
ly for  his  convenience.  He  is  head  and  front  of  all  its 
hoards  and  departments,  the  actuating  and  controlling 
force  of  all  its  branches.  The  whole  body  of  the  people 
is  under  him,  and,  like  a great  family  in  the  patriarchal 
days,  bound  implicitly  to  obey  his  will.  The  members 
of  this  family  have  no  rights  or  property  of  their  own; 
in  fact,  “they  have  nothing  but  what  has  been  derived 
from  and  may  at  any  time  be  reclaimed  by  him.”*  It 
follows,  as  a matter  of  course,  that  he  holds  the  fee  sim- 
ple of  all  the  land,  and  may,  if  so  minded,  dispose  of  it 
without  let  or  hindrance.  Commonly,  however,  he  does 
not  interfere  with  titles  so  long  as  taxes  are  promptly 
paid.  The  great  number  of  his  subjects,  and  the  wide 
extent  of  their  aggregate  possessions,  are  their  surest  pro- 
tection. 

Liberty  is  unknown  among  them,  and  it  is  said  that 
there  is  not  even  a word  in  the  Chinese  language  which 
accurately  expresses  its  significance.  Slavery  exists,  and 
is  fully  protected  by  the  laws,  and  to  all  external  appear- 
ances the  slaves  are  just  like  their  masters  in  race  and 
color,  if  not  in  condition.  There  is  no  Bill  of  Rights  by 


* “The  Middle  Kingdom,”  p.  411, seq. 


LIBERTY  UNKNOWN. 


181 


which  the  freeman  is  protected,  nor  any  other  form  of 
acknowledgment  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor  that  the 
plain  people  have  any  rights  which  he  is  bound  to  re- 
spect. He  is  their  sovereign  lord,  the  son  of  Heaven,  and 
reigns  over  them  by  divine  right  pure  and  simple.  There 
are  no  hereditary  nobility  nor  feudal  lords,  except  the 
heads  of  the  family  of  Confucius  and  Koxinga,  and  the 
members  of  the  imperial  clan  ; consequently,  there  has 
never  been  any  meeting  in  China,  like  that  of  the  English 
barons  at  Eunnymede,  to  teach  an  overbearing  monarch 
that  there  is  an  earthly  power  greater  than  his  own. 
Neither  is  there  any  hereditary  official  class.  The  literati 
are  the  office-holders,  and  theoretically  there  is  no  possible 
road  into  that  class,  except  that  of  learning,  as  tested  by 
the  public  examinations.  Every  man’s  son,  no  matter  how 
humble  his  origin,  may  present  himself  for  examination, 
and,  as  the  latter  is  so  conducted  that  the  examiners  do 
not  know  the  names  or  station  of  the  persons  they  are  ex- 
amining, it  is  hardly  possible  that  favoritism  should  work 
injustice.  The  system  is  strictly  democratic  and  popular. 
Most  of  the  defects  there  are  in  it  are  due  to  the  fact  that 
it  has  to  deal  with  human  nature,  through  human  agen- 
cies and  imperfect  knowledge,  and  takes  no  cognizance 
whatever  of  science.  There  is  no  system  of  popular  edu- 
cation, and  therefore  no  general  diffusion  of  knowledge. 
Contrary  to  the  common  belief,  it  is  now  pretty  well  es-^ 
tablished  that  not  more  than  one  man  in  a hundred,  nor 
one  woman  in  a thousand,  can  read  and  write,  and  hence/ 
there  is  no  such  thing  as  popular  opinion  to  guide  or  uphold 
the  Government.  In  all  matters,  therefore,  which  come 
within  the  functions  of  the  Government,  the  country  re- 
lies absolutely  upon  the  Throne,  and,  when  that  fails, 
everything  fails.  It  is  strong  in  small  matters,  but  weak 
in  great  ones.  It  is  strong  in  dealing  with  business  that 
is  settled  by  custom,  but  weak  when  business  arises  for 


182 


CHINA. 


•which  there  is  no  precedent,  and  in  regard  to  which  the 
code  is  silent. 

The  first  great  branch  of  the  Government  is  known 
as  the  Grand  Secretariat.  It  consists  of  four  principal 
chancellors,  two  assistants,  and  ten  sub-assistants,  half  of 
whom  in  each  grade  are  Manchus  and  half  Chinese.  Its 
duties  are  to  receive  and  transmit  edicts  and  decrees,  pre- 
sent memorials,  lay  before  the  Emperor  the  business  of  the 
day,  receive  his  instructions  thereon,  and  forward  them 
to  the  appropriate  office  to  be  copied  and  promulgated. 
The  officers  of  the  Grand  Secretariat  also  belong  to  other 
boards  and  bureaus,  and  individually  have  many  other 
duties  to  perform.  They  are  the  keepers  of  the  twenty- 
five  seals  of  state,  each  of  which  has  its  own  peculiar 
form,  and  is  used  for  a special  purpose. 

The  General  Council,  or  Council  of  State,  which  was 
organized  about  1730,  although  nominally  second,  has  be- 
come, perhaps,  the  most  infiuential  body  in  the  Govern- 
ment.* It  is  composed  of  an  indefinite  number  of  princes 
of  the  blood,  grand  secretaries,  chancellors,  presidents  and 
vice-presidents  of  the  six  boards,  selected  by  the  Emperor 
at  his  pleasure.  “ Its  duties  are  to  write  imperial  edicts 
and  decisions,  and  determine  such  things  as  are  of  im- 
portance to  the  army  and  nation,  in  order  to  aid  the  sov- 
ereig'n  in  regulating  the  machinery  of  affairs.”  It  meets 
daily  between  five  and  six  in  the  morning,  and  at  such 
other  times  as  may  be  necessary,  either  in  the  immediate 
or  assumed  presence  of  the  Emperor,  and  takes  cognizance 
of  whatever  business  is  brought  before  it.  It  keeps  the 
lists  of  officers  entitled  to  promotion,  and  of  persons  to 
fill  vacancies  ; supervises  and  correlates  the  action  of  the 
various  branches  of  government,  not  only  in  the  capital 
bitt  throughout  the  country,  and  generally  keeps  the  Em- 


* “Middle  Kingdom,’’  vol.  i,  p.  418. 


THE  ^‘PEKING  GAZETTE. 


183 


peror  informed  of  sucli  matters  as  should  have  his  per- 
sonal attention. 

The  line  of  demarkation  between  the  Grand  Secretariat 
and  the  General  Council  does  not  seem  to  he  well  defined, 
and  as  each  is  composed  of  both  Chinese  and  Manchus  in 
nearly  equal  numbers,  there  is  a certain  amount  of  dislike 
and  rivalry  between  them,  which  doubtless  causes  some 
trouble  to  the  Emperor,  but  is  supposed  to  have  a com- 
pensating advantage  in  enabling  him  the  more  easily  to 
discover  and  thwart  intrigues  and  conspiracies. 

The  common  method  of  procedure  for  each  of  these 
bodies  is  to  present  its  views  and  recommendations,  in 
regard  to  such  memorials  as  come  before  it,  to  the  Em- 
peror, upon  a piece  of  paper  attached,  indicating  the  ac- 
tion to  be  taken,  or  upon  more  than  one  if  alternative 
recommendations  are  made,  and  the  Emperor  signifies  his 
approval  or  disapproval  with  the  vermilion  pencil  which 
is  furnished  to  him  for  that  purpose,  or  he  may  write 
a separate  opinion  or  decree  of  his  own,  if  he  is  so 
minded. 

The  “Peking  Gazette,”  which  has  been  published 
daily,  it  is  said,  for  eight  hundred  years,  is  the  official 
organ  of  the  Government,  and  it  is  made  up  of  memorials, 
edicts,  decrees,  and  rescripts,  which  have  been  presented 
to  and  acted  upon  by  the  Grand  >Secretariat  or  the  Gen- 
eral Council  and  the  Emperor.  It  is  sent  to  all  parts  of 
the  country,  and  constitutes  almost  the  only  source  of  in- 
formation open  to  the  provincial  authorities  and  the  peo- 
ple as  to  what  is  going  on  in  the  capital  and  throughout 
the  empire.  Certain  persons  may  also  copy  and  print 
these  documents,  and  abridge  the  same,  but  no  one  is  per- 
mitted to  make  editorial  notes,  comments,  or  explanations. 
The  “Gazette”  is  translated  by  the  official  interpreters 
for  the  various  legations,  and  also  by  one  of  them  for  the 
“North  China  Herald,”  which  publishes  it  entire  or  in 


184 


CHINA. 


part  for  its  readers,  according  to  its  interest,  and  collects 
it  year  by  year  into  separate  Yolumes  for  sale  to  the  world 
at  large.  It  affords  the  best  and  only  attainable  means 
of  ascertaining  how  the  daily  operations  of  the  Chinese 
Government  are  carried  on,  and,  although  much  of  it  is 
exceedingly  dry  reading,  it  also  contains  many  interesting 
and  instructive  papers. 

While  the  Government  evidently  selects  the  matter 
to  he  published,  and  can  of  course  suppress  whatever  it 
chooses,  it  does  not  seem  to  screen  rascality  or  malfeasance 
in  office,  nor  to  conceal  in  any  degree  the  short-comings 
of  the  official  class.  To  the  contrary,  it  is  quite  as  free  in 
exposing  crime,  disaster,  famine,  and  misfortune,  as  the 
daily  press  of  our  own  country.  Whatever  comes  before 
the  Government  seems  to  be  openly  and  fairly  laid  before 
the  people  ; and  no  moralist  could  deal  with  bribery  and 
corruption  in  a more  straightforward  manner,  or  give  ut- 
terance to  admonitions  and  precepts  of  a higher  or  more 
exemplary  character.  All  public  business  requiring  fur- 
ther investigation  and  report,  is  distributed  by  the  Grand 
Secretariat  or  the  Grand  Council,  as  the  case  may  be,  to 
whichever  of  the  Six  Great  Boards  can  most  appropri- 
ately take  cognizance  of  the  business  in  question.  These 
boards  are  as  follows  : 

1.  Hu-Pu,  or  Board  of  Revenue. 

2.  Li-Pu,  or  Board  of  Civil  Office. 

3.  Li-Pu,  or  Board  of  Rites. 

4.  Ping-Pu,  or  Board  of  War. 

6.  Hing-Pu,  or  Board  of  Punishments. 

6.  Kung-Pu,  or  Board  of  Works. 

Each  of  these  boards  has  two  presidents,  four  vice- 
presidents,  and  from  six  to  eight  directors  ; several  have 
superintendents,  and  all  have  secretaries,  under-secreta- 
ries, comptrollers,  clerks,  writers,  and  servants,  in  sufifi- 


ORGANIZATION  OF  TEE  GREAT  BOARDS.  185 


cient  numbers  to  carry  on  the  business  according  to  cus- 
tom. The  upper  officers  are  equally  divided  between 
Manchus  and  Chinese,  the  theory  being  that,  while  they 
are  alike  subjects  of  the  Throne,  each  will  watch  the  other 
closely,  and  thus  secure  the  very  best  results  to  the  state. 
The  boards  are  also  divided  into  appropriate  bureaus  for 
the  transaction  of  the  various  kinds  of  business  with 
which  they  have  to  deal.  They  perform  their  public  du- 
ties mostly  withiu  the  Forbidden  city,  entirely  beyond 
the  sight  and  influence  of  foreigners,  and  both  officers 
and  members  are  almost  absolutely  unknown  to  the  diplo- 
matic corps  residing  at  Peking.  There  are  no  social  or 
official  relations  between  them  and  the  foreign  ministers ; 
and,  this  combined  with  the  barrier  interposed  by  the  lan- 
guage of  the  country,  conceals  the  daily  working  of  the 
Government  to  a degree  that  an  outsider  can  hardly  un- 
derstand. 

There  is  also  another  board,  known  as  the  Tsung-li 
Yamen,  or  Board  of  Foreign  Affairs,  organized  shortly 
after  the  capture  of  Peking  by  the  allied  English  and 
French  armies,  apparently  for  the  sole  purpose  of  receiv- 
ing foreign  diplomatic  agents,  and  listening  to  what  they 
may  have  to  say.  It  is  composed  of  a Manchu  prince, 
and  four  or  six  ministers,  who  are  at  the  same  time  mem- 
bers of  other  boards.  This  board  seems  to  have  no  au- 
thority whatever,  except  to  listen  to  what  the  foreign 
ministers  have  to  say,  and  to  report  to  the  Throne,  or  to 
the  councils  and  other  boards.  It  can  not  take  conclu- 
sive action  on  any  subject,  but  stands,  as  it  were,  a sort  of 
advanced  guard  on  the  borders  of  the  Forbidden  city,  to 
report  to  the  Government  within  what  may  be  going  on 
among  the  foreigners.  The  prince  and  ministers  are  ex- 
ceedingly civil  and  courteous  to  the  foreign  ministers,  and 
at  every  interview  entertain  them  with  a formal  feast  of 
sweetmeats,  tea,  and  hot  samschu.  When  I was  at  Pe- 


186 


CHINA. 


king  last  winter,  several  of  the  foreign  ministers  were 
considering  the  advisability  of  inviting  the  members  of 
the  Yamen  to  dine  with  them  at  their  legations  in  for- 
eign style,  and  it  was  understood  that  the  ministers  at 
least  would  accept,  though  the  prince  had  not  yet  com- 
mitted himself. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing,  there  are  several  other 
important  branches  of  the  Government,  such  as  the  Li 
Fan  Yuen,  commonly  called  the  Colonial  Office  ; the  Tu- 
chah  Yuen,  or  Ceusorate  ; the  Tung-ching  Tse,  or  Court 
of  Transmission  ; the  Ta-li  Tse,  or  Court  of  Judicature 
and  Kevision  ; and  the  Ilan-lin  Yuen,  or  Imperial  Acad- 
emy. Besides  these,  there  are  a number  of  minor  courts 
and  departments,  among  which  are  the  Tai-chaug  Tse,  or 
Sacrificial  Court ; the  Ilunglu  Tse,  or  Ceremonial  Court ; 
the  Tai-puh  Tse,  or  Horse  Department ; the  Kwanglu 
Tse,  or  Banqueting- House ; the  Kwoh-Tse  Kien,  or  Na- 
tional College  ; and  the  Kin-Tien  Kien,  or  Imperial  As- 
tronomical College,  which  prepares  the  almanac  and  se- 
lects the  lucky  days  of  the  year  for  all  the  important  acts 
of  life. 

Although  the  functions  of  the  Six  Great  Boards  and 
Censorate  are  indicated  in  some  degi’ee  by  their  namea,  it 
will  give  a better  idea  of  the  workings  of  the  Chinese  sys- 
tem of  government,  and  especially  of  its  complexity,  if  I 
define  them  more  fully. 

The  Board  of  Revenue  has  cognizance  of  the  census 
and  the  admeasurement  of  the  lands,  levying  and  collect- 
ing taxes  and  duties,  paying  salaries  and  allowances,  and 
the  regulation  of  transportation  by  land  and  water.  It 
superintends  the  mint  in  each  province,  makes  conscrip- 
tions for  the  army,  prepares  lists  of  Manchu  girls  eligible 
for  the  imperial  harem,  and  determines  the  latitude  and 
longitude  of  places.  It  is  also  a court  of  appeals  in  cases 
concerning  property.  It  is  subdi\dded  into  fourteen  or 


THE  BOARD  OF  REVENUE. 


187 


more  subordinate  departments,  which  correspond  with 
and  control  the  agents  for  collecting  the  revenue  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  the  empire  ; and,  as  this  is  paid  in  money, 
grain,  silk,  porcelain,  and  other  manufactured  products, 
a great  number  of  subordinates  is  required.  One  of  the 
bureaus  of  this  board  has  charge  of  the  “ Three  Treasu- 
ries,” one  for  metals,  one  for  silk  and  dye-stuffs,  and  one 
for  stationery. 

From  the  fact  that  this  board  controls  the  receipts 
and  disbursements,  it  has  great  influence  over  all  branches 
of  the  public  business,  and  especially  in  regard  to  such 
new  matters  as  may  necessitate  additional  expenditures 
on  the  part  of  the  Government.  Like  all  persons  and 
corporations  which  have  to  do  with  money,  it  is  naturally 
conservative,  and,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the 
Censorate,  has  more  influence  than  any  other  board. 
It  must  be  said,  however,  that  it  has  never  taken  an 
exact  census,  nor  made  an  accurate  survey  of  the  lands  or 
other  elements  affecting  the  revenues  and  expenditures 
of  the  Government.  The  theories  upon  which  it  proceeds 
are  antiquated  and  crude  in  many  respects  ; and  yet,  if 
the  machinery  for  carrying  them  into  effect  were  properly 
organized  and  honestly  administered,  the  results  attained 
would  be  in  every  respect  better  than  they  are  now  or 
have  ever  been.  One  of  the  great  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  real  progress  in  China  is  the  poverty  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  this  is  due  in  a great  measure  to  the  disorder 
of  its  flscal  system.  Under  a capable  administration,  an 
accurate  and  exhaustive  census  would  be  taken  without 
delay.  The  country  would  he  correctly  surveyed,  and  the 
lands  properly  measured  and  classified.  With  this  done, 
it  would  be  practicable  to  assess  the  taxes  fairly  and  to 
collect  them  honestly.  It  is  no  discredit  to  the  Chinese 
as  a nation  to  say  that  they  do  not  appear  to  understand 
the  science  of  political  economy,  as  applied  to  levying. 


183 


CHINA. 


collecting,  and  disbursing  the  public  revenues,  or  that  in 
this  branch  of  their  business  they  have  great  need  of  for- 
eign advice  and  assistance.  If  they  could  be  induced  by 
any  means  to  employ  either  Mr.  Goschen,  Mr.  David  A. 
Wells,  or  General  Francis  A.  Walker,  or  all  of  them,  as 
a hoard  to  advise  them  in  reference  to  the  revision  of  their 
financial  system  and  the  reorganization  of  the  machin- 
ery for  collecting  and  disbursing  their  revenues,  they 
would  take  a step  which  could  not  fail  to  benefit  them 
greatly,  no  matter  what  it  cost  them  in  the  way  of  sala- 
ries paid  and  honors  conferred. 

The  Board  of  Civil  Office  is  subdivided  into  four  bu- 
reaus, and  has  charge  of  all  the  officers  in  the  civil  service 
of  the  empire.  The  first  bureau  attends  to  the  selection, 
promotion,  and  precedence  of  officers.  The  second  in- 
vestigates and  records  their  merit  and  demerit,  and  pre- 
scribes their  furloughs.  The  third  regulates  retirement 
from  office  on  account  of  filial  duties  and  mourning. 
The  fourth  regulates  the  distribution  of  titles,  patents, 
and  posthumous  honors.  Civilians  are  presented  to  the 
Emperor,  and  all  civil  and  literary  officers  are  assigned 
and  distributed  by  this  board. 

The  Board  of  Rites  has  charge  of  all  kinds  of  ritual 
observances  and  ceremonial  forms,  and  of  the  rules  and 
proclamations  in  regard  thereto.  It  prescribes  the  regu- 
lations for  determining  precedence  and  literary  distinc- 
tion, maintaining  religious  honor  and  fidelity,  giving 
banquets,  and  fixing  the  etiquette  to  be  observed  at 
court,  and  in  the  performance  of  official  duties.  It 
also  prescribes  the  cut,  style,  color,  fabric,  ornaments, 
and  insignia  of  official  dress  and  accoutrements,  fixes 
the  number  of  followers,  and  defines  the  number  of 
bows  upon  ceremonial  occasions,  and  the  degree  of  atten- 
tion which  high  officials  and  nobles  must  pay  to  one  an- 
other. It  also  directs  the  forms  of  written  official  com- 


THE  BOARD  OF  WAR. 


189 


munications,  and  has  charge  of  the  literary  examinations, 
the  number,  privileges,  and  distinction  of  the  graduates, 
and  the  establishment  of  government  schools  and  acade- 
mies. It  superintends  the  rites  to  be  observed  in  wor- 
shiping the  gods,  as  well  as  the  spirits  of  departed  mon- 
archs,  sages,  and  philosophers ; and  saves  the  sun  and 
moon  when  they  are  eclipsed.  It  looks  after  tribute  and 
tribute-bearers,  and  also  after  all  embassies  sent  abroad. 
It  supplies  food  for  banquets  and  sacrifices,  studies  the 
principles  of  music,  selects  and  composes  musical  pieces, 
and  fixes  the  form  and  number  of  instruments  to  play 
them. 

The  Board  of  War  has  charge  of  all  the  military  and 
naval  affairs  of  the  empire,  and  also  of  the  transmission 
of  mails,  both  official  and  private  ; but  the  postal  system 
is  very  inefficient,  except  that  jiart  of  it  conducted 
by  the  Inspector-General  of  the  Imperial  Maritime 
Customs  for  the  benefit  of  foreigners,  and  of  his  own 
business. 

This  board  has  four  bureaus,  which  have  charge  of 
promotions,  issuing  general  orders,  inspecting  the  troops, 
and  distributing  rewards  and  punishments ; supplying 
and  distributing  cavalry-horses  ; and,  finally,  selecting 
candidates,  preparing  rosters  and  estimates,  and  supply- 
ing equipments  and  ammunition.  It  does  not,  however, 
control  the  household  troops,  nor  the  bannermen,  which 
are  commanded  by  captains-general  appointed  by  the 
Throne,  one  to  every  banner  of  each  race.  It  must  also 
be  remembered  that  the  land-forces  are  largely  under  the 
command  of  the  governors-general  of  the  provinces  in 
which  they  are  serving.  Until  the  establishment  of  the 
Naval  Board,  as  previously  described,  under  the  Seventh 
Prince,  the  Viceroy  Li,  and  the  Marquis  Tseng,  for  the 
organization  of  the  northern  fleet,  the  naval  forces  were 
controlled  in  the  same  way,  so  that  as  at  present  organ- 


190 


CHINA. 


ized  the  Board  of  War  has  but  little  control  over  the  mili- 
tary and  naval  forces  of  the  empire,  and  it  will  be  seen 
at  a glance  that  its  organization  is  entirely  unequal  to  the 
efficient  and  economical  management  of  the  public  de- 
fense. Its  greatest  lack  is  that  of  a responsible  head,  and 
a competent  and  well-organized  scientific  and  military 
staff.  It  has  neither  engineer  nor  ordnance  officers,  and 
its  artillerists  are  untrained  ; it  has  no  quartermaster- 
general,  no  regular  system  of  transport,  no  commis- 
sariat, and  no  surgeon-general  or  medical  depai’tment. 
A young  surgeon,  who  had  had  experience  in  the  Ameri- 
can array,  went  to  Peking  only  a few  months  ago, 
and  submitted  a proposition  to  establish  a medical  de- 
partment for  the  Chinese  army,  but  he  could  not  even 
obtain  a hearing.  lie  was  given  to  understand,  however, 
that  the  Board  of  War  not  only  felt  no  interest  in  the 
subject,  but  held  that  it  was  cheaper  to  obtain  new  re- 
cruits, with  which  to  replace  their  sick  and  wounded,  than 
to  organize  a department  for  curing  them. 

The  Board  of  Punishments  has  the  control  and 
direction  of  punishments  throughout  the  empire,  and 
partakes  of  the  nature  of  both  a criminal  and  a civil 
court.  In  connection  with  the  Censorate  and  the  Court 
of  Judicature  and  Eevision,  it  constitutes  the  “Three 
Law  Chambers,”  which  decide  upon  capital  cases  brought 
before  them.  These  three,  uniting  with  members  from 
six  other  courts,  constitute  a Court  of  Ei’rors,  which  re- 
vises the  decision  of  provincial  judges  before  transmit- 
ting them  to  the  Emperor,  without  whose  approval,  ex- 
pressed or  implied,  no  man’s  life  can  be  taken.  An  officer 
of  this  board  superintends  the  publication  of  the  code, 
with  all  its  alterations  and  additions  ; another  has  charge 
of  jails  and  jailers  ; another  of  fines  le^^ed  in  commu- 
tation of  punishments  ; and  still  another  registers  the 
receipts  and  expenditures  of  the  board. 


THE  BOARD  OF  WORKS. 


191 


The  Board  of  Works  takes  charge  and  direction  of  all 
the  public  works  throughout  the  empire,  together  with  the 
expenditures  for  the  same.  It  takes  cognizance  of  all  city 
walls,  palaces,  and  public  structures,  including  fortifica- 
tions ; it  furnishes  tents  for  the  Emperor’s  journeys,  ship- 
timber,  pottery,  and  glassware,  and  sits  as  a prize  court ; 
it  attends  to  the  manufacture  of  military  munitions  and 
implements ; has  charge  of  arsenals,  stores,  and  camp 
equipage  ; regulates  weights  and  measures,  sorts  pearls 
according  to  value,  and  furnishes  death-warrants  ; it  re- 
pairs and  digs  canals,  and  has  charge  of  water-ways  and 
their  embankments  ; it  builds  bridges  and  vessels  of 
war,  mends  roads,  collects  tolls,  preserves  ice,  makes 
book-cases,  and  takes  care  of  the  silk  sent  in  as  taxes  ; it 
has  charge  of  the  imperial  tombs,  pavilions,  palaces,  and 
temples,  and  of  the  erection  of  monuments  and  tablets 
to  such  great  men  as  are  buried  at  the  public  ex- 
pense. 

Two  of  its  great  ministers  have  charge  of  manufact- 
uring gunpowder,  and  two  of  its  vice-presidents  look 
after  the  mint.  It  has  a multitude  of  duties  and  em- 
ployes, and  might,  if  properly  organized  and  adminis- 
tered, be  of  immense  advantage  to  the  country.  I am 
compelled  to  say,  however,  that  none  of  its  duties  seem  to 
be  well  or  economically  performed,  except,  possibly,  the 
work  done  at  the  public  arsenals,  of  which  there  is  one 
at  nearly  every  provincial  capital  and  important  seaport. 
They  are  all  constructed  on  foreign  plans,  furnished  with 
foreign  machinery,  and  run  by  foreign  superintendents 
and  experts.  The  greater  part  of  the  work  done  at  them, 
however,  is  turned  out  by  native  workmen,  who  have  been 
instructed  by  foreign  mechanics. 

The  forts,  canals,  embankments,  roads,  and,  indeed, 
all  public  structures  throughout  the  empire,  so  far  as  I 
have  seen,  are  badly  designed  and  constructed,  and  in  bad 


192 


CHINA. 


repair.  They  show  clearly  and  unmistakably,  not  only  a 
bad  system  of  organization,  but  the  absence  of  all  proper 
supervision  and  responsibility. 

The  Colonial  Office  has  charge  of  all  the  wandering 
and  settled  tribes  in  Mongolia,  Hi,  and  Turkistan,  and 
generally  exercises  control  over  all  their  affairs,  civil, 
military,  and  religious.  It  collects  taxes  and  tribute, 
makes  rewards,  pays  salaries,  and  maintains  discipline. 
Its  jurisdiction  extends  over  vast  regions,  and  of  late  years 
has  been  directed  specially  to  reducing  the  influence  of 
the  Begs,  Khans,  and  Lamas,  and  the  settlement  of  the 
people  in  permanent  homes,  as  owners  and  cultivators  of 
the  soil. 

The  Censorate,  or  All-Examining  Court,  is,  perhaps, 
the  most  powerful  branch  of  the  Government.  It  con- 
sists of  two  censors  and  four  deputy-censors.  Besides, 
all  governors  and  lieutenant-governors,  as  well  as  the 
superintendents  of  rivers  and  inland  navigation,  are  ex- 
officio  deputy-censors,  and  generally,  wherever  two  or  three 
Chinese  officials  are  collected  together,  one  of  them  is  sure 
to  be  connected  with  the  Censorate,  and  to  keep  it  in- 
formed of  all  their  doings.  A class  of  censors  is  placed 
over  each  of  the  Six  Boards,  to  supervise  its  acts,  and  to 
receive  and  distribute  all  memorials  and  public  documents. 
The  censors  have  access  to  all  public  offices  and  courts,  and 
to  all  documents  pertaining  to  the  archives  and  records. 
They  are  charged  with  the  investigation  of  all  branches  of 
the  public  service,  and  the  privilege  of  reproving  all  public 
officers,  from  the  Emperor  down  to  the  lowest,  is  given  to 
them  by  law,  and  Chinese  history  abounds  in  cases  where 
the  privilege  with  reference  to  the  Emperor  has  been 
openly  and  freely  exercised.  The  Emperor  is,  however, 
absolute,  and  may  suspend  or  disgrace  a censor  at  will, 
and  hence  it  may  well  be  imagined  that  only  the  honest 
and  resolute  members  of  the  body  ever  criticise  the  im- 


THE  CENSOBATE,  OR  ALL-EX  AMIR IHG  COURT.  193 


perial  acts,  or  even  those  of  the  great  dignitaries  of  the 
empire. 

The  system  is  far-reaching  in  its  organization  and 
powers,  and  holding  as  it  does  a position  next  to  the 
throne,  it  is  always  first  to  make  itself  felt,  and  it  cer- 
tainly exerts  a controlling  influence  in  many  cases.  It  is 
from  its  very  nature  exceedingly  conservative,  and,  having 
the  privilege  of  memorializing  the  Throne  upon  all  sub- 
jects, and  especially  upon  such  as  do  not  come  within  the 
range  of  precedents  or  the  code,  it  has  been  potential  at 
times,  and  especially  of  late,  in  staying  the  march  of 
progress. 

From  the  foregoing  sketch  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
Government  of  China,  although  it  has  an  absolute  mon- 
arch at  its  head,  is,  from  the  very  magnitude  of  the  em- 
pire, and  the  multiplicity  of  interests  with  which  it  has 
to  deal,  a Government  of  boards  and  courts,  which  so 
divide  responsibility  and  distribute  power  as  in  many 
cases  to  defeat  the  ends  for  which  they  were  created.  It 
is  a great,  complex,  cumbersome  machine,  which  could 
not  exist  a day  in  any  foreign  country.  Espionage  and 
surveillance  prevail  everywhere.  Concealment  and  dis- 
honesty, accompanied  by  conservatism  and  timidity,  are 
the  rule  in  all  branches  of  the  public  service,  and  the 
truth  of  this  is  abundantly  attested  by  the  “ Peking  Ga- 
zette.” There  is  neither  change  nor  progress,  except  in 
the  treaty  ports  and  maritime  provinces,  where  there  is  a 
limited  class  which  comes  in  contact  with  foreigners  and 
foreign  ideas,  and  also  except  in  the  minds  of  such  great 
statesmen  as  Li  Hung-Chang,  the  two  Tseogs,  and  Liu- 
Ming  Chu’an. 

The  nineteen  provincial  governments  are  like  the  Im- 
perial Government  in  their  general  features.  The  sons 
and  relatives  of  the  Emperor  are  excluded  from  holding 
civil  office  in  the  provinces,  and  no  Chinaman  can  hold 
9 


194 


CHIXA. 


any  civil  office  in  his  native  province,  nor  can  he  marry 
or  own  land  in  the  jurisdiction,  nor  can  his  brother, 
son,  or  near  relative  hold  office  under  him  or  in  the 
same  province  with  him.  The  governors  and  governors- 
general  are  appointed  by  the  Throne  subject  to  these 
limitations,  and  nominally  for  only  thi’ee  or  four  years, 
but  in  many  cases  this  period  is  overrun.  But,  when  this 
is  done,  it  is  generally  due  to  some  great  consideration 
of  state,  although  remoteness  from  Peking,  or  the  apathy 
of  the  Imperial  Government,  or  the  difficulty  of  commu- 
nicating with  the  distant  ports  of  the  empire,  has  in 
more  than  one  case  caused  the  period  of  a governor-gen- 
eral to  be  extended  indefinitely.  In  such  cases  the  actual 
powers  exercised  by  him  are  almost  as  unlimited  within 
the  province  and  over  the  inhabitants  of  it  as  are  those 
of  the  Emperor  within  the  empire.  In  such  cases  it  has 
become  the  custom  of  foreigners  to  designate  the  govern- 
or-general as  a Viceroy,  although  nominally  and  legally 
he  has  no  higher  title  than  any  other  governor. 

The  duties  of  the  govern  or- general  consist  in  the 
control  of  all  civil  and  military  affairs  in  the  region 
under  liis  jurisdiction,  but,  like  the  Emperor,  he  is  sup- 
posed to  govern  according  to  the  code  and  the  prece- 
dents, or  in  accordance  with  specific  instruction  from  the 
Throne. 

The  functions  of  provincial  government  are  comprised 
under  a number  of  different  heads,  the  principal  of  which 
are  territorial,  financial,  and  judicial,  but  the  details  of 
organization  and  administration  A’ary  considerably  in  the 
different  provinces.  The  governor-general  is  assisted  by 
a treasurer,  a criminal  judge,  a literary  chancellor,  and 
by  commissioners  and  superintendents,  prefects,  and  dis- 
trict magistrates  ; also,  by  a commander-in-chief,  gener- 
als, and  such  other  high  civil  and  military  officers  as  the 
peculiarities  of  his  situation  I’equire — the  relative  rank 


TEE  PROVINCIAL  GOVERNMENTS. 


195 


and  precedence  of  which  are  rigidly  and  clearly  defined — 
subject  to  the  general  rule  that  civilians  always  take  pre- 
cedence over  military  officers  of  the  same  or  correspond- 
ing grade. 

The  authority  of  the  governor-general  extends,  in  ex- 
treme or  urgent  cases,  to  life  and  death  ; to  the  temporary 
filling  of  all  official  vacancies  ; to  the  absolute  control  of 
the  troops  ; and  to  the  issuance  of  such  laws  and  the  adop- 
tion of  such  measures  as  he  thinks  necessary  from  time  to 
time  to  secure  the  peace  and  safety  of  his  province.  His 
higher  officers  constitute  a council  or  cabinet,  with  whom 
he  may  confer  whenever  he  thinks  best,  and  he  is  always 
subject  to  regulation  removal  and  discipline  by  the  Throne. 
Any  censor  may  report  upon  or  denounce  his  administra- 
tion, and  altogether  his  place  is  a difficult  one  to  fill  ac- 
ceptably. Each  official  is  assisted  by  a multitude  of  sub- 
ordinates, and  the  result  is  that  the  common  people  are 
frequently  oppressed  and  fleeced  in  a shameful  manner. 

Theoretically,  all  officers  are  selected  by  public  exami- 
nation for  the  ascertainment  of  their  literary  acquire- 
ments, and  this  department  is  conducted  by  the  literary 
chancellor,  who  is  appointed  directly  by  the  Emperor, 
and  takes  rank  next  to  the  governor.  He  is  assisted  by 
head- teachers  residing  in  the  chief  towns,  and  exercis- 
ing a greater  or  less  control  over  the  colleges  and  acade- 
mies, as  well  as  over  the  studies  of  the  students  attending 
them.  lie  personally  makes  an  annual  circuit  through 
the  province,  and  holds  examinations  in  the  chief  towns, 
of  each  department,  at  which  any  student  may  pre- 
sent himself.  Those  who  are  successful  may  present 
themselves  at  the  provincial  examination,  and,  if  again 
successful,  they  may  attend  the  grand  triennial  examina- 
tion at  Peking.  Many  of  the  students  by  the  time  they 
reach  Peking  are  middle-aged  men,  and,  as  rejection  does 
not  disqualify  them  from  trying  again,  old  men  are  not 


196 


CHINA. 


unfrequently  found  in  the  students’  stall,  struggling  for 
the  highest  degree.  These  examinations  are  conducted, 
as  before  stated,  in  writing,  which  must  be  done  in  seclu- 
sion from  the  outside  world,  and  upon  subjects  given  out 
after  the  students  have  entered  the  stalls,  and  all  connec- 
tion with  hooks  and  friends  has  been  cut  off.  The  ex- 
amination papers  are  sealed  and  numbered,  so  that  no  one 
can  tell  who  the  writer  is  till  after  it  has  been  pronounced 
satisfactory.  Every  precaution  is  taken  to  prevent  fraud, 
and  to  secure  absolute  honesty  in  carrying  out  the  system, 
and  yet  it  is  quite  certain  that  means  have  been  success- 
fully resorted  to  time  and  again,  by  which  unworthy  men 
have  secured  degrees  to  which  they  were  not  entitled,  and 
which  they  never  could  have  got  by  honest  methods. 

It  is  a curious  circumstance  that  the  highest  degree 
granted  to  a Chinese  subject,  when  literally  translated, 
means  simply  “ fit  for  office,”  and  not  doctor  of  laws,  as 
with  us. 

The  system,  it  will  be  observed,  takes  but  little  account 
of  character,  and  deals  only  with  Chinese  classics.  It  takes 
no  cognizance  whatever  of  Western  learning  and  sciences, 
and  hence,  however  honestly  it  is  administered,  can  not 
possibly  produce  satisfectory  results,  as  viewed  from  a 
Western  standpoint.  It  is  well  understood  that,  notwith- 
standing this  seemingly  admirable  method  of  selecting 
officials,  the  civil  service  of  China  is  as  had  as  any  in  the 
world,  and  worse  than  that  of  the  poorest  European  na- 
tion, It  is  not,  however,  entirely  devoid  of  honest,  able, 
and  efficient  administrators  of  every  grade  ; and,  indeed, 
this  is  to  be  expected,  since  no  plan  yet  devised  can  any 
more  certainly  select  and  make  all  officials  bad  than  it 
can  select  or  make  them  all  good.  I am  inclined  to  be- 
lieve that  for  the  present,  and,  indeed,  for  many  years  yet 
to  come,  the  system  will  prove  itself  to  be  as  good  as  any 
which  could  be  substituted  for  it,  If  Western  sciences 


THE  SYSTEM  OF  PUBLIC  EXAMINATIONS.  197 


and  learning  be  gradually  introduced  into  the  empire, 
and  be  made  prerequisites  along  with  the  Chinese  clas- 
sics, the  latter  in  smaller  and  smaller  quantities,  for  the 
degrees  granted  at  the  public  examinations,  and  if  to  this 
be  added  the  qualifications  of  honor,  honesty,  and  good 
moral  character,  before  even  the  highest  graduates  can  be 
assigned  to  public  office,  the  civil  service  of  China  will 
be  steadily  improved.  It  will,  of  course,  be  still  further 
elevated,  if  a system  shall  be  devised  for  more  certainly 
punishing  malfeasance  and  corruption  in  office,  and  for 
“turning  the  rascals  out”  when  once  they  are  dis- 
covered. 

It  came  to  be  the  custom  under  the  late  regency, 
and  especially  after  the  close  of  the  Taiping  rebellion, 
to  refer  nearly  all  new,  difficult,  or  embarrassing  ques- 
tions presented  by  foreigners,  or  growing  out  of  their 
presence  in  China,  to  Li  Hung-Chang,  who,  as  the  First 
Grand  Secretary  of  the  Empire,  holds  a place  somewhat 
like  that  of  the  Premier  of  the  British  Cabinet,  or  of 
Prince  Bismarck,  the  Chancellor  and  chief  adviser  of  the 
German  Emperor.  He  does  not,  however,  reside  at  Peking, 
nor  visit  it  often,  but,  as  Governor-General  or  Viceroy,  he 
makes  his  principal  place  of  business  at  the  treaty  port 
of  Tientsin,  eighty  miles  away.  Here  he  receives  and 
calls  upon  all  diplomatic  agents  who  enter  the  country, 
even  before  they  present  themselves  to  the  Government 
at  Peking,  but  he  does  not  generally  see  their  credentials, 
which  are  addressed  to  the  Emperor,  and  can  not,  of 
course,  be  presented  to  any  subordinate,  however  high 
his  rank  or  exalted  his  position. 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  no  foreign  minister  has 
yet  been  received  by  the  present  Emperor  or  Empress- 
Dowager,  and  that  the  credentials  of  the  entire  diplomatic 
corps  at  Peking  are  consequently  supposed  to  be  lying 
safely  locked  up  in  the  strong  boxes  of  the  respective 
10 


198 


CHINA. 


legations.  This  is  certainly  the  case  with  our  own  min- 
ister, who  not  only  retains  his  own  credentials  but  those 
of  his  recent  predecessors  as  well. 

Much  of  the  foreign  business  of  the  Government  has 
heretofore  been  done  by  the  provincial  governors,  or  by 
special  commissioners,  and  in  the  purchase  of  arms,  heavy 
guns,  and  machinery,  this  must  continue  for  some  time 
to  be  the  practice.  The  telegraphs  have  been  built  under 
the  supervision  of  an  imperial  commissioner  by  foreign- 
ers specially  employed  for  the  purpose.  Naval  vessels 
have  been  bought,  manned,  and  armed  heretofore  by  the 
governors  of  the  maritime  provinces,  but  all  such  busi- 
ness will  doubtless  soon  pass  under  the  control  of  the 
Admiralty  Board  heretofore  mentioned,  although  it  must 
necessarily  continue  to  be  managed  by  the  Viceroy  Li  and 
the  foreign  assistant  employed  by  him,  in  all  its  practical 
details. 

From  the  foregoing  sketch  it  is  apparent  that  the 
Chinese  Government  is  so  isolated,  vague,  and  inacces- 
sible, as  to  render  it  almost  impossible  for  foreigners  to 
reach,  influence,  or  move  it,  while  it  is  peculiarly  subject 
to  the  control  of  conservatism  and  prejudice  operating 
upon  it  through  the  Censorate,  or  through  the  large  num- 
ber of  old  and  timid  men,  who  constitute  the  majority 
of  the  Great  Boards  and  Councils,  and  who  are  naturally 
sorry  to  see  any  innovation  introduced,  for  fear  it  may 
put  their  own  order  in  jeopardy. 

In  mere  matters  of  trade  a foreigner  has  no  difficulty, 
for  he  conducts  all  his  bupng  and  selling  through  Chi- 
nese agents  or  compradors,  and  rarely  if  ever  has  occasion 
to  see  the  people  with  whom  he  is  dealing  ; but,  when  it 
comes  to  negotiations  of  any  sort  with  the  Government, 
they  must  be  conducted  in  person,  and  generally  through 
high  officials  who  have  but  little  independent  power,  who 
hedge  themselves  about  with  ceremony,  and  who  can  not 


NEO  0 TIA  TIONS  DIFFIGUL  T. 


199 


be  seen  at  all,  unless  the  person  desiring  the  interview 
also  has  high  diplomatic  or  military  rank,  or  has  such 
letters  of  introduction  as  will  secure  the  kind  assistance 
of  his  minister  or  consul.  Unless  he  can  obtain  these, 
he  had  better  stay  at  home,  no  matter  how  important  or 
pressing  his  business  may  be. 


CHAPTER  Xm. 


The  eyes  of  the  world  now  turned  toward  China  as  a field  for  investment 
in  public  undertakings — Its  financial  system — No  statistics  except 
those  of  the  maritime  customs — The  revenues  collected  by  “farm- 
ers”— The  growth  of  the  system — The  sources  of  the  imperial 
Chinese  revenue — The  land-tax — The  salt  monopoly — The  likin,  or 
internal  transit  tax — Miscellaneous  taxes — Maritime  customs  duties 
— Summary — Comparison  of  Chinese  and  British  Indian  revenues — 
Estimates  made  by  various  persons — No  correct  account  can  be 
given  of  the  expenditures  of  the  Chinese  Government — Approximate 
estimate — The  funded  debt — Fear  of  the  Chinese  Government  to 
negotiate  foreign  loans — Its  obligations  good  and  negotiable  for 
$100,000,000 — The  Chinese  slow  to  lend  to  their  Government — No 
statistics  of  private  wealth  — Thought  to  be  capable  of  raising 
$100,000,000,  if  properly  secured — Necessity  of  measures  to  pro- 
mote confidence. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  eyes  of  the  world  are 
turned  toward  China  as  a field  for  railway-building  and  for 
the  opening  of  mines,  the  erection  of  furnaces  and  roll- 
ing-mills, and  the  establishment  of  manufactures  which 
shall  utilize  its  boundless  supply  of  labor,  it  is  important 
that  some  account  should  be  given  of  the  financial  system, 
revenues,  and  expenditures  of  the  Imperial  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment. 

It  must  he  understood  at  the  outset  that  no  statistics 
except  those  of  the  maritime  customs,  as  the  word  is  un- 
derstood among  foreigners,  exist,  or  at  least  can  be  got 
at  by  outsiders.  It  must  also  be  understood  that  all  rev- 
enues, whether  for  imperial,  provincial,  or  municipal  pur- 


CHINESE  FINANCIAL  SYSTEM. 


201 


poses,  are  levied,  collected,  and  disbursed  under  the  orders 
or  sanction  of  the  Imperial  Government. 

In  what  follows,  no  effort  will  be  made  to  account  for 
any  but  the  imperial  revenues,  for  the  simple  reason  that, 
while  the  provincial  authorities  collect  all  the  revenues 
except  the  maritime  customs,  and,  after  paying  the  pro- 
vincial expenses  of  every  sort,  they  send  the  balance  to 
the  imperial  treasury,  or  rather  they  send  what  they  ab- 
solutely must  to  the  treasury,  and  retain  the  “balance” 
for  proAuncial  uses. 

All  official  salaries  in  China  are  small — in  most  cases 
totally  inadequate  to  the  requirements  and  expenses  of  the 
official,  and  it  has  therefore  become  a part  of  the  national 
system  that  all  officers,  high  as  well  as  low,  who  handle 
money,  are  expected  secretly,  if  not  openly,  to  retain  a 
part  of  it  for  their  own  use.*  The  collectors  of  the  rev- 
enue are,  in  fact,  “farmers,”  who  must  furnish  the  sum 
demanded  of  them  by  the  Board  of  Eevenue  at  Peking, 
but  are  permitted  by  custom  (and  this  has  been  or  is  the 
practice  in  nearly  all  Asiatic  countries,  as  it  was  formerly 
in  Europe)  to  retain  all  they  can  collect  over  and  above 
the  amount  they  are  called  upon  to  account  for.  In 
China  it  is  said  that  this  system  grew  out  of  the  practice 
of  holding  the  collectors  responsible  for  the  return  of  a 
minimum  sum,  and  compelling  them  to  make  good  any 
deficit  in  the  collections  out  of  their  own  pockets.  The 
“Peking  Gazette”  affords  abundant  evidence  that  there 

* A remarkable  case  illustrating  this  truth  has  just  come  to  my  notice. 
In  pursuance  of  the  recommendation  of  the  superintendent  of  the  Yellow 
River  works,  the  Board  of  Revenue  set  aside  600,000  taels  for  those 
works  last  winter,  but,  when  the  officer  went  for  it,  he  received  only 
490,000,  the  fiscal  clerk  who  paid  over  the  money  withholding  10,000 
taels  for  his  trouble.  This  raised  a great  disturbance,  because  the 
“ squeeze  ” was  deemed  excessive ; the  matter  came  to  the  attention  of 
the  board,  and,  after  much  discussion,  the  clerk  was  “ fined  ” and  com- 
pelled to  pay  10,000  taels,  the  amount  he  had  withheld. — J.  H.  W. 


202 


CHINA. 


is  a continual  struggle  between  the  imperial  and  provin- 
cial authorities  about  money  and  its  application,  and  that 
the  Censorate  has  frequent  cause  of  complaint  against 
those  who  have  to  collect  and  disburse  it. 

The  books  on  China,  and  especially  “The  Middle 
Kingdom,”  give  full  accounts  of  the  system  and  its  origin, 
but  their  figures  are  not  altogether  trustworthy. 

The  most  authentic  statement  of  the  Chinese  revenue, 
of  which  I have  any  knowledge,  is  contained  in  a series  of 
articles  which  originally  appeared  in  the  “China  Mail,” 
and  were  reprinted  in  pamphlet  form  at  Hong-Kong  in 
1885.  What  follows  is  summarized  mainly  therefrom. 

The  sources  of  the  imperial  revenue  may  be  given  as 
follows  : 1.  The  land-tax.  2.  The  salt  monopoly.  3. 
The  transit  duties  collected  on  inland  commerce,  and 
known  as  the  likin.  4.  Miscellaneous,  including  the  rev- 
enues arising  from  “contributions,”  “assessments,”  and 
“ subscriptions,”  and  from  the  sale  of  official  rank  and 
titles.  5.  The  maritime  customs. 

LAND-TAX. 

In  China,  as  in  all  other  Oriental  countries,  the  land- 
tax  is  one  of  the  principal  sources  of  revenue.  It  is  col- 
lected by  the  district  magistrates,  and  in  the  offices  of  all 
such  magistrates  there  is  a registry  wherein  the  name  of 
every  landholder,  every  transfer  of  land,  and  the  amount 
of  tax  levied  on  each  tract  of  land,  is  required  to  be  re- 
corded. As  a matter  of  fact,  this  is  not  always  done,  and 
it  is  said  that  great  confusion  prevails  in  some  districts, 
both  as  to  the  amounts  of  the  levy  and  the  persons  from 
whom  it  should  be  collected.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  rev- 
enue from  this  source  has  fallen  off  greatly  of  late  years ; 
and,  although  it  is  said  that  a part  of  this  falling  off  is 
due  to  the  devastations  of  the  Taiping  and  Mohammedan 
rebellions,  part  to  floods,  and  part  to  famine,  it  is  quite 


THE  LAND-TAX. 


203 


certain  that  the  land-tax  is  not  now  over  one  third  of 
what  it  was  in  the  days  of  Kienlung. 

The  practical  labor  of  collection  is  performed  by  un- 
derlings, known  as  tepaos,  and  years-men,  but  it  is  worthy 
of  note  that  there  is  no  class  of  middle-men,  like  the 
zemindars  of  India.  The  yield  of  this  tax  for  all  the 
provinces,  as  given  in  the  Eed-Book,  should  amount  to 
32,845,474  taels  in  silver  (a  tael  is  about  a dollar  and 
thirty-three  cents)  ; to  4,356,382  piculs  of  rice,  or  to 
about  40,000,000  taels  in  all ; but  this  assessment  was 
fixed  at  about  the  beginning  of  the  century,  and  is  con- 
siderably in  excess  of  the  amount  actually  collected. 
From  reports  of  reassessments  made  in  the  jirovinces  which 
have  suffered  from  rebellion,  famine,  floods,  and  other 
causes,  it  is  assumed — and  the  assumption  appears  to  be 
altogether  reasonable — that  the  amount  collected  in  silver 
of  late  years  does  not  average  over  20,000,000  taels  yearly. 

That  part  of  the  land-tax  paid  in  kind  is  comprised 

(1)  of  grain  (mostly  rice),  sent  annually  to  Peking,  and 

(2)  rice,  beans,  straw,  etc.,  levied  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  provincial  army.  The  first  was  originally  levied  only 
on  eight  provinces,  namely,  those  south  of  the  Yellow 
Eiver  and  along  the  Lower  Yang-tse,  but  four  of  the  eight 
have,  since  the  Taiping  rebellion,  been  permitted  to  com- 
mute their  grain-tribute  into  a money  payment.  In  1813 
the  whole  of  this  tribute  was  estimated  at  3,000,000  pi- 
culs ; a few  years  later  it  is  said  to  have  amounted  to 
4,000,000.  It  is  now  estimated  at  about  1,900,000  piculs, 
including  that  which  is  commuted  into  money.  The  total 
value  of  this  may  therefore  be  put  down  at  2,800,000 
taels.  The  present  yield  of  the  second  part  of  this  tax 
is  now  thought  to  be  about  3,000,000  piculs,  valued  at 
4,500,000  taels,  and  the  entire  yield  of  the  taxes  in  kind 
is  therefore  about  7,500,000  taels.  Much  more  than  this 
is  said  to  be  taken  from  the  people,  and  it  seems  to  be 


204 


CHINA. 


quite  certain  that,  vrith  a proper  registration  of  the  laud 
as  required  by  the  theory  of  the  Government,  and  a rigid 
system  of  accountability  and  collection,  a very  much 
greater  revenue  could  be  secured  from  this  source. 

The  area  of  the  nineteen  provinces  of  the  empire  (in- 
cluding Formosa)  is  about  1,300,000  square  miles,  and  of 
the  nine  provinces  in  or  near  the  Great  Plain,  the  greater 
part  of  which  is  a highly  fertile  region,  is  about  500,000 
square  miles.  Throwing  out  one  half  of  the  whole,  and 
counting  the  rest,  or  650,000  square  miles,  equal  to  416,- 
000,000  acres,  as  under  cultivation ; and,  allowing  that 
it  should  pay  a tax  of  only  a quarter  of  a tael  per  acre  per 
year,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Imperial  Government  could 
raise  an  annual  income  from  this  source  alone  of  104,- 
000,000  taels,  as  against  the  present  collections,  amount- 
ing to  only  37,500,000  taels. 

THE  SALT  irOHOPOLY. 

The  profit  and  tax  derived  from  the  monopoly  of  the 
trade  in  salt  have  always  constituted  an  important  part 
of  the  imperial  revenue.  For  the  purpose  of  distributing 
the  salt  and  collecting  the  taxes,  the  country  is  divided 
into  seven  main  circuits,  the  boundaries  of  which  are  care- 
fully defined,  and  the  salt  produced  in  one  is  not,  under 
ordinary  circumstances,  permitted  to  he  transported  to 
or  sold  in  another.  The  administration  is  nearly  the 
same  in  each  circuit.  The  salt  is  made  from  sea-water 
around  the  coast  and  from  brine  inland,  and  there  is  no 
restriction  upon  the  amount  produced  ; but  the  Govern- 
ment requires  that  it  shall  all  be  sold  at  fixed  rates  to 
the  Government  agents,  who  establish  depots  near  the 
salt-works. 

The  sale  and  distribution  of  the  salt  is  managed  by 
salt-merchants  licensed  by  the  salt  commissioner  in  charge 
of  the  circuit.  The  quantity  of  salt  required  in  each  cir- 


THE  SALT  MONOPOLY. 


205 


cuit  is  rouglily  estimated  eacli  year,  and  enough  licenses 
are  issued  to  cover  that  amount,  and  each  hcense  is  sup- 
posed to  be  used  every  year.  Each  license  entitles  the 
holder  to  buy  500  yin,  or  3,760  piculs,  at  a time,  and,  as 
it  is  perpetual,  and  may  be  handed  down  from  father  to 
son,  it  is  worth,  in  a good  district,  from  10,000  to  12,000 
taels.  Having  paid  for  his  salt  at  the  fixed  rate,  the  mer- 
chant may  carry  it  to  any  part  of  the  circuit ; but,  having 
chosen  his  market,  he  must  deposit  his  salt  in  a sort  of 
bonded  warehouse,  which  is  established  for  that  purpose 
in  every  considerable  town,  and  enter  his  name  in  the 
book  of  the  warehouse.  The  salt  is  sold  in  the  order  it  is 
entered,  and  at  the  price  fixed  by  the  Government  for  all, 
so  that  the  only  advantage  one  merchant  can  get  over 
another  is  in  choosing  a good  market. 

The  Government  makes  a profit  on  the  original  sale, 
and  taxes  the  salt  at  a fixed  rate  per  picul ; and  this  tax, 
which  is  collected  at  the  time  of  the  sale,  is  also  known  as 
liTcin.  When  trade  is  brisk,  and  each  license  can  be  used 
once  a year,  the  profits  are  from  twenty  to  twenty-five 
per  cent  to  the  merchant.  The  retail  dealer  is  not  taxed, 
and,  after  the  salt  reaches  his  hands,  its  sale  is  unre- 
stricted. The  profits  on  sales  and  the  tax  assessed  thereon 
are  stated  at  9,680,000  taels  per  year ; but  here,  as  in  the 
land-tax,  there  is  room  for  a very  large  increase  of  rev- 
enue by  a more  careful  system  of  administration  and  ac- 
countability. It  is  believed  by  close  observers  that  the 
Government  might  thereby,  and  without  increasing  the 
cost  of  salt  to  the  consumer,  secure  a revenue  of  20,000,- 
000  taels,  or  at  least  double  the  amount  that  now  finds 
its  way  into  the  imperial  treasury. 

THE  LIKIN. 

This  is  a tax  upon  internal  commerce  in  transit,  and 
is  frequently  regarded  by  foreigners  as  illegal ; but,  as  it 


206 


CHINA. 


is  imposed  by  imperial  decree,  the  highest  form  of  law 
known  in  China,  it  is  hardly  illegal,  however  disagreeable 
it  may  be  to  foreign  merchants.  By  the  Anglo-Chinese 
Treaty  of  Nanking,  it  was  agreed  that  no  further  inland 
duties  should  be  levied  upon  foreign  goods,  whether  in 
British  or  native  hands,  than  were  then  authorized.  This 
clear  stipulation  was,  however,  modified  by  the  Treaty  of 
Tientsin,  and,  since  that  was  ratified,  there  has  been  a 
dispute  about  it,  but  the  Chinese  have  continued  to  levy 
and  collect  the  tax. 

The  likin,  as  now  levied,  is  a modern  form  of  taxation, 
having  first  come  to  the  knowledge  of  foreigners  about 
1853,  and  became  universal  during  the  latter  days  of  the 
Taijung  rebellion,  when  the  Imperial  Government  was 
forced  to  resort  to  every  known  means  of  raising  money. 
It  is  levied  on  all  classes  of  goods  in  transit,  internal 
custom-houses,  commonly  designated  by  foreigners  as 
“ squeeze ’’-stations,  for  its  collection  being  established  on 
all  trade  routes.  It  is  a specific  and  not  an  ad-valorem 
duty,  assessed  upon  each  bale,  box,  piece,  or  picul.  The 
word  is  compounded  of  kin  or  kinen,  “contribution,” 
and  li,  nominally  the  thousandth  part  of  the  value. 

The  details  of  the  collection  and  the  designation  of 
the  stations  along  the  trade  routes  are  regulated  by  the 
provincial  authorities  according  to  the  amount  of  trade 
and  the  frequency  with  which  it  will  stand  taxing.  The 
amount  collected  at  each  station  is  inconsiderable,  but,  if 
the  goods  have  to  go  any  great  distance,  the  tax  becomes 
an  intolerable  one,  and  exerts  a most  powerful  influence 
upon  the  repression  of  trade.  There  is,  of  course,  no 
check  upon  the  accounts,  and  it  is  generally  believed  that 
only  a small  part  of  the  collections  find  their  way  into  the 
public  treasury.  Fortunately,  there  is  quite  an  array  of 
testimony  as  to  the  amount  of  money  from  this  source 
reaching  the  treasury.  Without  giving  it  in  detail,  it  is 


MISCELLANEOUS  TAXES. 


207 


sufiacient  for  my  purpose  to  say  that  the  Board  of  Eeve- 
nue  states  that  the  collections  from  the  whole  nineteen 
provinces  amount  to  “17,000,000  or  18,000,000  taels.” 

Likin  is  levied  and  accounted  for  under  the  three 
heads  of  salt,  opium,  and  miscellaneous  goods,  and  the 
figures  quoted  above  include  the  revenue  from  all  these 
sources  ; but  in  the  estimate  of  the  revenue  derived 
from  the  salt  monopoly  the  part  collected  from  the  likin- 
tax  is  included,  and  it  is  estimated  that  of  the  whole 
amount  nearly  one  third  is  profit  on  sales,  while  over  two 
thirds,  or  nearly  7,000,000  taels,  are  derived  from  likin. 

The  likin  on  foreign  opium,  amounting  to  about 

1.000. 000  taels,  is  included  in  the  statement  above,  but 
this  is  accounted  for  in  the  maritime  customs  returns. 
Hence  to  get  at  the  real  amount  yielded  by  the  likin, 
these  two  sums,  aggregating  a total  of  say  8,000,000  taels, 
must  be  deducted  from  the  17,000,000  or  18,000,000  taels 
given  by  the  Board  of  Kevenue,  and  this  leaves  from 

9.000. 000  to  10,000,000  taels  collected  on  miscellaneous 
goods. 

MISCELLANEOUS  TAXES. 

These  taxes  are  levied  (1)  on  sales  of  land  and  houses, 
at  the  rate  of  three  per  cent  on  the  amounts  involved  ; 
(2)  on  marshy  lands  along  the  Yang-tse  Eiver  which  are 
too  low  to  be  cultivated,  but  yield  enormous  quantities  of 
reeds,  used  for  fuel  and  thatching  houses  ; (3)  on  mines, 
of  which  there  are  but  few  ; (4)  on  merchandise  at  the 
place  of  consumption  or  upon  produce  at  the  place  of 
production,  including  tea  and  silk  in  some  districts  ; (5) 
for  licenses  to  brokers,  merchants,  and  pawnbrokers  ; and, 
finally  (6),  on  the  sales  of  honors  and  titles.  These  vari- 
ous taxes,  properly  levied,  collected,  and  accounted  for, 
should  yield  a large  sum,  perhaps  ten  times  as  much  as 
they  do  now.  The  actual  yield  is  placed  at  only  1,500,- 
000  taels,  but  this  is  a mere  guess. 


208 


CHINA. 


KAEITIME  CUSTOMS  DUTIES. 

Prior  to  the  coming  of  foreigners  and  modern  trade, 
the  duties  levied  at  the  various  custom-houses  situated  at 
the  principal  seaports  and  at  a few  important  inland  sta- 
tions did  not  amount  to  much,  but  since  then  they  have 
grown  into  great  importance.  They  are  collected  under 
the  immediate  orders  of  the  Imperial  Government  and 
sent  direct  to  Peking,  and  constitute  one  of  the  largest 
items  in  the  imperial  revenues. 

The  maritime  customs,  as  is  well  known,  are  collected 
under  foreign  supervision,  with  Sir  Kobert  Hart  as  in- 
spector-general. He  has  organized  a corps  of  customs 
officials  composed  of  nearly  all  nationalities,  and  has 
brought  the  service  to  a high  state  of  efficiency.  Under 
his  management  the  receipts  have  grown  from  about 
4,000,000  taels  to  an  average  of  something  over  13,000,000 
taels  net,  after  paying  all  costs  of  collection.  Besides 
this,  a further  sum,  estimated  at  5,000,000  taels,  is  col- 
lected at  native  maritime  and  inland  custom-houses,  a 
large  part  of  which  is  from  foreign  opium. 


SUMMARY  OF  EETEXUES. 

1.  Land-tax,  payable  in  silver,  taels 20,000,000 

2.  Land-tax,  payable  in  rice-tribute,  sent  to  Peking 

at  taels,  1.50  per  picul,  and  rice-levy  com- 
muted in  silver 7,000,000 

3.  Salt-tax  and  likin  on  salt 9,600,000 

4.  Likin  on  miscellaneous  goods  and  opium 9,500,000 

6.  Miscellaneous 1,500,000 

6.  Maritime  customs  imder  foreign  supervision. . . 13,000,000 

7.  Native  maritime  and  inland  customs 6,000,000 


Total  taels 65,500,000 

Or $87,333,300 


This  money  does  not  all  go  directly  to  the  imperial 
treasury  at  Peking,  but  an  arbitrary  part,  according  to 


CHINESE  AND  BRITISE-INDIAN  REVENUES.  209 


the  budget  drawn  up  by  the  Board  of  Eevenue  for  the 
whole  empire,  is  assigned  and  set  apart  for  provincial 
uses,  and  goes  into  or  is  retained  in  the  provincial  treas- 
uries, and  drawn  out  as  required.  With  the  increase  of 
importations  which  is  steadily  going  on,  it  is  probable 
that  the  net  revenue  derived  from  the  maritime  customs 
will  reach  15,000,000  taels,  or  $20,000,000  (Mexican),  for 
the  fiscal  year  1886,  which,  with  no  diminution  in  the 
other  items  as  given  above,  would  bring  the  entire  impe- 
rial revenue  up  to  about  $90,000,000.  Without  going 
further  into  details,  it  is  safe  to  assert  that  the  entire  sys- 
tem of  Chinese  finance,  except  the  maritime  customs,  is 
antiquated,  cumbrous,  and  inelastic,  and  therefore  poorly 
adapted  to  meet  the  emergencies  of  war,  famine,  and 
flood,  as  they  arise.  It  is  also  abundantly  evident  that, 
bad  as  the  system  is,  its  administration  is  worse.  It  is 
apparent  to  the  most  casual  observer  that  there  is  here  a 
vast  field  for  revenue  reform,  and  the  possibilities  in  that 
direction  are  suggested  by  comparing  the  Chinese  revenue 
with  that  of  British  India  on  the  following  taxes  : 

India,  land-tax.. . .£21,000,000  China,  taels 20,000,000 

India,  salt 7,000,000  China,  taels 9,600,000 

India,  opium 10,000,000  China,  taels 6,000,000 

Total £38,000,000  China,  taels 34,600,000 

China  has  a larger  population,  a greater  area,  and  a 
better  soil,  and  also  a great  advantage  in  the  export  of 
tea  and  silk ; and  yet,  if  the  foregoing  figures  are  cor- 
rect, the  Chinese  revenue  is  not  above  one  fourth  of  the 
Indian. 

It  is  not  infrequently  the  case  that  the  provinces  are 
compelled  to  borrow  money  to  tide  them  over  till  the  new 
taxes  come  in,  and  this  is  done  by  the  governor-general, 
usually  on  the  credit  of  his  province  and  the  faith  which 
the  lender  has  in  his  character,  and  sometimes  such  loans 


210 


CHmA. 


are  approved  by  an  imperial  edict.  They  have  always  been 
repaid,  both  principal  and  interest,  promptly  on  time, 
and  it  is  quite  certain  that  either  the  Imperial  or  Provin- 
cial Governments  are  good  for  any  reasonable  sum  they 
will  consent  to  borrow. 

As  the  Imperial  Government  does  not  imblish  the 
budget  prepared  by  the  Board  of  Eevenue,  there  is,  of 
course,  no  sufficient  data  of  any  kind  upon  which  to  base 
a complete  statement  of  its  receipts  and  disbursements. 
The  statement  of  revenue  given  herein  is  as  nearly  correct 
as  it  can  be  made,  and  yet  it  is  merely  an  approximation 
which  may  be  $10,000,000  out  of  the  way. 

In  connection  with  this  subject,  the  following  esti- 
mates, made  at  various  times  and  by  various  persons,  are 
interesting.  Besides,  they  show  in  a most  striking  man- 
ner in  what  great  uncertainty  the  whole  subject  is  in- 
volved. For  convenience  of  comparison,  those  given 
originally  in  taels  are  now  stated  in  dollars  : 


158Y,  Trigault,  a French  missionary $26,600,000 

1665,  Ninhoff 144,000,000 

1667,  Magalhacns 60,423,962 

1667,  Le  Comte 62,000,000 

1777,  De  Guignes 119,617,360 

1796,  Barrow 264,000,000 

1796  (?),  Staunton. 330,000,000 

1838  (?),  Medhurst 200,968,694 

1823,  a Cliinese  graduate,  estimate  translated  by 

P.  P.  Thomas 98,482,544 

1840,  Cliinese  Red-Book. 77,462,000 

1883,  Chinese  customs  service 106,000,000 

1886,  “ China  Mail”  and  other  sources 87,333,000 


EXPEXPITCEES. 

No  correct  account  can  be  given  of  the  expenditures 
of  the  Chinese  Government,  or,  at  least,  none  is  within 
reach.  It  is  known,  however,  that  considerable  sums 


IMPERIAL  CHINESE  EXPENDITURES.  211 


have  lately  been  spent  on  ironclads,  fortifications,  heavy 
guns,  and  dock-yards,  and  also  upon  small-arms  for  the 
army,  and  thajb  nearly  every  year  extraordinary  floods 
and  disasters  on  the  Yellow  Kiver  entail  heavy  expenses, 
not  only  upon  the  provincial,  but  upon  the  imperial  treas- 
ury. It  is,  however,  certain  that  the  Imperial  Government 
generally  pays  as  it  goes,  and  even  in  the  hardest  times 
has  succeeded  in  avoiding  the  luxury  of  any  considerable 
public  debt.  It  has,  of  course,  borrowed  money,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  but  in  comparatively  small  amounts, 
for  short  periods,  and  usually  at  pretty  high  rates.  But 
having  always  met  its  money  obligations  with  prompti- 
tude and  in  scrupulously  good  faith,  it  is  now  able  to  bor- 
row under  much  more  favorable  terms. 

It  is  said  that  the  expenditures  frequently  exceed  the 
revenue,  but  how  the  deficit  is  made  up  is  by  no  means 
clear.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  this  has  been  done  at 
times  by  debasing  the  currency,  by  the  sale  of  offices  and 
titles,  by  the  reduction  of  salaries,  and  by  assessments, 
subscriptions,  and  contributions,  all  in  the  nature  of 
forced  loans. 

At  present,  although  trade  is  dull,  and  great  loss  has 
been  incurred  by  all  Oriental  countries,  through  the  fall 
in  the  price  of  silver,  it  is  believed  that  the  revenues  are 
equal  to  the  expenditures,  and  that  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment has  fully  adopted  the  policy  of  making  no  foreign 
loans,  beyond  what  may  be  necessary,  from  time  to  time, 
to  pay  off  such  part  of  its  maturing  debt  as  it  may  not 
be  able  to  meet  from  current  receipts. 

The  following  tabulated  statement,  prepared  some 
years  ago  by  De  Guignes,  and  published  in  the  new  edi- 
tion of  the  “ Middle  Kingdom  ” in  1883,  gives  an  ap- 
proximation to  the  average  annual  expense  for  the  vari- 
ous items  specified : 


212 


CHINA. 


SUMMAKY  OF  EXPENDITUEES. 


Salary  of  civil  and  military  officers $10,364,600 

Pay  of  600,000  infantry,  at  $4  per  month 24,000,000 

Pay  of  242,000  cavalry,  at  $5.33  per  month 12,900,000 

Remounts  for  cavalry,  at  $26.66  each 5,863,000 

Uniforms  for  cavalry  and  infantry,  at  $6.33  each. . 4,490,600 

Small-arms  and  ammunition 1,122,000 

Fortifications,  artillery,  and  ammunition 6,066,600 

Ships-of-war  and  revenue-cutters 18,000,000 

Canals  and  transportation 6,330,000 


Total $8'7,126,800 


It  will  be  observed  that  these  figures  are  slightly  under 
the  latest  estimates  of  revenue,  but  this  is  a coincidence 
of  no  great  value,  and,  as  they  do  not  include  interest  on 
the  funded  debt,  an  addition  of  about  $2,000,000  should 
be  made  for  that  item,  which  would  increase  the  average 
annual  expense  to  $89,125,000. 

FUNDED  DEBT. 

The  funded  debt  of  China,  which  is  held  nearly  alto- 
gether in  England,  is  stated  at  £5,470,000 — equal,  say,  to 
$26,000,000.  The  bonds  are  for  short  terms,  and  the 
average  rate  of  interest,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  money 
was  borrowed  mostly  during  the  late  Franco-Chinese 
War,  is  about  eight  per  cent.  The  last  bonds  bear  inter- 
est, however,  at  six  per  cent,  and  were  quoted  during  the 
last  year  at  about  ten  per  cent  premium  in  London.  It 
is  said,  upon  what  seems  to  be  good  authority,  that 
money  has  been  lately  offered  by  European  bankers  to  the 
Imperial  Government  at  five  per  cent,  but  so  far  it  has 
declined  to  borrow  even  at  that  rate,  and  it  is  understood 
that  it  does  not  wish  to  borrow  foreign  money  for  any 
purpose  at  present,  and  least  of  all  to  pay  for  railroads  or 
railroad  materials. 

It  is  apparent  to  all  who  have  conversed  with  Chinese 


CREDIT  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  GOVERNMENT.  213 


statesmen,  and  are  familiar  with  their  feeling  toward  for- 
eign nations,  that  the  one  fear  in  which  they  are  all 
united  is,  that  any  great  money  obligation  on  the  part  of 
the  Imperial  Government  toward  foreign  bankers  would 
be  the  sure  precursor  of  foreign  interference  in  the  in- 
ternal affairs  of  China.  Whether  this  fear  be  well  or  ill 
founded,  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  consider.  It  is  deep- 
rooted  and  wide-spread,  and  must  he  considered  as  an  im- 
portant factor  in  all  questions  connected  with  progress  in 
that  country. 

In  view  of  the  evident  conservatism  of  the  Chinese 
Government,  and  also  of  its  promptitude  and  good  faith 
in  meeting  its  agreements,  it  is  the  opinion  of  those  who 
are  best  acquainted  with  its  resources  and  claims  to  pub- 
lic credit,  that  its  obligations  would  be  good  and  readily 
negotiable  for  8100,000,000.  Under  good  management, 
that  sum  would  supply  it  with  the  framework  of  a rail- 
road system  which  would  be  invaluable  in  case  of  war, 
and  which  would  earn  enough  net  from  the  start  to  pay 
interest  upon  its  cost,  and  leave  a handsome  surplus  for 
the  public  treasury.  I have  no  doubt  that  this  opinion  is 
well-founded  but  of  course  it  depends  upon  the  cost  of 
the  railroads.  If  that  should,  for  any  reason,  reach  such 
a sum  per  mile  as  the  railroads  built  in  Japan  under 
English  auspices,  in  the  construction  of  which  pounds 
were  spent  where  dollars  would  now  do  the  work,  the 
opinion  would  not  only  prove  to  be  erroneous,  but  the 
railroads  produced  would  be  insuflBcient  in  length,  and 
could  not,  for  years  to  come,  except  in  a few  special  cases, 
pay  their  working  expenses  and  interest. 

In  connection  with  this  subject,  the  amount  of  accu- 
mulated capital  in  the  hands  of  private  individuals  is  a 
matter  of  great  interest,  but  unfortunately  there  are  no 
statistics  whatever  bearing  upon  it.  Generally  speaking, 
China  is  a poor  country,  and  there  is  but  little  wealth 


214 


CHIXA. 


per  capita  among  tlie  people  at  large  ; but  in  the  aggre- 
gate, the  wealth  of  the  country,  if  it  could  only  be  got 
at,  or  induced  to  seek  investment  in  railroads,  mines, 
furnaces,  and  manufactories,  is  doubtless  sufficient  for  all 
present  needs.  The  enterprise,  shrewdness,  and  frugal- 
ity of  the  Chinese  mercantile  class  are  proverbial  through- 
out the  East,  and  it  is  well  known  that  many  of  that 
class  in  the  maritime  provinces,  and  especially  in  the 
treaty  ports,  have  amassed  large  fortunes.  It  is  estimated 
that  8100,000,000  could  easily  be  raised  as  fast  as  re- 
quired, for  such  purjjoses,  if  proper  legal  protection 
could  be  given  to  the  undertakings,  and  to  those  who 
may  invest  their  money  in  them. 

The  Chinese  are  naturally  suspicious,  and  especially 
so  of  one  another,  and  it  is  likely  that  they  will  be  slow 
to  lend  money  in  large  amounts  to  their  own  Government, 
or  to  invest  it  in  joint-stock  companies  under  the  exclu- 
sive management  of  their  own  countrymen.  Education 
and  confidence  in  such  matters  are  of  slow  growth  at  best, 
and  it  is  of  prime  importance  to  the  world  at  large  as  well 
as  to  China  that  the  measures  which  are  resorted  to  for 
their  promotion  shall  be  carefuUy  considered  and  matured 
before  they  are  adojjted. 


CHAPTEE  XIV. 


Visit  to  the  Great  Wall — Decay  of  the  ancient  road  through  the  Nankou 
Pass — Mongolian  caravans — Origin,  uses,  and  description  of  the 
wall — the  return  to  Nankou — The  ride  to  the  Ming  tombs — Descrip- 
tion of  the  inclosures  and  buildings — The  Avenue  of  Statuary — The 
return  to  Peking. 

As  Peking  is  the  capital  and  therefore  the  best  place 
to  study  the  Government  of  China,  so  the  Great  Wall, 
which  was  for  over  two  thousand  years  its  chief  defense, 
and  to  this  day  the  greatest  work  ever  raised  by  Chinese 
hands,  is  the  best  place  to  get  an  idea  of  their  capacity 
to  overcome  physical  difficulties  and  to  study  what  they 
may  do  when  once  they  have  begun  the  march  of  mod- 
ern progress.  Accordingly,  I resolved  to  see  it ; and,  al- 
though winter  was  rapidly  approaching,  Mr.  Eockhill, 
First  Secretary  of  Legation,  and  Mr.  Cheshire,  Chinese 
Secretary  and  interpreter,  kindly  consented  to  accompany 
me.  The  former,  in  addition  to  being  a gentleman  of 
excellent  education  and  literary  tastes,  although  still  a 
young  man,  is  an  old  Algerian  campaigner.  Having 
graduated  at  the  Military  School  of  St.  Cyr,  he  entered 
the  French  army  and  served  several  years  in  Africa. 
He  has  a great  gift  for  languages,  and  as  much  of  a frenzy 
for  traveling  as  an  Englishman.  Mr.  Cheshire  is  an  “"old 
China  hand  ” of  long  experience,  though  yet  on  the 
sunny  side  of  middle  age.  He  has  traveled  much,  and 
speaks  Chinese  like  a native.  Cheerful,  bright,  spark- 


216 


CEINA. 


ling,  and  musical,  lie  is  a delightful  companion,  and  a 
treasure  to  any  expedition  he  consents  to  take  under  his 
charge  as  commissary-general. 

With  a cook,  an  assistant,  and  two  horse-boys  or 
mafoos,  two  carts,  each  drawn  by  two  stout  mules,  and 
a liberal  outfit  of  bedding,  provisions,  and  cooking-uten- 
sils, we  started  on  a bright  but  blustering  Monday  morn- 
ing, by  the  road  leading  tlirough  the  north  gate  of  the  city 
to  the  Xankou,  or  South  Pass  in  the  Northern  HiUs.  The 
north  wind  was  blowing  a gale,  and,  in  addition  to  raising 
a blinding  cloud  of  dust,  it  cut  our  faces  like  a razor. 
As  such  gales  rarely  last  longer  than  a day,  we  pushed  on 
through  the  sear  and  treeless  plain  by  a broad  road,  the 
surface  of  which  was  sunken  twelve  or  fifteen  feet  below 
the  level  of  the  surrounding  country,  and  looked  as 
though  it  might  have  been  the  bottom  of  an  old  canal, 
but  it  had  really  been  excavated  by  the  combined  action 
of  centuries  of  travel  along  it,  pulverizing  the  soil  into 
dust  for  the  high  winter  wind  to  blow  away.  The 
country  and  villages  through  which  we  passed  were 
cheerless  and  univiting.  Here,  as  everywhere  else  in  the 
Great  Plain,  there  are  no  hedge-rows,  no  fences,  no  farm- 
houses, and  but  few  straggling  and  wind-wrenched  trees  ; 
the  villages  are  built  mostly  of  sun-dried  bricks,  and  seem 
the  very  home  of  dirt,  dilapidation,  and  discomfort. 
The  prospect  was  enlivened,  however,  by  the  distant  hills, 
rising  bare  and  ragged  from  the  edge  of  the  plain,  and 
sweeping  around  us  in  a great  circle  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach.  It  was  made  still  more  interesting  by  the  many 
Mongolian  caravans  with  from  twenty  to  a hundred  and 
twenty  camels  in  each,  all  laden  with  grain,  sheep-skins, 
peltries,  honey,  or  game,  going  to  Peking,  and  returning 
laden  with  brick-tea  for  Kalgan,  Mongolia,  and  Eussia. 
The  Mongolian  men  and  women,  mounted  on  the  tops 
of  their  packs,  riding  astride,  and  clad  alike  in  sheep- 


MONGOLIAN  CARAVANS. 


217  ' 


skin  cloaks  and  hoods,  looked  as  dirty  and  bronzed  as 
our  wild  Indians,  of  which  their  race  are  no  doubt  the 
progenitors ; but  they  were  exceedingly  good-natured, 
and  it  was  amusing  to  witness  their  amazed  but  gratified 
looks  as  they  heard  themselves  saluted  by  our  little  party 
of  foreigners  with  “ Mundo  ! ” which  means  in  their  na- 
tive dialect,  “ How  do  you  do  ?”  As  soon  as  they  realized 
that  they  had.  been  politely  accosted,  they  replied  one 
after  the  other  down  the  line,  “ Mundo  ” — “ Mun- 
do-o  ” — “ Mundo-o-o-o  ! ” 

We  camped  the  first  night  at  Sha-ho  or  Sandy  Eiver 
a poor  but  considerable  walled  town  of  the  usual  de- 
scription about  twenty-five  miles  north  of  Peking,  on 
the  banks  of  the  only  stream  of  clear  running  water  I 
had  yet  seen  in  China.  Our  cook  soon  had  dinner  for 
us,  and  almost  immediately  after  we  went  to  bed  to  keep 
warm.  At  five  o’clock,  next  morning,  we  were  up,  and 
at  six  we  were  mounted  and  off  for  Nankou,  a very  dilapi- 
dated village,  at  the  entrance  to  the  pass  leading  to  the 
Great  Wall.  Leaving  the  carts  and  servants  at  an  inn, 
we  exchanged  our  ponies  for  donkeys,  and  by  half-past 
nine  were  again  on  the  way  through  the  pass.  Our  don- 
keys were  small  but  agile,  and  would  have  carried  us 
well  enough,  but  for  the  fact  that  they  were  provided 
with  rope  halters  without  bits,  instead  of  bridles,  and 
bags  of  millet  instead  of  saddles.  A pair  of  iron  stirrups, 
tied  together  at  the  opposite  ends  of  a rotten  old  rope, 
were  thrown  across  each  donkey,  and  as  they  were  not 
fastened  in  any  way  to  the  bag  which  served  as  a saddle, 
the  riding  soon  became  more  difficult  and  painful  than 
walking.  In  fact,  it  required  about  as  much  skill  to  keep 
one’s  seat  on  the  back  of  one  of  those  donkeys  and  his 
archaic  trappings  as  to  walk  a tight-rope  without  a bal- 
ancing-pole, and  as  the  road  was  nothing  but  a very  rug- 
ged ravine  for  much  of  the  distance,  the  bed  of  a torrent. 


10 


218 


CHINA. 


filled  by  bowlders  of  granite  and  porphyry  worn  smooth 
as  glass  by  the  pad-like  feet  of  camels  which  have  been 
going  through  that  pass  in  countless  numbers  since  the 
days  of  Adam,  we  soon  found  it  much  safer  and  more 
comfortable  to  walk  than  to  ride. 

I never  saw  a worse  or  harder  road  to  travel,  and, 
whether  riding  or  walking,  it  was  equally  dangerous. 
Each  of  us  got  a fall,  but  fortunately  none  of  us  was 
seriously  hurt.  Originally  the  gorge  had  been  occupied 
by  a grand  highway  twenty-five  feet  wide,  paved  with 
granite  slabs  six  feet  long,  three  feet  wide,  and  a foot 
thick ; but  nearly  every  vestige  of  this  road  has  long  since 
been  swept  away  by  the  torrents  of  the  rainy  season,  or 
worn  out  by  the  ceaseless  travel  of  caravans  along  it. 

About  two  thirds  of  the  way  through  the  pass  we 
caught  sight  of  the  Great  Wall  on  the  hill-tops,  a thousand 
or  fifteen  hundred  feet  above  us.  Once  seen,  it  can  never 
be  forgotten.  Here  we  passed  through  a curious  arched 
gateway,  which  spans  the  road,  and  carries  a loop  of  the 
main  wall — a sort  of  inner  defense,  as  it  were — which 
crosses  the  valley  at  this  place.  This  arch  was  erected  in 
1345,  and  on  its  interior  face  is  a curious  Buddhist  in- 
scription in  six  different  languages — Chinese,  Mongolian, 
Oigour,  Devanagari,  Niu-Chih,  and  Thibetan.  It  is,  of 
course,  hoary  with  age,  and,  like  everything  else,  whether 
new  or  old,  in  China,  seems  hastening  toward  ruin  and 
decay.  From  this  point  to  the  Great  Wall  itself  the 
gorge  rises  rapidly,  becomes  rougher  and  rougher,  and  is 
overlooked  on  either  side  by  tablets  and  shrines,  erected 
by  travelers  in  years  gone  by  to  commemorate  their  piety 
or  the  safe  arrival  at  the  gateway  of  Cambaluc  — the 
capital  and  Mecca  of  all  Eastern  Asia. 

After  much  hard  scrambling,  during  which  we  could 
scarcely  realize  that  we  had  not  lost  our  way,  but  were  on 
a national  highway — one  of  the  great  historic  roads  of  the 


THE  GREAT  WALL. 


219 


world,  by  which  primeval  tribes  had  descended  into  the 
Great  Plain,  and  an  almost  boundless  empire  had  been 
conquered — we  reached  the  summit  of  the  pass  and  the 
portal  of  the  wall  shortly  after  noon  ; but  we  were  amply 
repaid  for  all  the  trouble  we  had  gone  through  in  getting 
there  by  the  wonderful  work  before  us. 

The  Great  Wall  was  evidently  an  effective  national 
barrier,  built  at  a time  when  the  wild  tribes  of  North- 
eastern Asia  were  pressing  forward  into  the  richer  low- 
lands, whither  their  kinsmen  had  gone  centuries  before  ; 
but  it  may  well  be  doubted  that  it  was  conceived  and 
completed,  as  it  is  now,  by  a single  mind,  or  as  a single 
undertaking.  It  most  probably  consisted  originally  of  a 
line  of  detached  earthworks,  which  some  able  ruler  or 
captain  strengthened  and  connected  so  as  to  present  an 
unbroken  line  to  the  public  enemy. 

It  is  said  to  have  been  finished  two  hundred  and  five 
years  before  Christ  by  Tsin  Chi-Hwangti,  and  to  be  nearly 
1,600  miles  long.  The  Chinese  call  it  the  “Ten-thou- 
sand-Zi  wall  ” ; and,  if  it  really  had  any  such  length,  it 
would  be  something  over  3,350  miles  long.  That  part 
of  it  which  we  visited  has  evidently  been  rebuilt  within 
the  last  three  or  four  hundred  years,  and,  while  it  looks 
old  and  at  places  is  in  ruins,  it  has  something  of  a modern 
appearance.  It  is  from  twenty-five  to  thirty  feet  high, 
fifteen  to  twenty  feet  thick,  and  revetted,  outside  and  in, 
with  cut-granite  masonry  laid  in  regular  courses  with  an 
excellent  mortar  of  lime  and  sand.  It  is  surmounted  by 
a parapet  or  battlement  of  gray  burned  brick  eighteen  or 
twenty  inches  thick,  covered  with  moss,  and  pierced  with 
crenelated  openings  for  the  defenders,  whether  archers  or 
matchlock-men,  to  fire  through.  The  rear  or  inner  revet- 
ment wall  is  also  furnished  with  a lower  parapet,  but  it  is 
not  crenelated.  The  top  is  paved  with  a double  layer  of 
brick  about  a foot  square.  The  inside  of  the  wall  is  made 


220 


CHINA. 


of  earth  and  loose  stone  well  rammed  in.  Every  two  or 
three  hundred  yards  there  is  a flanking  turret  thirty-five 
or  forty  feet  high,  projecting  beyond  and  overlooking  the 
face  of  the  wall  in  both  directions,  and  near  each  turret 
is  a stone  staircase  leading  down  between  the  walls  to  a 
door  opening  upon  the  ground  to  the  rear. 

The  most  astonishing  thing  about  it  is,  however,  that 
it  climbs  straight  up  the  steepest  and  most  rugged  mount- 
ain-sides, courses  along  their  summits,  descends  into 
gorges  and  ravines,  and,  rising  again,  skirts  the  face  of 
almost  inaccessible  crags,  crosses  rivers,  valleys,  and 
plains  in  endless  succession  from  one  end  of  the  empire 
to  the  other — from  the  sea-shore  on  the  Gulf  of  Pechile 
to  the  desert  wastes  of  Turkistan.  No  spot  is  left  un- 
guarded or  uncovered,  and,  no  matter  how  fierce  and 
active  were  the  wild  tribesmen  who  assailed  it,  or  how 
innumerable  were  their  armies,  it  is  evident  that  it  could, 
if  well  defended,  even  by  men  armed  with  nothing  better 
than  stones,  defy  the  world  up  to  the  day  of  gunpowder 
and  artillery.  Indeed,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  con- 
ceive of  its  capture  except  through  treachery  or  gross 
neglect  on  the  part  of  those  whose  duty  it  should  be  to 
defend  it.  It  is  laid  out  in  total  defiance  of  the  rules  of 
military  engineering,  and  yet  the  walls  are  so  solid  and 
inaccessible,  and  the  gates  so  well  arranged  and  defended, 
that  it  would  puzzle  a modern  army  with  a first-class 
siege-train  to  get  through  it  if  any  effort  whatever  were 
made  for  its  defense. 

One  can  form  no  adequate  idea  of  the  amount  of  labor 
or  materials  expended  upon  this  great  work  unless  he  has 
seen  and  measured  it.  The  simple  problem  of  cutting 
the  stone,  making  the  brick,  and  transporting  them  to 
the  wall,  must  have  been  a sore  puzzle  to  those  who  had 
it  in  hand,  and  it  is  almost  impossible  to  conceive  the 
means  by  which  the  water  used  in  making  mortar  could 


THE  GREAT  WALL. 


221 


be  carried  to  the  mountain-tops  across  such  a rough  and 
arid  country. 

It  is  of  course  known  that  the  movement  which  crys- 
tallized itself  in  that  way  was  a national  if  not  a popular 
one,  and  that  it  was  carried  through  by  contingents  of 
men  from  the  various  provinces,  the  men  being  paid  and 
subsisted  by  the  province  to  which  they  belonged  till  they 
had  finished  the  task  assigned  them.  The  road  from 
Mongolia,  which  lies  just  outside  the  wall,  enters  it  by 
an  immense  postern-gate,  which  is  defended  by  a sort  of 
square  bastion  and  turrets  so  arranged  as  to  command  and 
bar  all  approaches.  At  the  point  where  we  climbed  to  the 
top  of  the  wall,  and  sheltered  ourselves  from  the  wind  in  a 
corner  between  a turret  and  the  parapet,  the  elevation 
above  Peking,  as  shown  by  my  aneroid,  is  2,150  feet,  but 
within  half  a mile  it  is  at  least  600  feet  higher.  There  is  a 
strange  fascination  in  the  grandeur  and  barbaric  strength 
of  this  wall,  as  well  as  in  the  wild  and  desolate  scenery 
surrounding  it,  which  holds  the  most  prosaic  traveler 
firmly  in  its  grasp.  We  lingered  till  our  guides  said  we 
must  go,  or  it  would  bo  impossible  to  rejoin  our  carts  and 
servants  that  night.  So,  with  our  faces  once  turned  to- 
ward Nankou,  we  hurried  on  as  fast  as  the  execrable  road, 
or  rather  the  wild,  bowlder-strewn  gorge,  would  allow ; 
but,  with  all  we  could  do,  riding  and  walking  in  turn, 
darkness  overtook  us,  and  it  was  eight  o’clock  before  we 
reached  our  inn.  Here  the  scene  changed.  Our  sitting- 
room  was  well  lighted,  and  the  table  was  spread  for  din- 
ner, which  was  ready.  It  consisted  of  pea-soup,  broiled 
beefsteaks,  and  excellent  chops  of  Mongolian  fat-tailed 
mutton,  Boston  baked  beans,  canned  corn,  and  pancakes, 
with  claret,  port,  tea,  and  coffee  ; and  it  was  all  just  as 
good  as  if  it  had  been  served  at  Delmonico’s. 

As  soon  as  dinner  was  over,  we  went  to  bed,  and  al- 
most immediately  to  sleep.  We  had  done  about  forty 
XI 


222 


CHINA. 


miles  that  day,  thirty  of  them  over  the  worst  road  I ever 
saw,  and  were  consequently  tired.  Eecollecting  the  ex- 
periences  of  my  campaigning  days,  I had  furnished  myself 
Avith  an  India-rubber  air-mattress  before  leaving  home, 
and  I found  it  upon  this  occasion,  and  during  all  my  sub- 
sequent travels  in  China,  a source  of  unalloyed  comfort. 

The  next  day,  we  wore  up  and  o2  before  dawn.  Our 
route  lay  to  the  eastward  along  the  foot-hills,  which  were 
as  bare,  sharp,  and  clear  in  tlie  brilliant  light  of  the  full 
moon  as  the  hills  of  Xew  Mexico  in  the  transparent  at- 
mosphere of  that  distant  region.  The  morning  was  spark- 
ling with  frost,  but  not  a breath  of  air  was  stirring.  The 
country  was  everywhere  still  and  deserted ; no  travelers 
were  abroad,  no  lowing  herds  were  heard,  and  no  sounds 
arose,  except  the  music  of  our  ponies'  feet  as  they  clinked 
against  the  gravel  of  the  stony  hill-sides  and  ravines,  to 
break  the  solemn  stillness  of  the  invigorating  air.  After 
an  hour’s  sharp  trot,  the  faint  gray  light  of  daAvn  appeared 
in  the  distant  east.  The  edge  of  the  horizon  shone  with  a 
deep  pearly  blue,  shading  off  into  gray,  and  that  again  into 
a beautiful  glow  of  pink  uiiper  lights,  which  covered  the 
awakening  landscape  Avith  an  indescribable  charm.  In 
another  half-hour  the  sun  rose  clear  and  red  in  a cloud- 
less sky,  and  the  day  was  glorious  v.dth  sunshine  and 
beautiful  scenery.  Our  route  lay  still  along  the  foot- 
hills, with  iiersimmon-groves  to  the  right  and  left  of  us, 
but  no  other  trees  anywhere  to  be  seen.  In  another  hour 
Ave  had  arrived  at  the  edge  of  a broad,  park-like  amjihi- 
theatre,  formed  by  the  main  ridge  of  mountains  and  a 
line  of  detached  isolated  hills  rising  from  the  plain.  This 
charming  spot  had  been  selected  several  hundred  years 
before  by  the  Ming  Emperor  Yungloh  for  the  burial-place 
of  the  dynasty  (1318-1G44),  and  here  their  celebrated 
tombs  are  placed  at  intervals  around  the  amphitheatre, 
which  is  from  three  and  a half  to  four  miles  across. 


THE  MING  TOMBS. 


223 


Standing  at  the  entrance  to  the  park,  it  seemed  to  be 
perfectly  level.  The  hills  themselves  were  bare,  but 
beautiful  in  outline  and  the  color  of  their  stratified  rocks. 
Here  and  there  on  the  foot-hills  were  clumps  of  ever- 
greens and  deciduous  trees  inclosing  a compound,  above 
the  walls  of  which  could  be  seen  the  red  eaves  and  yellow- 
tiled  roofs  which  betoken  an  imperial  burial-place.  Se- 
lecting what  seemed  to  be  the  largest  one,  we  rode  straight 
across-couutry  toward  it ; but,  instead  of  finding  a plain, 
all  the  way,  we  soon  came  to  a deep,  wide  ravine,  across 
which  at  one  time  there  had  been  a broad  paved  road 
and  two  splendid  gray-marble  bridges  of  six  or  seven 
arches  each.  One  of  these  had  been  partly  carried  away 
by  a torrent,  which  was  now  dry,  but  the  other  was 
standing  solitary  and  alone,  and  looked  as  though  it  had 
not  been  used  for  centuries,  which  is  probably  the  case, 
for  the  Mings  were  pure  Chinese,  and  their  descendants 
have  entirely  disappeared.  The  present  dynasty,  it  must 
be  remembered,  are  Manchus,  and,  while  they  publicly 
reverence  their  predecessors,  although  of  another  race, 
they  really  never  worship  at  their  tombs.  There  is  a 
public  keeper  appointed,  and  a small  allowance  made  for 
their  maintenance  ; but,  so  far  as  I could  see,  no  evidence 
whatever  of  care  or  attention.  We  soon  reached  the  first 
tomb,  which  we  found  in  a grove  surrounded  by  a high 
brick  wall,  the  gates  of  which  were  barred  and  locked. 
After  calling  loudly,  but  in  vain,  for  the  gate-keeper,  we 
turned  to  the  left,  and  went  on  about  a mile  to  a still 
larger  inclosure.  It  was  embowered  in  a grove  of  stately 
arbor-vitse,  built  like  the  other  of  bricks,  faced  with  red 
stucco,  and  entered  from  the  front  by  a splendid  pailow- 
like  gate,  covered  with  green  and  yellow  imperial  tiles  of 
perfect  glaze  and  workmanship.  Hero  we  soon  found  the 
gate-keeper,  and  for  a Mexican  dollar  induced  him  to  open 
the  ponderous  wooden  doors  and  act  as  our  guide.  The 


224 


CHINA. 


first  building  we  passed  through  was  a great  open  shed,  with 
the  peculiar  Chinese  ridge-pole,  eaves,  and  roof  covered 
with  yellow  tiles.  A hundred  and  fifty  feet  farther  on  we 
came  to  a stately  y>avi lion  on  a raised  platform,  surrounded 
by  three  low,  narrow  terraces,  overgrown  with  bushes,  and 
divided  from  each  other  by  beautiful  white-marble  balus- 
trades. The  whole  floor  of  the  pavilion  is  occupied  by  a 
hall  two  hundred  feet  long  by  eighty  feet  wide,  the  vaulted 
ceiling  of  which  is  supported  upon  lofty  wooden  columns, 
which  are  unvarnished  and  perfectly  plain.  It  is  entirely 
empty,  except  that  it  has  in  the  center  a wooden  cabinet 
containing  a small  painted  tablet,  on  which  are  inscribed 
the  name  of  the  Great  Yungloh,  in  whose  memory  it 
was  erected.  Near  the  cabinet  is  an  altar,  or  rather  a 
large  table,  on  which  the  faithful  are  supposed  to  burn  in- 
cense and  in  front  of  which  they  offer  their  prayers  to  the 
spirit  of  the  dead  Emperor.  The  place  is  certainly  not 
used  as  a sanctuary  at  present,  for  every  nook  and  cranny 
of  it  is  covered  with  dust,  and  all  its  surroundings  indi- 
cate that  it  has  been  absolutely  deserted  and  neglected  for 
cycles,  if  not  for  centuries.  Back  of  this  hall,  two  hun- 
dred feet  farther,  is  a brick  pagoda  of  two  stories,  about 
thirty  feet  square  and  forty  feet  high,  in  the  base  of  which 
Yungloh  lies  buried.  It  is  a solid  structure,  and  abuts 
against  the  hill-side,  which  is  covered  by  arbor-vitae,  young 
oaks,  and  underbrush,  all  entirely  neglected.  Vigorous 
saplings  are  growing  out  of  the  walls  at  several  places, 
and  gradually  pushing  them  over. 

These  buildings,  which  might  well  have  been  called 
splendid  in  their  day,  are  over  three  hundred  years  old, 
and  going  rapidly  to  wreck  and  ruin.  The  roof-timbers 
are  rotting,  the  beautiful  tiles  are  dropping  to  the  ground, 
the  balustrades  are  tumbling  over,  and  in  a few  years  more 
the  place  will  surely  become  only  a study  for  antiquarians. 
No  one  can  see  it  without  being  impressed  with  the  re- 


THE  AVENUE  OF  STATUARY. 


225 


flection  that  the  worship  of  parents  and  emperors  alike  is 
no  longer  an  actiye  cnlt  in  China  ; and  even  to  the  tombs 
of  monarchs,  who  claim  to  be  sons  of  Heaven,  there  comes 
a time  when  no  human  soul  is  left  to  offer  its  prayers 
before  it,  nor  any  human  hands  to  preserve  it  from  ruin 
and  desolation. 

After  wandering  about  the  place  for  a couple  of  hours, 
we  started  on  our  return  trip  to  Peking.  Within  four 
miles  we  came  to  the  Avenue  of  Statuary,  a mile  long,  and 
ending  at  a marble  gate,  or  pailow,  which  is  by  far  the 
most  stately  and  beautiful  structure  of  the  kind  in  China. 
The  statuary  is  herculean,  and  consists  of  four  pairs  of 
civilians,  two  pairs  of  warriors,  a pair  of  horses  standing, 
a pair  lying  down,  a pair  of  elephants  standing  and  a pair 
lying  down  ; and  also  of  camels,  lions,  and  tigers  in  pairs, 
all  arranged  at  intervals  on  opposite  sides  of  the  paved 
but  untraveled  and  grass- grown  road,  leading  from  the 
gate  toward  the  tombs.  The  effect  of  these  stately  and 
solemn  monoliths  standing  in  the  edge  of  the  cultivated 
fields  is  exceedingly  impressive.  They  bear  witness  to 
the  glory  of  a great  dynasty,  as  well  as  to  a period  when 
China  seems  to  have  been  more  prosperous  than  it  is  at 
present.  They  are  well  worth  visiting  even  in  the  winter- 
time. We  reached  the  city  before  sundown,  having  en- 
joyed every  minute  of  our  absence.  The  cold,  exposure, 
and  hardship  which  we  underwent  were  just  enough  to 
give  value  to  what  we  saw,  and  heighten  the  pleasure  of 
our  trip. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


The  Kai-ping  coal-mines  and  railway — The  first  locomotive-engine  built 
in  China — Extension  of  the  railway  to  Lutai — The  Kai-ping  coal- 
measures — Output  of  the  mines. 

Shoetlt  after  returning  to  Tientsin  I made  a horse- 
back trip  of  seventy-five  miles  across  the  country  to  the 
Kai-ping  coal-mines,  -wliich  are  situated  at  the  northeast- 
ern edge  of  the  Great  Plain.  They  are  worked  by  an  ex- 
cellent but  costly  European  plant,  and  use  the  only  rail- 
road in  China  for  carrying  their  output  to  the  canal,  seven 
miles  away.  It  is  commonly  supposed  that  there  is  not 
a mile  of  railroad  in  tlie  country,  and  this  belief  has  been 
spread  throughout  the  world  since  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment bought  and  took  up  the  experimental  line  of  ten 
miles,  built  by  Messrs.  Jardine,  Mathison  & Co.,  in  1874, 
from  Shanghai  to  Wusung.  Although  this  road  did  not 
run  to  a place  of  any  commercial  significance,  and  was  a 
hastily  constructed,  narrow-gauge  affair,  it  paid  from  the 
start.  Its  principal  business  was  in  carrying  Chinese  pas- 
sengers, who  traveled  on  it  merely  to  gratify  their  curiosi- 
ty. It  was  built,  however,  without  any  guarantee  that  it 
should  become  a permanent  road  ; and,  inasmuch  as  it 
could  never  become  a link  in  any  great  line,  and  the  coun- 
try was  not  ready  for  the  general  introduction  of  railways, 
the  Chinese  Government  bought  the  road  at  a fair  advance 
on  its  cost,  tore  it  up,  and  stored  the  rails  and  fixtures. 


TEE  KAI-PING  RAILWAY. 


227 


The  original  intention  of  the  Chinese  Engineering  and 
Mining  Comjiany,  which  built  the  Kai-ping  road,  was  to 
connect  the  colliery  with  the  town  of  Peh-tang,  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Peh-tang  Eiver ; and  this  would  have  re- 
quired a line  forty  miles  long.  English  engineers  were 
employed,  instruments  for  the  surveys  were  ordered  in 
August,  1878,  and  work  was  commenced  shortly  after- 
ward ; but  in  October  the  Chinese  authorities  notified 
the  directors  that  no  railway  construction  would  be  per- 
mitted. 

The  management  then  ordered  the  survey  of  the  Ciang- 
ho,  a small  stream  running  past  the  mines  to  the  sea,  but 
it  was  found  quite  impassible  for  boats  carrying  over  three 
tons. 

In  November,  1879,  surveying  for  a canal  system  was 
begun,  and  in  October  of  the  following  year  the  work  of 
excavating  a canal  to  connect  the  colliery  with  the  nearest 
point  on  the  Peh-tang  River  was  started;  but  it  was  found 
that  it  would  be  impossible  to  bring  the  canal  nearer  than 
seven  miles  of  the  colliery,  so  the  directors  told  the  Provin- 
cial Government  that,  unless  permission  were  granted  to 
build  a line  to  connect  the  colliery  with  the  head  of  the 
canal,  the  company  would  be  forced  to  stop  work.  But  not 
till  April,  1881,  would  the  Government  listen  to  any  appeal, 
and  then  permission  was  given  to  put  down  a line  from 
the  colliery  to  the  head  of  the  canal  on  condition  that 
only  horses  or  mules  should  be  used  as  the  motive-power, 
and  that  it  should  be  called  a tramway. 

In  the  mean  time  the  engineers  had  been  quietly  con- 
structing a locomotive  in  the  shops,  out  of  such  odds 
and  ends  as  were  obtainable,  and  the  use  of  the  men  and 
materials  for  this  purpose  was  kept  a secret,  for  fear  that 
it  would  become  known  to  the  Government  that  they 
were  building  a “locomotive.”  The  machine  was  tested, 
with  twenty  pounds  of  steam,  on  the  24th  of  March, 


228 


CHINA. 


1881,  and  worked  well ; but  on  tbe  7th  of  April,  all 
further  work  on  it  was  stopped  hy  order  of  the  managing 
director,  and  on  the  9th  all  the  rails  on  which  it  had 
been  run  in  the  yard  were  pulled  up,  and  on  the  5th  of 
May  it  was  shunted  into  a shed,  presumably  to  let  it  rust 
out. 

Work  was,  however,  again  begun  on  it,  and  at  last, 
in  spite  of  all  obstacles,  the  engine  was  finally  completed, 
at  small  expense,  thougli  in  the  roughest  manner,  owing 
to  want  of  facilities  in  the  shops,  and  was  run  in  the 
yard  on  the  centenary  of  George  Stephenson’s  birth  for 
the  first  time  ; whence  it  was  not  inappropriately  christ- 
ened “The  Rocket  of  China.” 

The  first  trial  on  the  main  line  was  made  on  the  8th 
of  November  of  the  same  year,  and  since  then  the  en- 
gine has  done  good  service,  running  over  12,000  miles, 
and  supplying  all  requirements  till  locomotives  could  he 
got  out  from  England. 

This  engine,  in  all  its  details,  and  indeed  most  of  the 
railroad,  was  planned  and  built  by  Claude  W.  Kinder,  a 
young  English  civil  engineer,  who  was  at  the  time  assist- 
ant to  Mr.  Burnet,  chief-engineer  of  the  mining  com- 
pany. The  hoiler  is  a second-hand  portable  one  of  Eng- 
lish make.  The  cylinders,  8 by  lb}  inches,  belonged  to 
an  old  winding-engine  from  England. 

The  wheels,  30  inches  in  diameter,  were  bought  as 
scrap ; they  are  of  chilled-iron,  from  Whitney  & Son, 
Philadelphia. 

The  frame  is  of  channel-iron,  from  head-gear  of  No.  1 
shaft. 

The  axle-guards  are  of  angle-iron,  riveted  to  the  same. 

The  springs,  and  all  other  work,  were  made  at  the 
colliery. 

The  wheel  base  is  8 feet  4 inches  (six  wheels,  four 
coupled). 


THE  EAI-PING  RAILWAY. 


229 


The  weight  on  drivers  is  six  tons ; on  leading-wheels, 
three  and  a half  tons. 

It  has  side-tanks  ; end  coal-bunkers. 

One  motion-pump  and  one  donkey-pump. 

Stephenson’s  link-motion.  Cost  of  construction,  about 
$650  for  labor  and.  new  materials. 

The  railway  has  a total  fall  of  70  feet  between  ter- 
mini ; maximum  gradient,  1 in  100 ; sharpest  curve 
radius,  1,500  feet,  except  in  yard,  where  there  are  curves 
of  600  feet  radius. 

The  rails  are  steel,  30  pounds  to  the  yard,  Vignole’s 
pattern. 

The  line  is  single,  the  sleepers  are  of  native  elm, 
rough-hewed,  and  laid  on  an  excellent  road-bed,  well 
ballasted  with  broken  limestone,  and  the  gauge  is  4 feet 
8^  inches. 

On  the  first  section  of  the  road  there  is  one  tunnel  of 
300  feet,  one  arch  of  20  feet  span,  one  open-top  iron- 
girder  bridge,  10  feet  span,  one  iron  Warren  girder  bridge, 
30  feet  span,  besides  several  culverts.  There  is  one  half- 
way station  at  Liu  Ying-Chong. 

The  imported  rolling  stock  is  two  locomotives,  11-inch 
tank-engines,  18-inch  stroke,  six  wheels  coupled,  from 
Stephenson  & Co.,  England ; three  third-class  passenger 
carriages  ; thirty-five  10-ton  coal-wagons ; seventeen,  5- 
ton  wagons,  and  one  brake-van.  There  is  also  one  saloon- 
carriage,  built  at  the  company’s  works. 

There  are  seventeen  grade  crossings  on  the  first  seven 
miles  of  line. 

The  traffic  is  daily  about  600  tons  of  coal,  100  tons  of 
limestone,  besides  pottery  and  sundries,  and  about  160 
passengers,  who  pay  five  cents  for  the  seven  miles. 

1'he  tunnel  above  mentioned  takes  a branch  line  to 
the  company’s  quarries,  and  all  bridges  are  made  for  a 
double  line  of  rails. 


230 


CHINA. 


Flag-signals  are  used,  and  there  is  a gate-keeper  at 
each  crossing. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  this  road  is  in  daily 
operation,  runs  smoothly,  and  is  a beautiful  model  of 
what  a light  railroad  should  be,  its  existence  until  lately 
has  been  ignored  by  the  Government.  So  far  as  known, 
it  has  never  been  seen  by  any  member  of  the  Board  of  Pub- 
lic Works,  nor,  indeed,  by  any  other  considerable  person 
connected  with  the  Government  at  Peking,  or  of  the  prov- 
ince in  which  it  is  situated,  although  it  has  a state  carriage 
and  a fine  house  for  the  accommodation  of  such  visitors. 

It  is  situated  in  an  out-of-the-way  region,  has  no  gen- 
eral traffic,  and  can  never  become  a part  of  one  of  the 
great  lines  of  the  country,  although  it  may  be  used  as 
part  of  the  line  from  Tientsin  to  the  province  of  Shinking, 
and  the  northeastern  corner  of  the  eminre.  The  canal  at 
which  it  terminates  has  already  proved  to  be  insufficient 
to  accommodate  the  business  of  the  mines,  and  inasmuch 
as  it  freezes  up  for  three  or  four  months  every  year,  it  is 
thought  to  be  absolutely  necessary  to  close  the  mines  for 
the  same  period,  or  to  extend  the  road  to  the  Peh-tang, 
and  ultimately  to  the  Pei-ho.  As  these  rivers  freeze  up 
also,  the  extension  will  give  only  partial  relief,  unless  it 
is  carried  to  Tientsin,  where  a large  market  is  already 
open  for  the  coal. 

The  Government  has  recently  authorized  the  exten- 
sion to  Lutai,  on  the  Peh-tang,  twenty-one  miles  from  the 
present  terminus  ; the  rails  have  been  bought  in  Germany, 
new  locomotives  in  the  United  States,  and  the  contracts 
have  been  let  for  the  grading,  and  also  for  the  cross-ties 
and  other  materials  required.  It  is  supposed  that  the  ex- 
tension will  be  completed  and  opened  this  spring. 

The  company  having  this  undertaking  in  hand,  as 
explained  elsewhere,  is  purely  a Chinese  organization, 
and  while  it  has  had  the  assistance  of  able  foreign  ex- 


THE  KAI-PIEG  RAILWAY. 


231 


ports,  and  the  g'Zias2-support  of  the  Governinent,  owing 
to  the  fact  that  it  must  have  coal  for  the  naval  fleet 
which  it  is  now  organizing,  it  has  not  yet  proved  a finan- 
cial success.  The  fact  is,  that  it  is  over-capitalized,  and 
compelled  to  support  too  many  people  besides  ; hence  it  is 
difficult  to  see  how  the  extension  already  authorized  can 
save  it  from  bankruptcy,  or  enable  it  to  pay  woi’king  ex- 
penses and  interest  on  its  old  and  new  capital,  which,  to- 
gether can  not  be  far  from  83,500,000,  and  may  even  over- 
run these  figures.  It  mined  and  sold  last  year  nearly 
136,000  tons  of  coal,  about  one  third  of  which  w'as  taken 
at  the  pit-shaft  by  the  natives  of  the  neighboring  country. 
The  rest  was  sent  to  the  Pei-ho  and  Tientsin,  where  it 
was  taken  by  steamships  or  sold  for  domestic  use,  the 
selling  price  being  about  five  dollars  (Mexican)  per  ton. 
The  coal  is  bituminous,  of  fair  quality,  but  it  has  to 
compete  even  on  the  Pei-ho  with  Japanese  coal  from  the 
Takasima  mines  near  Nagasaki,  and  therefore  the  selling 
price  can  not  be  raised,  but  is  more  likely  to  be  reduced. 

The  country  surrounding  the  Kai-ping  mines  is  highly 
cultivated,  but  there  is  much  waste  land  which  could  be 
reclaimed  along  the  road  to  the  Pei-ho  and  Tientsin. 
The  country  is  perfectly  flat,  shallow^  ponds  abound,  the 
villages  are  poor  and  widely  separated,  and  nearly  every 
house  is  built  of  sun-dried  brick.  There  are  hut  few  do- 
mestic animals  and  fewer  trees,  and  altogether  the  region 
is  a cheerless  and  uninteresting  one. 

The  coal-measures  of  this  region  are  supposed  to  be  of 
considerable  extent,  but  Baron  Richthofen’s  map  on  which 
they  are  delineated,  shows  them  to  be  only  ten  or  twelve 
miles  long.  They  pitch  sharply  to  the  southeast,  and  hence 
can  not  be  worked  for  a greater  width  than  two  thousand 
feet.  A few  native  mines  are  worked  in  the  same  field, 
and  a more  careful  survey  may  show  that  the  measures 
extend  much  farther  than  Richthofen  has  indicated.  Be 


232 


CHINA. 


this  as  it  may,  there  is  sufficient  coal  already  within  reach 
to  supply  every  possible  demand  for  the  Government,  as 
well  as  for  commercial  and  domestic  purposes,  for  many 
years.  In  the  future  development  of  railroads  in  North- 
ern China,  the  first  coal  will  necessarily  have  to  come 
from  the  Kai-ping  mines,  and  this  fact  gives  additional 
importance  to  them  as  well  as  to  the  railroad  connected 
with  them. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Trip  to  the  Yellow  River — “China’s  Sorrow” — Organization  of  the  party 
— The  route — The  roads — The  winter  climate — The  inns  and  inn- 
keepers— The  old  towns — The  Grand  Canal  and  its  embankments — 
The  sluices — Impracticability  of  keeping  the  canal  open  by  Chinese 
methods — Necessity  for  a railway — The  Yellow  River  and  its  em- 
bankments— Worship  of  the  river-god — Change  of  channel  at  Lung- 
mun-Kou  in  1853 — Views  of  Dr.  Williams  and  Ney  Elias — Error  of 
Abbe  Hue — Probable  cause  of  change — Embankments  can  be  main- 
tained— The  river  can  be  regulated  and  controlled  by  the  resources 
of  modem  engineering — Railways  can  be  built  and  maintained  in 
the  delta. 

Having  seen  everything  of  interest  in  the  region  be- 
tween Taku,  Tientsin,  Peking,  and  the  Great  Wall,  I 
determined  now  in  pursuance  of  the  suggestions  of  the 
Viceroy  Li  to  visit  the  country  to  the  southward,  along 
the  Grand  Canal  and  the  Yellow  River.*  I had  often 
read  of  the  canal  as  “ the  great  internal  highway  ” of  Chi- 
nese commerce,  and  of  the  Yellow  River — the  “Hwang- 
ho  ” of  our  earlier  geographies — as  the  cause  of  un- 
numbered woes  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Great  Plain, 
and  hence  known  to  the  natives  as  “ China’s  Sorrow  ” ; 
but,  curiously  enough,  notwithstanding  I had  been  in 
China  for  three  months,  I could  find  no  one  who  could 
give  me  any  definite  information  about  them.  The  books 


* Parts  of  this,  and  also  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  chapters, 
are  reprinted  from  letters  which  appeared  in  the  “ New  York  Sun.” 


234 


CHINA. 


are  vague  and  uncertain  in  what  they  say.  The  “ Peking 
Gazette  ” mentions  both  the  canal  and  the  river  fre- 
quently, but  the  former  generally  in  connection  with  the 
difficulty  of  keej^iug  it  open  long  enough  to  bring  the 
“ tribute-rice  ” of  the  southern  provinces  through  it  to 
Peking  ; and  the  latter  in  connection  witli  the  futility  of 
all  efforts  heretofore  made  to  protect  the  adjacent  coun- 
try from  its  devastating  floods.  In  order  to  understand 
tlie  reason  for  all  this,  I resolved  to  see  both  the  canal  and 
river,  and  to  study  them  from  my  own  observations,  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  it  would  require  a journey  in  mid- 
winter of  about  fifteen  hundred  miles  through  remote 
and  unfrequented  regions. 

My  party  consisted  of  Lieutenant  P.  W.  Nichols,  of 
the  United  States  Navy,  who  was  kindly  permitted  by 
Captain  Higginson,  of  the  gunboat  Monocacy,  to  ac- 
company me  ; Wang  Fuyeh,  a mandarin  of  the  sixth 
rank  ; Li  Chung-Ting,  Chinese  interpreter  ; Ilsieh  Sz,  an 
intelligent  mechanic  from  the  Tientsin  arsenal  ; a cook, 
two  boys,  a servant,  two  mafoos,  or  horse-boys,  and  six 
carters,  making,  with  myself,  sixteen  persons  in  all.  In 
addition,  we  had  six  Chinese  carts,  two  mules  to  each, 
and  six  saddle-ponies,  together  with  the  necessary  sup- 
plies of  flour,  biscuits,  sugar,  tinned  soups,  fish,  meats, 
and  vegetables,  for  a sixty  days’  absence,  it  being  under- 
stood that  the  Chinese  members  of  the  party  would  get 
their  daily  meals  at  the  inns  by  the  wayside. 

Our  route  lay  along  the  general  course  of  the  canal 
and  Yellow  Eiver  to  Kai-fung-fu,  the  capital  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Honan  ; thence  eastward  to  Luug-mun-Kou,  the 
point  at  which  the  river  left  its  old  bed  in  1853-’54,  and 
thence  to  Tung  Ming,  where  a disastrous  breach  occurred 
in  its  southern  embankment  last  year.  From  this  point, 
there  being  no  inns  near  the  river,  we  struck  across  the 
country  to  Chining-Chou  on  the  canal,  and  from  there 


CHINESE  ROADS. 


235 


made  a visit  to  Chii-fu,  the  home  and  burial-place  of 
Confucius,  and  also  to  Tai-Shan,  the  sacred  mountain  of 
China.  Eetracing  our  path,  we  returned  to  the  canal  at 
Nan-Shan,  and  turning  north  followed  it  back  to  the  Yel- 
low Eiver  at  Shih-li-pu.  From  this  point  we  skirted  the 
river  as  closely  as  possible,  going  northeastward  through 
Ping-yin  and  Chang-Ching  to  Chi-nan-fu,  the  capital  of 
Shantung.  After  examining  the  embankments  near  the 
city,  we  recrossed  the  river  at  Chi-ho,  and  returned  througli 
Ter-Chou  (at  which  place  we  intersected  our  route  to  the 
southward)  to  Tientsin,  having  been  gone  forty-five  days, 
and  traveled  something  over  fourteen  hundred  miles. 

The  roads  were  found  to  be  in  excellent  condition  for 
China,  dry,  hard,  and  dusty,  but  very  crooked,  as  is  gen- 
erally the  ease  throughout  this  country.  There  being  no 
fences,  no  hedge-rows,  or  ditches  to  mark  the  boundaries 
of  farms  or  gardens,  and  apparently  no  work  done  upon 
the  roads  either  in  their  original  construction  or  for  their 
maintenance,  every  traveler  feels  at  liberty  to  mark  out  a 
road  for  himself,  and  this  is  a liberty  of  which  every  one 
is  compelled  to  avail  himself  in  the  rain}'  season,  when 
the  alluvial  soil  of  the  plains  becomes  a sea  of  mud.  The 
consecpience  is,  that  it  is  no  infrequent  occurrence  to  see 
a road  go  around  three  sides  of  a field  instead  of  along  the 
fourth  side,  or  run  zigzag  like  a ship  tacking  against  a 
head-wind.  Even  the  roads  laid  down  on  the  maps  as 
imperial  highways  are  unnecessarily  crooked.  They  are 
neither  paved  nor  graveled,  even  where  the  materials  can 
be  had,  and  macadamizing  seems  to  be  entirely  unknown. 
Indeed,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  I’cads  in  China  are 
never  worked,  and  could  be  hardly  worse  in  the  rainy 
season. 

During  our  entire  journey  we  saw  only  one  stretch  of 
road,  about  ten  miles  long,  which  showed  that  it  had  been 
laid  out,  heaped  up  in  the  middle  and  ditched,  and  that 


236 


CHINA, 


was  through  an  unusually  low  and  desolate  portion  of  the 
plains,  which  would  have  been  otherwise  impassable  for 
most  of  the  year.  Judging  from  the  crookedness  of  the 
canal  embankments,  as  well  as  of  the  roads,  it  is  difficult 
to  believe  that  the  Chinese  who  laid  them  out  ever  had 
the  slightest  conception  of  the  fact  that  a right  line  is  the 
shortest  distance  between  two  points.  There  are  few  run- 
ning streams,  and  no  mud  in  winter,  and,  as  the  plains 
are  everywhere  as  flat  and  smooth  as  any  floor,  wheeled 
vehicles  can  drive  indefinitely  in  any  direction.  It  is 
curious  that  the  Chinese  never  put  springs  in  their  carts, 
and,  in  fact,  seem  to  be  ignorant  of  their  existence  or  of 
the  use  which  is  made  of  them  in  other  countries. 

The  winter  climate  of  this  region  is  quite  remarkable. 
Throughout  our  journey  we  had  only  three  days  when 
we  did  not  see  the  sun,  and  most  of  the  time  it  shone 
clearly  and  brightly  from  morning  till  evening.  The 
nights  were  also  clear  and  bright,  but  generally  very  cold. 
One  day  we  had  a slight  fall  of  frozen  mist,  and  the  next 
morning  the  neighboring  hills  were  barely  covered  with 
snow  or  heavy  frost,  which  was  all  gone  long  before  noon. 
The  only  interruption  to  the  most  perfect  weather  is  an 
occasional  dust-storm  from  the  north,  which  blows  with 
fury  for  several  hours,  sometimes  a whole  day,  or  even 
longer.  It  never  rains  here  in  winter,  but  makes  up  for 
it  in  June,  July,  and  August,  when  the  winds  blow  stead- 
ily from  the  south  and  southeast,  and  are  heavily  laden 
with  moisture.  It  is  these  winds,  therefore,  which  cause 
the  floods  of  the  Yellow  Eiver ; the  clouds  which  are 
brought  m by  them  break  over  the  land  in  torrents  as  far 
as  the  Desert  of  Gobi ; the  streams  are  taxed  to  their 
fullest  capacity  ; the  Yellow  Eiver  becomes  charged  to  its 
brink,  and,  when  it  reaches  the  plain,  its  flood  is  piled 
up  and  frequently  augmented  by  a downfall  of  rain  to 
the  depth  of  many  inches  in  a single  day. 


CHINESE  INNS. 


237 


Our  journey  was  made  in  stages  of  from  seventy-five 
to  one  hundred  and  twenty  li,  or  from  twenty-five  to  forty 
miles  per  day,  and  in  several  instances  to  forty-five  miles 
per  day,  our  practice  being  to  start  at  dawn,  or  shortly 
after,  and  travel  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  at  the  rate  of 
three  and  a half  or  four  miles  per  hour,  according  to  the 
roads,  after  which  we  halted  for  an  hour  and  a half  to 
feed  the  animals  and  take  luncheon.  This  done,  we  re- 
sumed our  march,  and,  after  making  a similar  stage,  se- 
lected an  inn,  if  we  could  find  one,  and  put  up  for  the 
night. 

The  inns  are  generally  found  at  the  larger  towns,  and 
are  of  various  grades,  but  all  constructed  on  the  same 
plan.  They  consist  of  a compound  wall  of  sun-dried 
brick — rarely  of  fire-burned  brick — the  entrance  to  which 
is  through  a pair  of  large  doors,  which  may  be  closed  and 
barred.  Sometimes  there  is  an  inner  yard  or  court.  The 
principal  guest-rooms  are  in  a low,  single-storied  house 
opposite  the  entrance.  We  saw  one,  and  only  one,  two- 
storied  guest-house  on  the  trip.  The  house  is  divided  in 
the  better  inns  into  two  and  sometimes  three  rooms,  the 
middle  one  containing  a square  table  and  two  chairs,  or 
benches,  and  the  end  ones  containing  a /cang,  or  two  tres- 
tles, covered  with  coarse  mats,  upon  which  the  guest’s 
own  bedding  is  spread  by  his  own  servants.  The  smaller 
houses  have  only  a single  room,  in  one  end  of  which  is 
the  Icang,  or  trestle,  and  in  the  other  the  table  and  chairs. 
The  rooms  are  lighted  from  the  front  by  square  windows, 
with  paper  panes,  and  heated,  if  heat  is  required,  by  a pan 
of  charcoal  burning  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  which  is 
sometimes  of  brick,  but  generally  of  clay. 

The  kang  is  a raised  platform  across  the  end  of  the 
room,  of  the  same  kind  of  material  that  the  house  itself  is 
built  of,  which  as  before  stated  is  generally  of  sun-dried 
brick.  In  theory,  it  is  supposed  to  be  provided  with  a 


238 


CHINA. 


furnace  and  a flue  connecting  with  the  open  air,  for  the 
purpose  of  burning  millet-stalks  or  grass,  and  thus  heat- 
ing the  body  of  the  kang ; hut,  in  practice,  the  furnace 
is  rarely  found,  and  when  found  it  is  generally  impossible 
to  use  it.  During  all  our  travels  south  of  the  Yellow 
River  we  saw  only  one  kang,  trestles  being  used  instead. 

On  either  side  of  the  compound  are  the  rooms  for 
servants  and  carters,  and  also  for  guests  who  do  not  ab- 
solutely require  the  best.  The  carts  are  placed  in  front 
of  the  rooms,  and  the  mules  and  horses  are  fed  in  mova- 
ble troughs  which  stand  in  the  oi^en  court,  or  under  the 
sheds  which  are  sometimes  provided  for  shelter.  The 
innkeeper  furnishes  hot  water,  charcoal,  and  Chinese 
meals  for  such  guests  as  want  them,  and  provides  for  the 
animals,  and  all  at  reasonable  rates.  During  the  night  a 
watchman  goes  around  the  premises  frequently,  beating 
a piece  of  hollow  wood  with  a small  stick  in  a peculiar 
rhythmical  manner,  which  is  everywhere  the  same,  and  is 
sometimes  quite  annoying. 

The  scene  presented  by  an  inn-yard  full  of  carts, 
horses,  and  mules  is  quite  animated,  but  by  no  means 
' suggestive  of  extraordinary  comfort  or  cleanliness.  The 
inns  themselves  in  the  winter  are  generally  dirty  and 
cheerless,  and  always  cold  and  damp,  so  that  the  travel- 
er’s only  refuge  is  to  go  to  bed  as  soon  as  ho  gets  his  sup- 
per. The  best  and  neatest  inns  are  everywhere  kept  by 
the  Mohammedans ; but,  as  they  do  not  serve  pork  in 
any  form,  the  Chinese  carters  and  mafoos  v/ill  not  patron- 
ize them  if  they  can  And  any  other  inns  open.  As  we 
had  our  own  cook  along,  and  ate  no  Chinese  food,  except 
mutton,  poultry,  eggs,  and  vegetables,  it  made  but  little 
difference  to  us  whether  the  inns  at  which  Ave  stopped 
were  Mohammedan  or  Buddhist.  We,  however,  had  the 
good  fortune  to  stop  at  a Mohammedan  inn,  on  Christ- 
mas-day,  at  the  toAvn  of  Chieh-ti,  nearly  one  hundred 


OLD  CHINESE  TOWNS. 


239 


miles  south  of  Tientsin,  and  had  a most  excellent  Christ- 
mas dinner,  the  principal  articles  of  which  had  been  fur- 
nished by  kind  friends  before  we  started. 

The  next  point  of  importance  on  our  route  was  Ter- 
chou,  an  old,  dilapidated  city,  surrounded  by  a crenelated 
brick  wall,  which  looked  as  though  it  had  deded  the 
storms  of  a thousand  winters.  Its  turrets  and  buttresses 
were  crumbling,  its  gates  were  rotting  dov/n,  its  moats 
were  filled  with  broken  bricks  which  had  slipped  from  the 
walls  and  foundations,  and  everything  about  it,  both  in- 
side and  out,  was  fast  falling  into  decay. 

This  city  is  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  Grand  Canal, 
which  once  doubtless  brought  a large  business  to  it,  but 
its  glory  has  departed  along  with  tliat  of  the  canal.  Its 
only  significance  now  is  that  it  is  the  first  station  on  the 
imperial  telegraph-line  south  of  Tien-tsin. 

After  tarrying  there  only  long  enough  to  send  a mes- 
sage to  our  friends,  we  crossed  to  the  west  side  of  the 
canal,  which  here  follows  the  bed  of  the  river,  and  pushed 
on  toward  Lin-ching,  where  we  arrived  the  next  night 
after  a ride  of  almost  interminable  length.  This  city  is 
much  larger  than  Ter-chou,  and,  although  it  presents  by 
no  means  a flourishing  exterior,  it  appears  to  be  a jdace 
of  some  business  importance. 

The  Grand  Canal  at  this  point  leaves  the  bed  of  the 
Wei-ho  (the  main  southern  affluent  of  the  Pei-ho),  which  it 
follows  from  Tientsin,  and  winds  its  way  by  a very  devious 
course  across  the  plains  to  Jung-chang-fu  and  the  Yellow 
River,  a distance  of  about  seventy  miles  by  the  road,  but 
over  a hundred  by  the  canal.  From  the  gi-eat  amount 
of  curvature  there  is  no  doubt  it  follows  the  beds  of  one 
or  more  old  creeks  or  rivers  in  this  part  of  its  course  also. 

We  rode  along  the  embankment,  and  found  it  to  be  of 
very  irregular  section,  of  varying  height  and  thickness, 
sometimes  very  wide  and  strong,  in  some  places  in  excel- 


240 


CHIXA. 


lent  repair,  and  in  others  greatly  decayed,  or  totally  miss- 
ing. The  telegraph-line  follows  its  general  direction,  and 
it  is  said  that  the  Chinese  officials  have  proposed  to  lay  a 
railroad  upon  it.  This  is  possible,  by  adding  to  it  where 
it  is  not  wide  enough,  and  by  eutting  off  the  corners  and 
bends  where  they  are  too  sharp,  but  the  road  would  still 
be  very  crooked,  and  it  would  be  unnecessarily  expensive 
to  construct  and  operate. 

Lin-ching  is  stated  by  some  writers  to  be  at  the  sum- 
mit of  the  canal,  but  this  is  not  the  case  ; the  real  summit 
is  at  Lung-Wang  Miao,  the  junction  of  the  canal  with  the 
Ta-Wen-ho,  a river  which  rises  in  the  hills  of  Shantung, 
and  after  flowing  westward  for  many  miles  divides  into  two 
branches,  one  of  whieh,  bringing  with  it  an  abundant  sup- 
ply of  sand,  which  is  very  scarce  in  the  Great  Plain,  falls 
into  the  canal,  and  the  other  into  the  Yellow  River  oppo- 
site Yu-Shan. 

Before  the  latter  river  left  its  old  bed,  the  canal  crossed 
it  at  Chin-Chiang-pu,  about  one  hundred  miles  north  of 
the  Yang-tse-kiang,  leaving  a reach  of  over  four  hundred 
miles  of  canal  north  of  the  crossing,  which  was  supplied 
with,  water  mainly  from  the  Ta-Wen-ho,  and  although 
this  water  was  not  and  could  not  be  properly  utilized, 
because  the  canal  was  not  furnished  with  locks,  it  afforded 
fair  navigation,  except  when  interfered  with  by  excessive 
drought  or  floods  from  Ohin-kiang  to  the  Wei-ho,  or  rather 
from  the  Yang-tse  to  Peking. 

It  would  give  a false  impression  to  leave  the  subject 
without  further  reference  to  the  regulation  of  the  flow  of 
water  in  the  canal,  the  necessity  for  which  was  apparent 
even  to  the  Chinese ; and  to  accomplish  this  they  con- 
structed sluices  at  many  places  along  the  canal,  so  as  to 
divide  it  up  into  reaches  or  sections  varying  from  a mile 
to  ten  and  twenty  miles  in  length.  These  sluices  have 
vertical  walls,  built  parallel  with  and  facing  each  other. 


CANAL  SLUICES. 


241 


about  twenty  feet  apart  in  the  bed  of  the  canal,  and  con- 
nected with  the  shores  and  embankments  by  wing-walls 
of  the  same  kind  of  masonry.  The  faces  of  the  wall  are 
slotted  vertically,  so  as  to  permit  the  ends  of  cross-timbers 
to  slip  or  drop  into  them,  and  thus  form  a bulkhead 
across  the  twenty-feet  opening  left  between  the  walls. 
Stone  davits  and  snubbing-posts  are  provided  to  facilitate 
the  lowering  or  raising  of  the  timbers  and  the  passage  of 
boats,  which,  against  a strong  head  of  water,  is,  of  course, 
more  or  less  difficult.  The  masonry  of  these  sluices  is 
excellent,  and  is  still  in  good  condition. 

After  the  change  of  the  Yellow  River  to  its  new  bed 
the  canal  was  practically  cut  in  the  middle,  and  the  new 
river,  carrying  for  the  time  a much  larger  volume  of  water 
to  sea-level,  not  only  excavated  a channel  for  itself  much 
deeper  than  the  canal,  but  swept  away  the  canal  embank- 
ments and  filled  up  its  bed,  completely  obliterating  it  for 
three  or  four  miles  on  the  north,  and  nearly  as  many  on 
the  south  side  of  the  crossing.  As  the  river-bed  gradually 
deepened,  the  surface  of  the  water  also  subsided,  until 
now  at  low  water  it  is  about  ten  feet  below  the  bottom  of 
the  canal ; and,  as  there  are  no  locks  on  either  side,  but 
a simple  embankment  or  sluice  thrown  across  the  canal, 
it  is  impossible  for  boats  to  pass  from  the  river  to  the 
canal,  or  from  the  canal  to  the  river,  except  during  high- 
water,  and  even  then  only  after  the  embankment  has  been 
cut,  the  sluice  opened,  and  the  canal-bed  cleaned  out  and 
deepened. 

Notwithstanding  this  state  of  affairs,  and  the  danger 
of  flooding  the  entire  country  in  the  vicinity,  the  Chinese 
Government,  in  pursuance  of  a custom  as  old  as  the 
canal  itself,  has  made  the  most  strenuous  efforts  every 
year  to  clean  it  out  and  bring  the  tribute-rice  from  the 
southern  provinces  through  it  to  Peking.  The  junks  ne- 
cessary to  carry  that  part  of  the  rice  sent  by  this  route 
11 


242 


cmiTA. 


number  six  or  seven  hundred.  Some  seasons  they  all  get 
through,  some  seasons  only  a part  of  them,  and  occa- 
sionally none ; but  it  is  apparent  that  the  money  ex- 
pended in  opening  the  canal,  crossing  the  river,  and  pay- 
ing the  freight,  which  De  Guignes  estimates  at  four  million 
dollars,  must  amount  to  considerably  more  every  year  than 
the  value  of  the  rice. 

The  use  of  this  canal  has  been  considered  by  Chinese 
statesmen  as  a matter  of  national  importance  at  all  times, 
but  especially  so  in  case  of  war  with  foreign  powers. 
During  the  last  war  with  France  every  effort  was  made  to 
put  it  into  eflScient  condition,  but,  as  usual,  with  but 
little  success.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  canal 
really  extends  from  the  moats  of  Peking  to  the  Yang-tse- 
kiang,  and  that  if  it  were  in  good  condition  it  would 
afford  a most  valuable  line  of  internal  communication  for 
food  and  military  supplies  between  the  capital,  the  south- 
ern, and  the  central  provinces.  The  Imperial  Govern- 
ment has  frequently  called  upon  its  ablest  statesmen  and 
military  commanders  to  take  it  in  hand,  but  never  yet 
upon  competent  foreign  engineers.  It  is,  of  course,  fully 
within  the  resources  of  modern  science  and  skill  to  open 
and  keep  it  open  at  all  times  except  when  frozen,  but  the 
cost  would  doubtless  be  large  ; and,  even  after  the  work 
had  been  done,  the  canal  would  be  useless  for  purposes 
of  national  defense,  and  would  necessarily  be  frozen  dur- 
ing the  winter. 

At  Lin-ching  there  is  about  three  feet  of  water  in  the 
canal  at  jiresent,  but  it  gradually  shoals  till  the  Yellow 
River  is  reached,  where  its  bed  is  entirely  dry.  Its  width 
at  water-surface  is  from  twenty-five  to  forty  feet,  and  it 
is  badly  silted  up  at  several  ])oints  both  north  and  south 
of  the  river.  We  had  considerable  difficulty  in  getting  at 
the  condition  of  the  canal  and  the  relative  location  of  the 
towns  near  the  crossing,  until  we  had  made  a sketch-map 


OBLITERATION  OF  THE  CANAL. 


243 


from  our  own  observations.  After  riding  all  one  day  and 
part  of  the  next,  we  found  that  the  canal  south  of  Pa-li- 
Miao  (eight-Ii  temple)  to  the  river-bank  had  been  entirely 
obliterated,  and  that  the  plain  through  which  the  river 
runs  had  been  raised  by  the  deposit  of  silt  from  the  flood 
four,  five,  and  in  places  as  much  as  six  feet.  One  sluice 
of  the  Chang-Wang  Canal,  also  obliterated,  had  been 
buried,  and  nothing  was  left  to  mark  its  site,  except  the 
tops  of  the  stone  davits,  which  were  sticking  out  of  the 
ground  about  two  feet.  Even  the  miao,  a small  temple, 
one  of  which  is  always  erected  at  or  near  a canal-sluice, 
was  in  ruins,  and  more  than  half  buried  iu  the  silt. 
Owing  to  this  fact,  and  the  impossibility  of  making  a 
straight  crossing  of  the  river,  a new  canal,  seven  miles 
long,  has  been  constructed  from  TJr-Cheng-Cha,  ten  miles 
north  of  the  old  river-crossing,  to  a point  farther  down 
the  river.  There  is  a good  landing  at  the  last-mentioned 
point,  and  the  river  has  there  a deep,  well-defined  bed 
skirting  the  foot-hills  of  Shantung  at  a distance  of  three 
or  four  miles  from  them,  all  the  way  from  the  vicinity  of 
Shih-li  pu  to  the  vicinity  of  Chi-nan-fu. 

Chang-Chin-Chun  was  once  a place  of  large  popula- 
tion and  great  wealth,  abounding  in  fine  temples  and 
buildings,  and  surrounded  by  a wall,  all  of  fire-burned 
brick  ; but  its  glory  has  also  departed.  It  is  now  by  all 
odds  the  most  dilapidated-looking  place  visited  by  us  in  all 
the  delta  country.  This  is  doubtless  due  to  the  fact  that 
it  is  situated  south  of  the  junction  of  the  new  canal,  and 
is  left  high  and  dry  by  what  little  commerce  there  is  yet 
remaining  on  the  canal.  Pa-li  Miao  and  Shih-li-pu  are 
also  in  a state  of  utter  desolation  and  ruin,  and  tell  the 
story  of  the  decay  of  commerce  on  the  canal  and  the  dev- 
astating effect  of  the  Yellow  River  floods  more  eloquently 
than  any  description  can  possibly  do  it. 

Li  Ilung-Chang,  in  a memorial  to  the  Throne,  says  it 


244- 


CHINA. 


is  clear  that,  so  long  as  the  Yellow  Eiver  follows  its  pres- 
ent course  to  the  sea,  navigation  can  be  had  through  the 
canal,  accompanied  by  constant  danger  of  inundations 
from  the  river ; while,  if  the  river  were  restored  to  its  old 
channel,  emptying  into  the  sea  south  of  the  Shantung 
province,  comparative  security  from  floods  would  be  had, 
but  the  navigation  of  the  canal  would  become  still  more 
difficult.  He  adds  that  the  suggestion  which  has  been 
“ made  in  regard  to  turning  the  river  back  into  its  old  bed 
is  but  a figment  of  the  mind,”  as  he  regards  such  a feat  as 
impossible.  He  may  be  right  in  the  first  conclusion,  as 
he  certainly  is  in  the  last,  but,  as  the  last  can  not  be  ac- 
complished, the  great  problem  still  remains  of  how  to 
regulate  and  control  the  Yellow  Eiver,  and  maintain  a 
line  of  internal  communication  between  the  imperial  capi- 
tal and  the  Yang-tse  jn-ovinces. 

The  solution  of  these  problems  is  clearly  within  the 
resources  of  modern  engineering ; but  it  is  a matter  of 
doubt  whether  the  imperial  authorities  are  yet  ready  to 
call  in  foreign  help,  or  to  adopt  the  conclusions  which 
may  be  arrived  at  by  a proper  consideration  of  the  facts 
pertaining  to  each  case.  There  is  no  doubt  that,  for  the 
present,  and  under  the  plans  now  existing  and  the  system 
of  administration  now  practiced  by  the  Chinese,  every 
dollar  expended  upon  the  Grand  Canal,  except  for  strictly 
local  purposes,  is  wasted.* 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  certain  that  the  only  way  in 
which  they  can  secure  a line  of  internal  communication, 
equal  at  the  same  time  to  the  demands  of  the  enormous 
commerce  which  would  be  secured  by  it  and  to  the  rc- 

* Since  the  above  was  written,  it  is  understood  that  both  French  and 
German  engineers  have  submitted  propositions  for  the  repair  of  the  em- 
bankments and  the  regulation  of  the  river,  but  these  propositions  have 
been  rejected,  and  it  is  given  out  that  Chinese  methods  are  to  be  adhered 
to,  at  least  for  the  present. — J,  H.  W. 


NECESSITY  FOR  A RAILROAD. 


245 


quirements  of  the  national  defense,  is  by  building  a first- 
class  railroad  from  Peking  to  the  Yang-tse-kiang,  and  from 
Kiu-Kiang  a point  farther  up  the  Yang-tse  to  Canton, 
with  branches  to  certain  important  mining,  commercial, 
and  political  centers  more  or  less  remote  from  the  trunk 
line.  Such  a railroad,  including  a bridge  over  the  Yellow 
River,  can  be  built  at  a reasonable  cost ; and,  what  is 
more,  it  can  be  maintained  against  the  floods  of  the  Yellow 
River,  and  under  foreign  management  will  pay  the  inter- 
est upon  its  proper  cost  and  a reasonable  profit  besides, 
from  the  day  that  it  is  opened  for  trafiBc. 

From  Chang-Chin-Chun  we  rode  along  the  embank- 
ment on  the  north  side  of  the  Yellow^  River  for  a distance 
of  about  eighty  miles  to  a point  in  the  plain  a short  dis- 
tance beyond  the  village  of  S’zma,  where  the  embankment 
abruptly  came  to  an  end.  Thinking  that  there  might  be 
some  mistake  about  this,  or  that  there  were  some  local 
features  which  rendered  an  embankment  unnecessary,  we 
rode  at  once  to  the  river,  some  three  miles  south  ; but  we 
found  the  latter  here,  as  elsewhere,  occupying  a well-de- 
fined bed,  in  a perfectly  level  plain,  the  surface  of  which 
was,  by  actual  measurement,  only  an  average  of  five  feet 
above  the  surface  of  the  water.  We  also  ascertained,  by 
carefully  questioning  both  boatmen  and  natives,  that  the 
water  was  from  eight  to  ten  feet  deep  in  the  channel,  and 
had  frequently  risen  as  much  as  ten  or  more  feet,  over- 
flowing the  plain  and  spreading  through  the  country  to 
the  Grand  Canal,  to  a depth  varying  from  two  to  six  feet. 

We  then  found,  by  riding  straight  back  into  the  coun- 
try twenty  miles,  that  there  never  had  been  any  embank- 
ment to  this  part  of  the  river  since  it  had  left  its  old  bed 
over  thirty  years  ago  ; but  all  our  efforts  to  obtain  a satis- 
factory reason,  or  even  an  unsatisfactory  one,  for  the 
omission,  have  been  so  far  unavailing. 

The  embankment  along  which  we  had  ridden  was 
12 


246 


CHINA. 


found  by  frequent  measurement  to  be  from  twelve  to 
fourteen  feet  high,  from  twenty  to  thirty  feet  wide  on 
top,  and  to  have  outside  and  inside  slopes  of  two  base  to 
one  perpendicular.  In  many  places  and  for  considerable 
stretches  it  was  well  laid  out,  admirably  constructed,  and 
in  excellent  condition,  but  at  others  it  was  not  only  crook- 
ed, but  of  insufficient  height  and  width,  and  was  in  bad 
condition  generally.  It  was  frequently  cultivated  on  the 
top  and  sides,  cut  through  by  road-crossings,  and  bur- 
rowed into  by  animals,  and  of  course  all  these  are  points 
of  danger  during  floods.  The  same  thing  may  be  said  of 
the  embankments  wherever  we  came  to  them. 

Between  Tao-chung-fu,  at  the  junction  of  the  present 
canal  with  the  Yellow  River,  and  Chaug-Chin-Chun  there 
is  an  excellent  embankment ; but  at  the  latter  place  it 
joins  an  embankment  of  the  old  canal,  which  is  in  a state 
of  dilapidation  ; and,  while  the  river  embankment  turned 
the  water  last  year  admirably,  the  canal  embankment  was 
overflowed,  and  all  the  country  between  the  two  flooded 
to  a depth  of  from  four  to  six  feet. 

From  the  end  of  the  embankment  above  referred  to, 
we  proceeded  through  several  old  walled  towns  in  the 
interior  to  Kai-fung-fu,  the  capital  of  the  province  of 
Honan,  about  six  miles  south  of  the  Yellow  River.  Be- 
fore reaching  the  latter,  we  came  to  an  enormous  em- 
bankment, about  four  miles  from  the  ferry,  which  was 
built  by  the  Emperor  Kien-lung  over  a hundred  years 
ago.  We  saw  it  from  a great  distance  across  the  plain, 
looming  upon  the  edge  of  the  horizon  like  a well-de- 
fined hill  of  considerable  height.  On  a nearer  approach 
it  grew  in  size,  and  was  seen  to  be  surmounted  by 
crenelated  walls  and  city-gates.  On  measuring  it,  we 
found  it  to  be  forty  feet  high  and  fifty  feet  wide  on  top, 
with  the  usual  slopes  of  one  on  two,  and  to  contain  about 
a million  cubic  yards  of  earth  for  each  mile  in  length. 


GREAT  RIVER  EMBANKMENT. 


247 


Doubtless  it  was  built  by  that  magnificent  monarch  to 
show  how,  according  to  his  ideas,  a wall  should  be  built, 
and  was  left  to  take  care  of  itself,  with  the  firm  conviction 
that  it  would  restrain  the  floods  of  the  river  forever. 
How  far  it  extends,  we  could  not  ascertain  ; but  were 
informed  that  it  runs  to  the  westward  or  up  the  valley 
of  the  river  only  a few  miles,  but  eastward  along  the  bed 
of  the  old  river  indefinitely.  We  afterward  ascertained 
that  it  was  an  extension  of  this  enormous  embankment 
through  which  the  river  broke  when  it  changed  its  bed 
the  last  time. 

Before  crossing  the  river,  we  made  observations  and 
measurements  with  sextant  and  tape-line,  from  which  it 
was  found  to  be  fifteen  hundred  feet  wide  and  six  or  seven 
feet  deep  on  the  north  side,  but  quite  shoal  on  the  other 
side,  till  a reverse  bend  three  or  four  miles  farther  down 
was  reached. 

Before  going  on  the  boat,  our  attendants  and  servants 
offered  their  devotions  to  the  “river-god,”  lighting  can- 
dles, burning  incense  and  gilt  and  silver  paper  supposed 
to  represent  gold  and  silver  money,  prostrating  them- 
selves, and  knocking  their  heads  reverently  and  solemnly 
against  the  ground  three  times. 

Having  done  all  that  was  required  by  custom  to  secure 
the  smiles  of  the  god  and  dispose  him  to  vouchsafe  us  a 
safe  passage,  we  crowded  our  whole  party — carts,  horses, 
mules,  and  servants — into  a junk  about  fifty  feet  long 
and  fifteen  or  sixteen  feet  wide,  and,  casting  loose  from 
the  north  shore,  the  top  of  which  was  then  only  five  feet 
above  the  surface  of  the  water,  in  an  hour  and  a quarter 
we  were  safely  landed  against  the  southern  bank,  which 
was  found  to  be  fourteen  feet  high.  In  the  passage  we 
simply  floated  with  the  current,  which  was  of  moderate 
velocity,  the  boatmen  guiding  the  junk  by  poles  and  by 
dropping  their  anchor  and  “clubbing”  whenever  neces- 


248 


CHINA. 


sary.  Our  junk  struck  against  sand-bars  several  times, 
but  by  skillful  use  of  the  poles  and  anchor  she  was  guided 
safely  along  without  stopping. 

Williams,  in  the  “Middle  Kingdom,”  states  that  the 
bed  of  the  river  near  Kai-fung-fu  is  so  silted  up,  that  the 
surface  of  the  water  is  higher  than  the  country  outside  ; 
but  this  can  hardly  he  the  case,  for,  if  it  were,  we  should 
have  probably  found  hack-water  or  marshes  between  the 
river-brinks  and  the  embankments  and  possibly  outside 
of  them  also  ; but  no  such  marshes  were  seen  or  crossed 
by  us.  Nor  were  there  any  other  indications  that  either 
the  bed  of  the  river  or  the  water  in  it  is  now  or  ever  has 
been,  except  during  freshets,  higher  than  the  surround- 
ing country.  Of  course,  it  would  require  a careful  set 
of  cross-sections,  made  with  good  levels  by  competent  en- 
gineers, at  this  and  other  places,  to  ascertain  the  exact 
facts,  but  there  is  no  evidence  which  we  could  discover 
going  to  show  that  they  are  as  stated  by  Dr.  Williams. 
To  the  contrary,  so  far  as  any  one  could  see,  the  ground 
from  the  northern  embankment  to  the  river  Avas  level, 
and  that  from  the  river  to  the  southern  embankments,  of 
which  there  are  two,  gradually  rises  on  the  road  to  the 
city  walls. 

At  Lung-mun-Kou,  about  twenty  miles  east  of  Kai- 
fung-fu,  the  river  burst  through  its  southern  embankment 
in  1853.  It  was,  according  to  tradition,  higher  then  than 
ever  known  before  or  since  ; but  just  how  or  why  this 
disaster  occurred  has  never  been  satisfactorily  explained. 

The  most  commonly  received  theory  is  that  the  bed 
of  the  river  was  here  silted  up  to  a higher  level  than 
that  of  the  adjacent  plains  outside  the  embankments, 
which  were  found  to  be  of  enormous  dimensions,  as 
at  Kai-fung-fu,  but  this  is  by  no  means  proved. 
Careful  observations  made  by  us  show  that  while  the 
river  has  here  turned  abruptly  to  the  north,  leaving 


TEE  YELLOW  RLVEE'S  CHANGE  OF  BED.  249 


the  old  bed  along  which  we  rode  for  about  ten  miles, 
and  all  of  which,  including  the  sides  and  tops  of  the 
old  embankments,  is  now  under  a high  state  of  cultiva- 
tion, at  a considerably  higher  level  than  the  new  bed, 
they  failed  to  show  that  the  old  bed  is  higher  than  the 
country  outside  of  it.  We  found  from  actual  measure- 
ments that  the  bottom  of  the  old  river-bed  was  on  the 
10th  of  January,  1866,  nearly  eleven  feet  ten  inches  above 
the  surface  of  the  water  in  the  new  river-bed,  just  abreast 
of  it,  and  only  a short  distance  away  ; that  the  top  of  the 
old  river  bank  or  plain  inside  of  the  old  embankments, 
was  twenty-two  feet  six  inches  above  the  water-surface, 
and  that  the  top  of  the  old  embankment,  now  covered  by 
the  town  of  Lung-mun-Kou,  has  been  somewhat  changed, 
but  where  it  is  cut  squarely  through  by  the  river  in  its 
new  course  it  is  fifty-five  feet  six  inches  above  the  water- 
surface. 

On  their  face  these  figures  seem  to  suggest  a probabil- 
ity that  the  river  had  silted  up  its  bed  to  a higher  level 
than  the  country  near  by,  but  the  appearances  of  the 
country,  inside  and  outside,  indicate  more  strongly  that 
this  is  not  the  case.  Nothing  but  a careful  set  of  sections 
made  at  frequent  intervals  across  and  along  the  old  and 
the  new  river-beds,  both  above  and  below  the  breach,  at 
points  where  the  condition  of  the  surfaces  has  not  un- 
dergone material  change  since  the  disaster  occurred  can 
set  this  question  satisfactorily  at  rest. 

Mr.  Ney  Elias,  Jr.,  F.  E.  G.  S.,  an  English  merchant 
of  scientific  education,  then  living  at  Shanghai,  visited  this 
point  in  the  fall  of  1868,  and  a full  report  of  his  observa- 
tions is  found  in  the  “Journal”  of  the  North  China 
Branch  of  the  Koyal  Asiatic  Society  for  that  year.  He 
states  that  the  course  of  the  low- water  channel  “was 
not  always  parallel  to  the  flood-banks,  but  made  a wind- 
ing, tortuous  line  between  them,  apparently  like  a nat- 


250 


CHINA. 


Ural  river,  and  the  point  where  the  breach  now  is  was 
one  where  the  current  impinged  upon  the  north  bank.” 
He  also  states  that  “ the  river  had  so  diminished  the 
capacity  of  its  bed  (which,  by-the-way,  was  always  an 
artificial  one),  by  depositing  the  alluvium  with  which  its 
waters  were  charged,  that  the  main  pressure  during  the 
flood-season  had  come  to  bear  on  the  upper  or  weaker 
part  of  the  embankments,  and,  no  measures  having  been 
taken  to  strengthen  these  or  deepen  the  channel,  the 
great  catastrophe  happened,  which,  with  its  consequences, 
had  been  predicted  by  Abbe  Hue  some  years  before,”  but 
he  gives  no  proof  except  that  of  “ mere  cursory  inspec- 
tion ” that  the  bed  of  the  river  at  the  point  under  consid- 
eration had  come  to  be  higher  than  the  “ general  level 
of  the  neighboring  country.” 

Abbe  Hue  distinctly  states  that  “ the  actual  bed  of 
the  Yellow  Eiver  in  the  provinces  of  Honan  and  Kiang- 
su,  for  more  than  two  hundred  leagues,  is  higher  than 
nearly  all  the  immense  plain  which  forms  its  valley,”  but 
he  also  fails  to  say  that  he  carried  surveying-instruments 
with  him,  or  to  give  the  observations  and  facts  upon 
which  this  statement  is  made.  I therefore  take  the  lib- 
erty of  suggesting  that  its  truth  must  not  be  taken  for 
granted.  It  seems  to  be  more  likely  that,  then  as  now, 
the  river-embankments  were  sadly  neglected,  that  the 
enormous  one  in  which  the  breach  occurred  was  regarded 
as  so  safe  that  it  need  not  be  looked  after,  and  that  roads 
were  cut  through  it,  or  animals  had  burrowed  in  it,  or 
that,  where  “ the  water  impinged  upon  it,”  it  had  per- 
haps for  years  been  cutting  its  way  at  low  stages  through 
the  plain  to  the  foot  of  the  embankment,  so  that  the  full 
volume  of  the  great  flood  had  nothing  to  do  at  that  point 
but  to  continue  the  undercutting  till  the  whole  embank- 
ment was  so  undermined  and  weakened  as  to  make  it 
yield  readily  to  the  pressure.  It  is  certain,  at  all  events. 


BREACH  OF  TEE  GREAT  EMBANKMENT.  251 


that  if  the  bank  had  been  undermined  here,  as  described, 
it  would  have  broken  then  or  at  some  other  time,  whether 
the  river-bed  was  or  was  not  higher  than  the  neighboring 
country.  In  other  words,  it  is  not  necessary  to  assume 
that  the  river-bed  had  silted  up,  as  claimed  by  Ney  Elias 
and  Abbe  Hue,  to  account  for  the  breach. 

It  may  be  naturally  asked,  if  this  assumption  is  not 
proved,  why  the  river  did  not  return  to  its  old  bed  after 
the  flood  subsided,  but,  on  the  contrary,  continued  to 
pour  through  the  breach,  and  made  a new  bed  for  itself 
on  its  way  to  the  sea.  The  answer  to  this  is  obvious. 
As  the  great  volume  of  water  poured  through  the  breach 
from  the  top  of  the  flood  to  the  level  of  the  plains  below, 
it  acquired  a high  velocity  due  to  the  difference  of  level, 
probably  as  much  as  fifteen  or  even  twenty  feet,  and  rap- 
idly cut  out  a new  channel,  deepest  where  the  velocity 
was  greatest.  As  Confucius  might  have  said,  it  is  the 
nature  of  water  to  flow  in  devious  lines,  and  also  to  run 
down-hill,  and  hence,  once  outside  of  the  great  embank- 
ment, on  a plain  sloping  gently  down  to  sea-level,  it  was 
impossible  for  it  to  turn  back  into  its  old  bed  till  after 
the  flood  had  subsided  ; on  the  contrary,  all  that  had  got 
outside  was  forced  to  flow  onward,  and  in  doing  so  to 
find  the  line  of  steepest  declivity  open  to  it.  As  might 
naturally  have  been  supposed,  in  doing  this  it  also  found 
the  shortest  line  from  the  breach  to  sea-level,  which 
chanced  to  be  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ta-Ching-ho,  on  the 
Gulf  of  Pechili,  two  hundred  and  forty  miles  north  by 
west  in  a right  line  from  the  old  mouth,  and  six  hundred 
miles  by  the  coast-line. 

The  distance  by  the  new  course  of  the  river  to  the 
sea  is  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  while  by  the 
old  bed  it  is  about  three  hundred  miles.  It  is  also  ob- 
vious that  the  water  pouring  out  through  the  breach, 
found  the  deepest  natural  depression  in  the  surface  cov- 


252 


CHINA. 


ered  by  it,  and  this  depression,  also  having  a steeper  de- 
cline toward  the  river,  induced  a more  rapid  current  not 
only  throughout  its  course,  but  also  in  that  part  of  the 
old  river  just  above  and  next  to  the  breach,  and  conse- 
quently eroded  that  part  of  its  bed  to  a greater  depth 
than  it  had  ever  had  before.  When  the  water  subsided 
to  its  low- water  stage,  its  surface  was  found  to  be  lower 
than  the  bottom  of  the  old  bed  below  or  cast  of  the 
breach.  After  that  it  was  obviously  impossible  for  it  to 
resume  its  old  channel. 

The  river  at  the  breach  is  wider  and  more  filled  with 
sand-bars  than  anywhere  else  we  saw  it.  It  was  a misty, 
dusty  morning  the  day  we  were  there,  and  hence  we  could 
neither  see  across  nor  measure  it,  but  an  intelligent  citi- 
zen told  us  that  the  old  embankment  had  been  carried 
away  for  a distance  of  16,960  Chinese  feet,  or  about  three 
and  a half  miles,  English.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
water  could  be  easily  concentrated  into  one  channel,  or 
that  such  concentration  would  so  deepen  it  as  to  make 
good  navigation  for  light-draught  steamers  of  the  class 
used  on  the  Western  rivers  of  the  United  States.  Indeed, 
the  Yellow  River  is  very  much  such  a stream  as  our  upper 
Missouri,  only  not  generally  so  wide,  and  perhaps  not 
carrying  so  large  a volume  of  water  to  the  sea.  Its  water 
has  about  the  same  color,  and  it  seems  to  hold  for  the 
same  velocities  about  the  same  amount  of  sediment,  but 
the  sediment  is  more  muddy  or  less  sandy  than  that  of 
the  Missouri. 

Our  measurements  showed  the  river  to  be  only  983  feet 
at  Shih-li-pu,  1,656  feet  at  Yu-shan,  and  1,092  at  Chi-ho, 
or  counting  the  measurement  at  Kai-fung-fu,  an  average 
of  say  1,400  feet,  or  466  yards.  It  should  also  be  men- 
tioned that  for  six  or  eight  miles  from  Lung-mun-Kou, 
and,  indeed,  nearly  all  the  way  back  to  Kai-fung-fu,  or 
about  thirty  miles,  there  is  a marked  tendency,  not  ob- 


NEGLECT  OF  TEE  EMBANKMENTS. 


253 


served  by  us  anywhere  else  in  the  delta  plains,  for  the  dust 
or  fine  sand  to  gather  into  sand-dunes,  those  next  to  the 
city  reaching  almost  to  the  top  of  the  city  walls,  or  from 
twenty-five  to  thirty  feet  high.  There  was  no  reason  which 
we  could  discover  why  this  tendency  should  show  itself 
here  rather  than  at  other  places,  but  the  fact  is  as  stated. 
It  is  also  barely  possible  that  the  soil  in  this  particular 
region  is  somewhat  more  arenaceous  than  elsewhere,  and 
that  the  embankments  built  out  of  it  are  not  quite  so  solid 
as  they  are  on  other  sections  of  the  river ; but  we  could 
not  discern  that  the  soil  actually  used  was  in  any  way  dif- 
ferent from  that  used  above  or  below,  nor  do  I believe 
that  such  was  the  case. 

After  careful  consideration  of  all  the  facts  observed 
there  and  elsewhere,  and  especially  the  lack  of  intelligent 
and  responsible  supervision  of  the  embankments,  the 
neglect  of  all  ordinary  precautions  for  their  maintenance, 
the  reckless  manner  in  which  they  are  cut  through  by 
roads,  the  persistency  with  which  they  are  cultivated, 
and  with  which  every  vestige  of  grass  and  herbage  and 
osier-twig  is  raked  and  cut  from  their  top  and  slopes, 
there  is  no  need  to  look  further  for  an  explanation  of  the 
great  breach  of  Lung-mun-Kou,  or  of  those  which  have 
occurred  at  other  points  year  after  year,  both  before  and 
since  the  river  changed  its  course  to  the  sea. 

A great  deal  of  excellent  embankment  has  been 
built,  and  also  much  which  is  badly  located  and  in  bad 
condition ; but  with  a watchful  supervision  and  honest 
administration  under  one  responsible  head,  together  with 
the  construction  of  such  new  embankment  and  such  ad- 
ditions to  the  old,  as  any  fairly  intelligent  man  could 
point  out  as  being  necessary,  it  is  quite  certain  that  com- 
parative immunity  from  devastating  fioods  could  be  ob- 
tained at  least  till  the  whole  question  of  regulation  and 
control  could  be  studied  from  data  obtained  by  careful 


254 


CHINA. 


surveys  and  a general  system  devised  in  compliance  with 
the  requirements  of  the  vast  interests  involved,  and  in 
harmony  with  the  principles  of  modern  engineering. 

It  may  be  safely  said  of  a river  embankment,  as  of  a 
chain,  that  it  is  no  stronger  than  its  weakest  link,  and 
hence  special  and  immediate  attention  should  be  directed 
to  the  discovery  of  all  such  points,  and  to  the  application 
of  the  necessary  remedy.  It  is  a truism  which  none  will 
dispute,  in  this  case  at  least,  that  an  ounce  of  prevention 
is  worth  many  pounds  of  cure.  But  whether  this  ounce 
of  prevention  will  be  applied,  or  the  great  river,  which  is 
so  appropriately  called  “ China’s  Sorrow,”  be  allowed  to 
break  its  embankments  through  criminal  neglect  or  offi- 
cial incompetence  and  peculation,  and  sweep  oil  hundreds 
and  even  thousands  of  lives  hereafter,  as  it  has  done  so 
frequently  in  the  past,  it  is,  of  course,  impossible  to  tell. 
There  are  some  indications  that  the  Board  of  Public 
Works  and  various  officials  of  importance  in  Peking  are 
giving  the  question  careful  consideration.  Acting  on  a 
petition  from  a member  of  the  Board  of  Sacrificial  Wor- 
ship, the  Government  has  recently  detailed  a general,  who 
has  distinguished  himself  by  compelling  his  idle  soldiers 
to  clean  out  the  filthy  moats  of  Peking,  to  make  a com- 
plete inspection  and  report  of  the  river  and  its  embank- 
ments. It  is  understood  that  this  officer  protests  most 
earnestly  against  the  order,  and  declares,  perhajis  truth- 
fully enough,  that  he  knows  absolutely  nothing  in  regard 
to  river-works  or  any  other  kind  of  engineering.  The 
probabilities  are  that  he  is  perfectly  honest  in  this,  though 
it  is  also  possible  that  his  merit  may  be  even  greater  than 
his  modesty.  Be  this  as  it  may,  this  is  a move  in  the  right 
direetion,  since  it  sends  one  man  to  take  a comprehensive 
view  of  the  whole  situation,  the  result  of  which  must  be 
in  some  degree  better  than  what  has  gone  before.* 


* See  note,  p.  244. 


TEE  YELLOW  ELVER  GAN  BE  BRIDGED.  255 


At  the  time  of  my  visit  to  the  river,  which  was  during 
the  season  of  the  lowest  water,  instead  of  finding  it  spread 
out  over  the  plains,  and  having  no  well-defined  bed  be- 
tween Lung-mun-Kou  and  Yu-shan,  as  was  reported  to  be 
the  case  by  Mr.  Ney  Elias,  and  as  has  been  shown  for 
many  years  on  all  the  principal  maps,  I found  that  it 
had  gradually  made  for  itself  a new  channel  with  shores 
from  five  to  ten  feet  in  height,  and  that  it  was  otherAvise 
assuming  the  characteristics  throughout  that  portion  of 
its  course  which  it  has  above  and  below. 

I have  not  seen  the  river  during  flood,  but  can  well 
imagine  that  it  appears  altogether  different  at  such  times, 
and  yet  I do  not  doubt  that  it  can  be  bridged  and  crossed 
by  a railroad  at  almost  any  point,  or  that  the  railroad  can 
be  maintained  without  any  extraordinary  trouble  or  ex- 
pense. There  are  several  places  where  natural  abutments 
may  be  had,  and  which  are  otherwise  favorable  for  bridg- 
ing, and  also’  for  obtaining  an  abundant  supply  of  stone 
for  riprapping  or  paving  the  approaches,  so  as  to  protect 
them  from  the  action  of  the  water. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


Visit  to  the  city  of  Kai-fung-fu — The  immense  number  of  wheelbarrows 
on  the  road — The  curiosity  of  the  citizens — Difficulty  of  securing  an 
inn — Inn-yard  invaded  by  the  mob— Visit  of  the  officials  from  the 
yamen — Mob  finally  driven  out — Respectable  merchant  compelled  to 
crawl  out  under  the  gate — Call  of  two  young  ofBcials  from  the  gov- 
ernor’s yamen — Tung-ming  district — Approach  to  the  Shantung  hills 
— Cross  the  Grand  Canal  at  Chi-ning-Chou — Visit  to  Chii-fu,  the 
home  and  burial-place  of  Confucius — The  “ Ever-Sacred  Duke  ” and 
his  descendants — The  Grand  Pavilion  and  grounds — The  avenue — 
The  Confucian  cemetery — The  tomb  of  the  sage — Burning  of  the 
Confucian  residence — Singular  superstition  in  regard  to  it — Visit 
to  Taishan,  the  sacred  mountain  of  China — Ascent  of  the  mount- 
ain— Beautiful  scenery  — Temples  and  shiunes  — Return  to  the 
Grand  Canal  and  journey  to  Chi-nan-fu — American  Presbyterian 
mission — But  few  Christian  converts — Superiority  of  technical  in- 
struction— Influence  of  war,  commerce,  and  the  missionaries — The 
city  of  Chi-nan-fu — The  Yellow  River  again — Navigable  from  Chi- 
nan-fu  to  the  sea — Chinese  are  ignorant  of  science  in  the  work  of 
controlling  the  floods — Journey  back  to  Tientsin — Old  embankments 
— The  country — Mission  at  Pang-Chia-Chwang — Case  of  first  convert 
— Chinese  New-Year — Ancestral  worship — New-Year’s  dinner — Lost 
in  a dust-storm — Dreariness  of  the  Great  Plain — Not  over-populated 
— Condition  of  the  people — The  Yellow  River  can  be  crossed  by 
railroads — Return  to  Peking — Received  by  the  Tsung-li  Yamen. 


OcR  visit  to  Kai-fung-fu  was  the  first  one  made  by 
foreigners  for  many  years ; as  a consequence,  we  attracted 
great  attention  — far  too  much,  in  fact,  for  our  own 
comfort.  The  city  covers  a large  area,  is  surrounded  by 
the  usual  high  brick  wall  surmounted  by  a crenelated 


VISIT  TO  EAI-FUNG-FU. 


257 


parapet,  and  furnished  with  buttresses,  turrets,  ponder- 
ous gates,  moats,  and  all  the  appliances  of  the  Chinese 
middle  ages.  It  also  has  a thirteen -storied  pagoda,  built 
of  brown  brick,  and  presents  a grand  but  somewhat  bar- 
baric appearance  from  a distance.  On  a closer  approach, 
it  is  seen  to  be,  like  other  interior  Chinese  cities,  dirty, 
dilapidated,  and  decaying,  and  yet  it  is,  perhaps  justly, 
regarded  as  a place  of  great  importance.  It  contains  a 
population  estimated  at  five  hundred  thousand  souls,  and 
is  the  capital  of  the  province  of  Honan,  which  is  noted  for 
the  roughness  of  its  people  and  its  hostility  to  everything 
foreign. 

As  we  approached  it  we  were  struck  by  the  immense 
number  of  wheelbarrows  we  passed  on  the  road  carrying 
coal  from  the  river.  Each  one  of  these  curious  vehicles 
was  drawn  by  a donkey  and  pushed  by  a man,  who  held 
the  handles  and  balanced  the  barrow  and  its  load  of  three 
or  four  hundred  pounds  by  means  of  a strap  passing  over 
his  shoulders.  We  must  have  seen  over  a thousand,  and 
all  were  screeching  like  a high-pressure  steam  gauge-cock. 
It  is  said  that  no  barrow-man  will  have  or  use  one  of  this 
particular  class  unless  it  screeches,  and  the  more  unearthly 
the  sound  the  better  it  is  liked,  as  it  is  supposed  to  be 
good  fung-shuy. 

We  entered  the  main  gate  on  the  north  side  at  noon 
of  January  8,  1886,  but  were  promptly  stopped  at  the 
custom-  or  guard-house,  just  inside  the  wall.  Our  man- 
darin, however,  dismounted,  and,  after  making  the  proper 
explanation  and  exhibiting  our  Chinese  passports,  during 
which  a crowd  began  to  gather  and  gaze  at  us,  we  were 
permitted  to  pass  on. 

Our  route  at  first  lay  through  a rather  thinly  settled 
suburb,  if  any  part  of  a city  within  the  walls  can  be  called 
a suburb,  but  soon  led  us  into  one  of  the  principal  streets, 
straight  and  broad,  through  which  we  made  our  way. 


258 


CHINA. 


somewhat  after  the  manner  of  the  grand  entry  of  a circus 
into  an  American  town.  Our  mandarin,  wearing  his  of- 
ficial hat,  and  accompanied  by  the  interpreter,  rode  ahead, 
followed  by  Mr.  Nichols  and  myself  abreast.  Behind  us 
came  Ilsieh-S’z  (Aleck)  and  two  mounted  mafoos,  and  then 
the  six  carts  well  closed  up;  but  no  circus  ever  had  a larger 
or  more  curious  airdieuce  than  we  soon  had.  How  the 
news  spread  it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  spread  it  certainly 
did,  for  in  an  incredibly  short  time  we  had  hundreds  of 
men  and  boys  in  our  train,  and  the  shop-fronts,  sidewalks, 
and  door-steps  were  crowded  by  people  staring  at  us  as  we 
passed.  In  this  manner  we  threaded  our  way  for  over  a 
mile,  when  we  came  to  an  inn,  Avhich  we  turned  into ; 
but  the  landlord,  seeing  the  crowd  following  us,  and  per- 
haps fearing  annoyance,  at  once  told  our  mandarin  that 
his  house  was  full,  and  he  could  not  accommodate  us. 
Solicitation  was  in  vain,  and  there  was  nothing  left  for 
us  but  to  go  farthei’.  At  the  next  inn,  which  was  only 
a short  distance  beyond,  we  received  the  same  answer ; 
but  we  resolved  to  stay  in  the  court-yard  till  our  people 
had  found  an  inn  for  us,  and  this  we  did,  the  center  of 
a gaping  but  respectful  crowd.  Men  and  boys  closed  in 
around  our  horses  and  gazed  at  our  boots,  trousers,  coats, 
and  caps,  our  gloves,  whips,  and  saddles,  one  after  the 
other,  but  all  in  silent  admiration,  which  we  submitted 
to  with  pretty  nearly  as  much  interest  as  our  visitors. 

In  the  course  of  ten  minutes,  our  “Number  One” 
mafoo  returned  with  the  gratifying  intelligence  that  Li 
(the  interpreter)  had  found  an  inn  which  was  at  our  dis- 
posal. We  therefore  resumed  our  procession  through  the 
street,  and  after  a short  time  entered  a cross-street,  where, 
within  a square,  we  found  our  quarters ; and,  turning 
hastily  into  them,  had  the  gates  closed  in  the  hope  that 
we  should  thus  get  rid  of  the  crowd.  In  this  we  were 
partly  successful  at  first,  but,  as  it  was  necessary  to  open 


CURIOSITY  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 


259 


the  gates  for  the  carts,  the  crowd,  which  had  now  gath- 
ered in  strength,  rushed  in,  and  before  the  carts  could  he 
unloaded  the  outer  court-yard  was  tilled  to  overflowing. 
Li  and  the  servants  made  an  effort  to  expel  the  intruders, 
and  succeeded  in  doing  so  and  closing  the  gates ; but 
shortly  afterward  the  carters  opened  the  gates  again  to 
turn  the  mules  into  the  street  for  water  and  to  roll,  and 
as  the  mules  returned  the  crowd  came  in  with  them. 
Seeing  the  futility  of  trying  to  keep  them  out  of  the  outer 
court,  the  servants  retreated  to  the  door  of  the  inner 
court,  and  made  a determined  effort  to  hold  it.  In  this 
they  were  successful  for  a half-hour.  Meanwhile  we  had 
sent  Wang-Fuyeh  with  our  passports  to  the  governor- 
general’s  yamen,  with  instructions  to  say  that,  if  agree- 
able to  him,  we  should  call  and  pay  our  respects,  and,  so 
far  as  might  be  necessary,  explain  the  object  of  our  travel- 
ing in  that  part  of  Honan. 

We  had  already  been  informed  by  a young  mandarin 
connected  with  the  yamen,  who  had  crossed  the  river  with 
us,  that  the  governor-general  was  only  temporarily  hold- 
ing the  office,  that  he  was  not  well,  and  that  a new  gov- 
ernor-general was  expected  soon ; hence  we  anticipated 
that  it  might  not  be  convenient  for  him  to  receive  us,  and 
instructed  Wang-Fuyeh  to  say,  in  that  case,  that  we  were 
examining  the  Yellow  River  and  its  embankments,  and 
would  like  to  have  a safeguard  through  Honan  into  the 
province  of  Shantung,  together  with  a detachment  of 
policemen  or  soldiers  to  protect  our  inn  and  relieve  us  of 
the  unwelcome  attentions  of  the  crowd  of  men  and  boys 
who  were  gathering  there. 

During  the  absence  of  our  messenger  they  continued 
to  collect  in  the  outer  court,  which  was  now  densely 
packed,  and  to  press  upon  the  inner  gateway.  Finally, 
through  the  persistency  and  activity  of  the  boys  in  front, 
and  of  the  pressure  of  the  men  behind,  and  perhajis  also 


260 


CHINA. 


through  the  relaxed  vigilance  of  our  servants,  they  suc- 
ceeded in  unhinging  the  gate  and  gained  admission  into 
the  inner  court,  around  the  farther  end  of  which  our- 
selves and  servants  had  been  assigned  to  rooms.  The 
first  thing  which  attracted  their  attention,  and  seemed  in 
some  degree  to  satisfy  their  curiosity,  was  “ Ferguson,” 
our  big  Chinese  cook,  with  his  charcoal-fire  and  his  pots 
and  pans,  preparing  dinner.  This  was  evidently  a rare 
treat  to  them,  and  enabled  our  men  to  hold  them  in 
check  opposite  the  kitchen-door,  about  twelve  feet  from 
our  own,  for  perhaps  twenty  minutes  ; but  during  this 
time  the  pressure  from  behind  increased,  and  the  inner 
court-yard,  which  was  only  thirty-six  feet  long  by  twelve 
wide,  became  crowded  to  suffocation.  Li,  Hsieh-S’z 
(Aleck),  and  the  three  “boys,” aided  at  times  by  Fergu- 
son, screamed  themselves  hoarse  and  exhausted  all  their 
strength  in  their  efforts  to  exj>el  the  intruders  without 
doing  them  bodily  harm.  Our  visitors  had  but  little  to 
say,  but  with  wide-open  eyes  and  gaping  mouths  they 
pressed  each  other  steadily  forward,  recoiling  whenever 
the  servants  made  a threatening  rush  at  them,  and  then, 
as  the  servants  retreated,  edging  a little  farther  into  the 
open  space  just  outside  of  our  door,  which  was  closed  and 
covered  by  a cotton-cloth  portiere.  At  this  juncture  one 
of  the  servants,  seeing  that  they  would  reach  the  door  and 
break  their  way  in  unless  they  were  turned  away,  came 
inside  and  said  that  the  crowd,  who  had  never  seen  a for- 
eigner before,  simply  wanted  to  look  at  us,  and  that  if  we 
would  go  outside  and  show  ourselves,  perhaps  they  would 
scatter  and  go  home ; whereupon  we  walked  out  among 
them,  and,  after  standing  a minute  or  two  to  be  gazed  at, 
went  forward,  and  by  motions  and  gesticulations,  aided 
by  the  servants,  cleared  the  inner  court-yard  and  half  the 
outer  one.  There  is  no  doubt  that  we  should  have  got 
them  entirely  outside,  but,  just  as  Mr.  Nichols  had  pressed 


CURIOSITY  OF  TEE  PEOPLE. 


261 


his  way  through  to  the  street,  Wang-Fuyeh  returned  from 
the  yamen,  and  we  both  went  back  with  him  to  our 
room  to  hear  his  report.  The  servants,  seeing  that  we 
had  gone  in,  gave  up  the  struggle,  and  the  crowd  surged 
in  after  them. 

The  governor-general  received  our  messenger  very 
politely,  but  said  it  would  not  be  necessary  for  us  to  call, 
unless  we  had  something  important  to  communicate,  and 
he  would  not  call  on  us  because  he  had  sore  eyes,  but 
would  send  one  of  his  mandarins  to  give  us  such  assist- 
ance as  we  might  require.  He  also  said  he  would  send  a 
guard  at  once.  Wang-Fuyeh  had  scarcely  finished  his 
report,  when  a mandarin,  wearing  the  crystal  button  and 
peacock’s  feather,  and  clad  in  silk  and  furs,  made  his 
appearance,  accompanied  by  his  chairmen  and  retainers, 
bearing  high  umbrellas  and  spears,  and  wearing  official 
hats,  and  all  this  state  was  to  bring  the  governor-general’s 
return  cards.  After  leaving  them  he  departed  hastily, 
and  the  multitude  lost  no  time  in  pressing  into  the  inner 
court  and  up  to  our  door  again.  We  gathered  our  serv- 
ants once  more  and  drove  the  crowd  back,  nearly  to  the 
street,  when  we  were  again  stopped  in  the  full  tide  of 
victory  by  the  coming  of  a still  more  stately  mandarin, 
with  banners  and  umbrellas,  and  a larger  and  more  sho’^'y 
retinue.  It  would  not  comport  with  Chinese  etiquette  to 
be  caught  out  of  our  quarters  or  engaged  in  such  an  oc- 
cupation by  a distinguished  visitor,  so  we  returned  to  our 
room  and  received  him  with  all  the  state  we  could  assume. 
On  entering  he  bowed  and  saluted  us  politely,  in  the 
usual  Chinese  way,  by  clasping  his  hands  and  raising 
them  to  his  face,  and  we  returned  his  greeting  in  the 
same  manner,  after  which  we  showed  him  to  a seat,  and 
a short  conversation  followed.  He  told  us  he  had  been 
sent  by  the  governor-general,  to  ask  us  what  assistance 
we  required.  Being  a bright  and  intelligent  man,  he  took 


262 


CHINA. 


in  the  situation  at  once,  apologized  for  the  roughness  of 
the  peoj)le  of  Kai-fung-fu,  and  said  he  would  explain  to 
them  that  we  meant  them  no  harm,  but  had  come  on  a 
friendly  mission.  He  intimated,  perhaps  by  direction  of 
the  governor-general,  that  as  soon  as  we  were  rested  and 
had  got  such  supplies  as  we  desired,  we  had  better  resume 
our  journey.  Before  taking  his  leave  he  directed  one  of 
his  own  attendants  to  remain  with  us,  and  said  he  would 
send  a guard  without  delay  to  drive  out  our  unwelcome 
visitors  and  keep  order.  The  single  man  left  with  us  did 
his  level  best  to  hold  the  inner  gate  against  the  increas- 
ing pressure  from  without,  but  he  was  overpowered  and 
pressed  back  like  the  rest,  and  finally  folded  his  hands  in 
despair.  Our  servants  still  stood  their  ground  as  best 
they  could,  but  were  at  last  pressed  hack  against  our 
door.  It  was  now  nearly  half-past  five,  and  no  policemen 
had  yet  made  their  api'jearance. 

The  most  venturesome  of  the  crowd  had  gained  our 
windows,  and  begun  poking  holes  through  the  paper  panes 
for  the  purpose  of  looking  in,  and  thereupon,  having  lost 
all  patience,  we  sallied  out  for  the  last  time,  and  went 
for  the  “heathen  Chinee  ” in  a way  they  were  not  slow  to 
understand.  Our  servants  and  carters  came  to  our  assist- 
ance manfully,  and  even  the  solitary  policeman  plucked 
up  courage  to  pitch  in.  By  dint  of  pushing,  yelling,  and 
gesticulating,  aided  perhaps  by  fear  on  the  part  of  the 
crowd,  we  gradually  pushed  those  in  front  back  upon 
those  in  the  rear  so  vigorously  that,  in  the  course  of  ten 
minutes,  we  had  got  the  court-yards  nearly  clear.  In  the 
midst  of  our  most  vigoroiis  onset,  we  found  ourselves  sud- 
denly re-enforced  by  a detachment  of  six  or  eight  police- 
men, with  the  chief  of  police  at  their  head,  and  this  re- 
enforcement was  less  gentle  in  its  treatment  of  the  in- 
truders than  we  had  been  ; but  it  was  quite  noticeable 
that  there  was  no  clubbing,  as  would  have  been  the  case 


CURIOSITY  OF  TEE  PEOPLE. 


263 


with  an  American  mob  that  would  not  “move  on.”  In 
a few  minutes  afterward  we  had  the  court-j'ard  cleared 
and  the  gates  barred ; but  the  crowd  still  remained  in 
the  street  and  made  one  or  two  efforts  to  regain  its  lost 
ground,  but  in  vain.  In  this  bloodless  contest  men  lost 
their  hats  and  shoes,  and  the  boys  were  knocked  over  and 
trampled  upon.  Several  of  them  cried  most  lustily,  and 
there  was  a babel  of  yelling  and  shouting,  as  is  generally 
the  case  with  a Chinese  crowd,  but,  so  far  as  we  could 
make  out,  nobody  was  angry,  or  inspired  by  any  other 
motive  than  that  of  gratifying  an  insatiable  and  ravenous 
curiosity. 

There  seemed  to  be  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men  in 
the  crowd.  Many  of  them  were  well-dressed  and  intelli- 
gent in  appearance,  and  all  appeared  to  be  good-natured 
and  amiable.  The  last  out  was  evidently  a respectable 
merchant  or  shopkeeper,  wearing  his  best  hat  and  new 
silk  gown  ; but  when  he  got  to  the  gate  it  was  closed  and 
barred,  so  the  chief  of  police,  instead  of  opening  it,  made 
him  get  down  into  the  dust  and  crawl  under  it,  much  to 
his  disgust,  but  to  the  great  delight  of  the  crowd  outside. 

It  was  now  about  six  o’clock,  and  quiet  and  order 
reigned  at  last  in  our  court-yard.  The  chief  of  police 
and  his  men  fraternized  at  once  with  our  attendants, 
and  assured  us  we  should  have  no  more  unbidden  visitors. 
Later  in  the  evening,  after  we  had  received  cards  and  a 
friendly  message  from  the  local  prefect  or  magistrate,  and 
all  the  members  of  our  guard  had  duly  inspected  us  and 
our  belongings  while  at  dinner,  two  sub-officials  were 
brought  in,  bearing  with  them  the  paper-seals,  half  as  big 
as  an  ordinary  newspaper,  which  they  said  they  were  going 
to  paste  on  our  outer  gates,  as  a sure  protection  from  all 
further  annoyance.  These  two  young  men  were  very 
nicely  dressed,  and  seemed  to  be  quite  civil  and  obliging, 
but,  like  the  rest,  they  lingered  as  long  as  possible,  evi- 


26i 


CHIXA. 


dently  for  the  purpose  of  gratifying  their  own  curiosity. 
We  finally  got  rid  of  them  hy  giving  them  all  the  lumps 
of  cut-loaf  sugar  we  had  left  on  our  dinner-table.  We 
had  a quiet  night,  hut  not  caring  to  repeat  the  experi- 
ences we  had  gone  through,  and  fearing  that  the  indis- 
cretion of  a servant  might  turn  the  current  of  curiosity 
into  one  of  anger,  and  thus  lead  to  a real  mob,  we  left  at 
daylight  the  next  morning,  with  the  chief  of  police  as 
our  guide,  before  the  crowd  had  time  to  gather  again. 
It  “would  have  been  impossible  for  us  to  go  in  or  out  of 
our  inn,  or  for  shopkeepers  and  curio-dealers  to  bring 
their  wares  to  us ; and  as  we  had  received  all  the  help, 
and  got  all  the  information  we  wanted  from  the  yamen, 
we  thought  it  best  to  resume  our  journey. 

From  Kai-fung-fu  we  traveled  eastward  to  Lung-mun- 
Kou,  where  the  Yellow  Elver  changed  its  course  in  1853- 
’54,  and,  after  inspecting  that  place  and  making  such 
measurements  and  observations  as  the  means  at  our  dis- 
posal would  permit,  w^e  turned  northeastward  along  the 
general  course  of  the  river  to  Tnng-ming,  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  province  of  Chihli,  where  a disastrous  breach 
occurred  in  the  embankment  last  summer. 

We  had  no  adventures  on  the  way  worthy  of  record, 
unless  we  except  the  fact  that  we  came  near  being  swal- 
lowed up  in  the  quicksand,  or  rather  the  “quick  mud” 
(for  there  is  no  sand  in  this  part  of  the  Yellow  Eiver),  as 
we  were  leveling  up  from  the  water’s  edge  to  the  bottom 
of  the  old  bed  of  the  river.  I broke  through  the  frozen 
crust  of  an  exceedingly  soft  place  and  went  down  “by 
the  run,”  but,  having  had  some  experience  in  that  sort 
of  thing  before,  struggled  on  to  hard  ground  without 
assistance,  and  indeed  without  my  danger  having  been 
discovered  until  it  was  all  over. 

The  breach  at  Tung-ming  had  been  thoroughly  re- 
paired by  the  construction  of  a new  and  very  strong  em- 


A LAWLESS  REGION. 


265 


bankment,  revetted  with  bundles  of  millet-stalks  laid  butt- 
ends  outward,  and  bound  into  the  earth  hy  ropes  fastened 
to  cross-timbers  resting  against  the  face  of  the  revetment. 
This  region  was  further  protected  by  the  construction  of 
a new  embankment  a mile  or  so  from  the  river.  It  was 
noticeable  not  only  because  it  was  of  full  section  and  good 
alignment,  but  particularly  because  it  was  finished  with 
the  only  properly  planned  road-crossing  we  saw  in  all  our 
travels.  The  country  in  this  region  was  said  to  have 
been  infested  by  robbers,  and  one  of  our  attendants  told 
us  that  three  had  been  captured,  at  or  near  Tung-ming- 
Chi,  and  executed,  and  that  he  had  seen  the  head  of  one 
of  them  in  a cage,  hanging  on  a tree,  outside  the  town. 
We  saw  nothing  of  the  kind,  and,  in  fact,  nothing  which 
indicated  the  presence  of  robbers,  except  two  men,  one 
mounted  and  the  other  on  foot,  both  armed,  and  running 
rapidly  as  far  as  we  could  see  them.  Our  mandarin  as- 
sured us  that  they  were  highwaymen  ; and,  since  return- 
ing to  Tientsin,  we  have  been  informed  that  the  region 
in  question  (Tsou-Chou)  is  one  of  the  most  lawless  in 
China,  and  that  soldiers  are  quartered  at  various  points 
in  it  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing  the  robbers  and 
maintaining  order. 

Turning  almost  directly  east  toward  the  Grand  Canal, 
we  found  both  roads  and  inns  fairly  good  ; but  the  coun- 
try presented  the  same  unbroken  dead  level,  the  same 
mud-built  villages,  the  same  endless  succession  of  plowed 
and  fallow  fields,  broken  here  and  there  by  scattered 
graves  or  by  a family  burying-ground,  surrounded  by  a 
gi-ove  of  yew  or  cypress  trees,  till  we  caught  sight  of  the 
higher  peaks  of  the  western  hills  of  Shantung  looming  up 
on  the  horizon  like  an  island  seen  from  the  deck  of  a ship. 

Our  course  toward  them  resembled  the  track  of  a ship 
beating  against  a head-wind  ; and  what  made  the  simili- 
tude still  greater  was  that  new  islands  were  seen  far  away 
12 


266 


CHINA. 


to  the  south,  and  afterward  the  faint  outline  of  a distant 
coast  rising  on  the  horizon  showed  itself  as  we  continued 
our  western  course.  The  first  hill,  or  island — for  it  was 
as  much  an  island  as  if  it  had  been  surrounded  by  water 
instead  of  by  plain — which  we  came  to  was  a bald,  barren 
mass  of  stratified  limestone  two  or  three  hundred  feet 
high,  and  covered  on  the  western  side  by  a village  built 
of  stone,  surrounded  by  a weather-beaten  stone  wall,  with 
a crenelated  parapet  on  top. 

The  wall  ran  straight  up  the  hill-side  and  along  its 
summit,  and  there  was  something  about  both  wall  and 
village  which  clearly  betokened  that  some  time  in  the 
lapse  of  ages  past  they  had  seen  better  days.  The  scene 
was  not  only  picturesque,  but  in  such  noticeable  contrast 
with  the  dead  level  of  the  plains  we  had  been  traveling 
over  for  so  long,  that  we  unpacked  the  camera  and  took 
two  photographs  of  it.  Farther  on,  the  ‘‘coast-line” 
receded  before  us,  and,  sweeping  around  to  the  south- 
ward and  westward,  to  another  hill  abreast  of  the  first 
one,  also  surmounted  by  a village  and  castellated  ruins, 
appeared  to  inclose  a beautiful  landlocked  bay. 

We  continued  our  march  along  the  foot  of  the  hills  to 
our  left,  skirting  the  shore,  as  it  were,  and  admiring  the 
beautiful  scene  in  the  bright  sunlight,  but  in  two  or  three 
hours  the  distant  coast-line  had  resolved  itself  into  a 
series  of  detached  hills,  rising  sharply  up  from  the  level 
of  the  plain.  Threading  our  way  through  them,  we 
reached  the  Grand  Canal  beyond  them  at  about  two 
o’clock,  and  by  four  had  reached  Chi-ning-Chou,  a city 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  inhabitants.  Like  all 
the  others,  it  is  surrounded  by  a brick  wall  of  great  height 
and  thickness,  surmounted  by  a crenelated  parapet,  and 
furnished  with  sally-ports,  gates,  buttresses,  and  turrets, 
but  all  fast  going  to  decay. 

A withering  blight  seems  to  have  stricken  them  as 


THE  HOME  OF  COMFUCIUS. 


267 


well  as  the  business  of  the  city  they  inclose.  This  city  is 
situated  on  the  Grand  Canal,  and  was  doubtless  once  the 
seat  of  a gi’eat  commerce,  which  has  decayed  as  the  canal 
has  become  more  and  more  difficult  to  nayigate.  There 
is  an  imperial  telegraph-station  here,  the  second  on  the 
line  south  of  Tientsin,  and  about  two  hundred  and  forty 
miles  from  the  first  one.  Halting  here  over  night,  and 
sending  telegrams  to  Tientsin  and  Shanghai  to  apprise 
our  friends  of  our  safety,  and  to  get  the  news,  we  pushed 
on  the  next  day  to  Yen-Chou,  and  the  day  after  to  Chii- 
fu,  the  home  of  the  Kung  family,  the  descendants  of  Con- 
fucius, the  “immortal  sage  and  philosopher”  of  China. 
On  our  arrival  we  selected  the  best  inn  we  could  find,  and 
made  preparations  to  remain  several  days. 

The  city  of  Chii-fu  is  the  seat  of  a district  magistracy, 
or  Imen,  and  is  situated  near  the  eastern  edge  of  the  Great 
Plain,  in  sight  of  the  hills.  Like  every  other  Chinese 
town  of  its  class,  it  is  surrounded  by  a high  brick  wall, 
furnished  with  a crenelated  parapet,  buttresses,  turrets, 
moats,  and  gates,  which  are  closed  every  night.  It  con- 
tains within  the  walls  the  ducal  residence  and  the  pavil- 
ions, temples,  and  tablets  sanctified  in  every  Chinaman’s 
eyes,  as  far  as  anything  can  be  sanctified,  by  their  associa- 
tion with  the  name  and  worship  of  Confucius,  their  great 
lawgiver  and  teacher. 

I sent  Wang-Fuyeh  immediately  after  our  arrival  to 
the  magistrate’s  yamen  with  our  cards,  and  the  informa- 
tion that  we  should  call  to  pay  our  respects  at  such  hour 
as  would  best  suit  his  convenience.  He  received  our 
messenger  with  great  politeness,  and  explained  that  he 
was  Just  starting  into  the  country  to  be  gone  till  night, 
but  would  on  his  return  communicate  further  with  us. 

Early  in  the  evening  he  sent  his  cards  to  us,  with  the 
information  that  he  would  be  glad  to  receive  us  at  any 
hour  the  next  day  which  would  best  suit  our  convenience. 


268 


CHINA. 


and  would  arrange  for  us  to  see  the  Confucian  temples, 
and  also,  if  possible,  for  an  interview  with  the  young 
Kung,  the  “Ever-Sacred  Duke”  of  the  Chinese,  and  the 
seventy-sixth  direct  lineal  male  descendant  of  the  sage. 
This,  of  course,  gives  him  an  authentic  genealogy  reachiug 
further  back  into  the  past  than  any  man  living,  and  makes 
_him  a great  curiosity  on  that  account,  if  nothing  more. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Confucius  was  born  551  years 
s^before  Christ.  Having  named  ten  o’clock  for  our  call 
upon  the  magistrate,  he  sent  a mounted  escort  to  conduct 
us  through  the  streets  to  the  yameu,  so  that  we  got  there 
at  the  appointed  time  without  delay  or  annoyance,  and 
were  received  at  once  with  every  mark  of  respect  and 
friendly  consideration.  We  found  the  prefect,  or  magis- 
trate, a special  friend  of  the  Viceroy  Li,  to  be  a mandarin 
of  the  crystal  button,  about  fifty  years  of  age.  He  was 
clad  in  black  silk  and  furs,  and  was  surrounded  by  his 
official  servants.  He  greeted  us  cordially,  after  the  usual 
Chinese  form,  and,  after  asking  our  ages  and  other  ques- 
tions, in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  Chinese  etiquette, 
he  sent  our  cards  to  the  “Ever-Sacred  Duke,”  with  the 
request  that  he  would  grant  us  an  audience. 

While  the  messenger  was  gone,  the  magistrate  informed 
us  that  the  present  Duke  was  a boy  only  fourteen  years 
old,  engaged  in  his  studies  under  the  tutorship  and  direc- 
tion of  his  uncle,  and  would  therefore  probably  decline  to 
grant  us  an  audience.  During  the  absence  of  the  mes- 
senger, who  was  gone  about  an  hour,  we  conversed  with 
the  magistrate  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  canal  and 
of  the  country  in  that  part  of  the  province.  We  were 
somewhat  surprised  to  learn  that  no  silk  is  grown,  and  no 
manufacturing  of  any  kind  carried  on  nearer  than  Chi-nan- 
fu.  The  people  devote  themselves  exclusively  to  agricul- 
ture, the  principal  articles  of  which  are  wheat  and  cotton. 

As  the  magistrate  had  intimated,  the  guardian  of  the 


TEE  ^'■EYER-SAGRED  DUKE." 


269 


young  Duke  sent  word  that  we  could  not  be  received  by 
his  ward ; but  that  the  temples  and  grounds  would  be 
opened  for  our  visit,  and  that  a member  of  the  family 
would  receive  and  conduct  us  through  them.  We  accord- 
ingly took  leave  of  the  magistrate,  and,  escorted  by  two 
of  his  subordinate  officers  and  a squad  of  mounted  and 
dismounted  soldiers,  we  rode  to  the  northwest  quarter  of 
the  city,  which  is  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  city  by  a 
high  brick  wall,  inclosing  the  Confucian  temples,  which 
occupy  the  site  of  the  sage’s  home,  academy,  well,  shade- 
trees,  and  favorite  walks.  We  entered  the  grounds 
through  a high  gateway,  and  walked  down  an  avenue  of 
fine  old  cypress,  fir,  and  yew  trees  to  the  official  recep- 
tion-room, into  which  a servant  showed  us,  and,  after 
serving  tea,  left  us  to  await  the  coming  of  the  Duke’s 
representative.  While  we  were  waiting,  a crowd  of  men 
and  boys,  who  had  entered  the  grounds  with  us,  pushed 
up  to  the  door  and  windows,  eager  to  see  the  foreigners. 
They  were  quiet  and  respectful ; but,  as  they  could  not  all 
look  through  the  door  at  one  time,  some  of  them  punched 
hbles  through  the  paper  window-panes,  without  reference 
to  the  fact  that  they  were  the  private  property  of  the 
“Ever-Sacred  Duke.”  One  big  boy  took  particular  de- 
light, as  is  the  custom  the  world  over,  in  twigging  the 
ears  and  queue  of  a smaller  boy  in  front,  and  in  otherwise 
annoying  him.  The  little  fellow  seemed  to  take  it  all  as 
a matter  of  course,  and  never  once  lost  his  temper,  though 
his  patience  was  sorely  tried. 

After  half  or  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  we  were  in- 
formed that  the  mandarin  had  come,  and  would  receive 
us  at  the  entrance  to  the  outer  pavilion  of  the  main  tem- 
ple, to  which  place  we  were  led  by  the  official  servants  of 
the  place,  and  followed  by  our  own  attendants.  Our 
path  was  through  a back  and  crooked  path  between  houses 
and  walls  for  three  or  four  hundred  feet ; but  it  brought 
13 


270 


CHINA. 


us  out  in  front  of  a large  pavilion,  under  which  we  were 
received  by  a mandarin  of  great  dignity,  elegantly  dressed, 
and  wearing  on  his  official  hat  a blue  or  amethyst  button 
and  peacock’s  feather.  We  at  first  supposed  him  to  be 
the  uncle  and  guardian  of  the  young  Duke,  but  afterward 
learned  that  he  was  a more  distant  relative,  having  charge 
of  the  temple,  cemetery,  and  grounds.  lie  received  us 
with  urbanity  and  dignity,  saluting  us  in  the  usual  Clii- 
nese  fashion,  and  showing  us  to  seats  near  a table  on  which 
tea  was  served  at  once.  After  a short  conversation,  during 
which  he  told  us  we  were  at  liberty  to  take  photographs  of 
whatever  we  pleased,  he  escorted  us  through  the  grounds 
to  the  Grand  Pavilion,  in  which  is  an  effigy  of  Confucius 
seated  on  a throne,  raised  four  or  five  feet  above  the  floor, 
and  draped  with  beautifully  embroidered  lambrequins  and 
curtains  of  yellov/  satin.  A tablet  surmounts  the  throne 
inscribed  with  Chinese  characters,  which  are  translated, 
“ The  most  prescient  sage,  Confucius,  his  spirit’s  resting- 
place.”  In  front  of  the  throne  are  two  tables,  on  which 
are  placed  several  copper  vases  of  elegant  design,  enameled 
with  blue  and  green  figures  on  a yellow  ground,  and  also 
several  bronze  tripods,  urns,  and  sacrificial  vases,  said  to  be 
very  old,  some  of  them,  it  is  alleged,  dating  from  eleven 
hundred  to  twenty-three  hundred  years  before  Christ ; but 
their  appearance  does  not  indicate  any  such  antiquity. 

The  hall  contains  statues  of  the  son  and  grandson  of 
Confucius,  besides  those  of  Mencius,  with  his  principal 
disciples,  and  of  twelve  other  worthies  distinguished  in 
Chinese  story.  They  are  arranged  around  the  wall  and 
across  the  ends  of  the  grand  hall,  and  look  much  brighter 
and  fresher  than  the  effigies  we  had  seen  in  other  temples. 
The  hall  is  a hundred  and  sixty  feet  long,  eighty-eight 
feet  wide,  and  seventy-eight  feet  high,  and  is  ])aneled  in 
black  marble,  and  brilliantly  painted  in  bright  colors  and 
gilding,  freshly  laid  on. 


THE  CONFUCIAN  TEMPLES. 


271 


The  roof  is  supported  by  stately  wooden  columns 
and  ceiled  with  beautiful  carved  wood,  in  the  center  of 
which  is  a dragon  holding  in  its  mouth  a gray  ball  some 
two  or  two  and  a half  inches  in  diameter,  said  to  repre- 
sent the  exact  size  and  color  of  a veritable  pearl  presented 
to  the  temple  by  one  of  the  emperors  several  hundred 
years  ago. 

The  whole  place  is  much  cleaner  and  in  better  repair 
than  any  other  temple  we  have  seen  in  China  ; but  withal 
it  presents  no  striking  indications  that  the  worship  of 
Confucius  is  a living  cult.  There  is  no  doubt  that  his 
teachings  have  had  a powerful  influence  over  the  Govern- 
ment of  China,  and  in  developing  the  civilization  of  the 
Chinese  people,  as  exemplified  by  the  educated  class  ; but 
it  may  well  be  doubted  if  the  plain  people  know  or  care 
much  about  the  “most  prescient  sage”  or  his  philosophi- 
cal teaching. 

The  pavilion  inclosing  the  grand  hall  has  an  exterior 
appearance  quite  like  that  of  the  great  paAulion  at  the 
tomb  of  Yung-loh.  It  is  surrounded  by  a veranda  twelve 
or  fifteen  feet  wide,  supported  by  fifty-four  monolithic 
pillars  (the  only  ones  I saw  in  China)  twenty-five  feet 
high  and  three  feet  in  diameter,those  in  front  being  elab- 
orately decorated  with  the  imperial  dragon,  deeply  carved 
into  their  surface,  and  extending  from  top  to  bottom. 

A large  part  of  the  court  in  front  is  occupied  by  a 
raised  platform  of  stone,  surrounded  by  a marble  balus- 
trade. The  roof  is  covered  with  green  and  yellow  tiles, 
and  the  exterior  of  the  building,  the  most  of  which  is 
wood,  is  also  elaborately  painted  and  carved  after  the 
usual  Chinese  style.  The  court  is  flanked  on  the  right 
and  left  by  long,  low  pavilions  divided  off  into  stalls  or 
shrines,  each  containing  a tablet  sacred  to  the  memory 
and  virtues  of  Confucius  or  of  some  distinguished  dis- 
ciple. These  shrines  and  tablets  were  erected  by  em- 


272 


CHINA. 


perors  in  times  gone  by,  and  indicate  that  reverence  for 
the  sage  was  formerly  a more  active  sentiment  than  it  is 
at  present. 

We  took  several  photographs  of  the  front  of  the  main 
pavilion,  hut,  owing  to  the  darkness  within,  could  not 
get  a view  of  the  interior. 

The  well  of  Confucius,  walled  up  with  rather  fresh- 
looking brick,  and  curbed  with  an  annular  stone  of  any- 
thing but  a venerable  appearance,  was  pointed  out  to  us. 
A decaying  tree  sujoported  by  props  was  shown  us  in  an- 
other coui’t,  and  is  said  to  mark  the  exact  place  once 
occupied  by  the  favorite  shade-tree  of  the  sage ; and  in 
still  another  court  a wedge-shaped  piece  of  brown,  dingy- 
looking  wood  at  the  root  of  a growing  tree  was  shown  as 
the  stump  of  a cypress,  or  what  was  left  of  it,  which  was 
flourishing  at  the  time  the  sage  was  alive.  We  took  sepa- 
rate photographs  of  the  well  and  of  the  old  tree,  with  a 
boy  belonging  to  the  Confueian  family  sitting  under  and 
against  it  holding  a book  in  his  hand. 

The  entire  grounds  are  thickly  planted  with  cypresses 
and  flrs,  and  covered  with  pavilions  and  tablets  so  close 
together  that  it  is  impossible  to  get  a single  view  of  them. 
These  grounds  are  adjacent  to  those  of  the  present  Duke, 
but  separated  from  them  by  a high  brick  wall. 

The  last  pavilions  we  entered,  our  amiable  conductor 
informed  us,  occupied  the  exact  site  of  the  house  in  which 
Confucius  had  his  study  and  taught  his  disciples ; and, 
after  showing  us  through  the  lower  story,  he  led  us  up 
two  flights  of  very  steep  stairs  to  the  loft,  where,  accord- 
ing to  another  guide,  the  school  was  actually  held.  In  - 
asmuch as  the  building  is  of  wood,  and  does  not  differ 
architecturally  from  other  modern  Chinese  buildings,  we 
concluded  that  we  were  not  obliged  to  believe  the  last 
guide,  though  he  was  evidently  honest  in  what  he  told  us. 

All  of  the  buildings  seem  to  have  been  recently  painted. 


CIVILITY  OF  THE  PREFECT. 


273 


and  are,  therefore,  brighter  looking  than  any  other  tem- 
ples we  have  seen ; hut  the  dust  and  the  flocks  of  birds 
which  roost  in  and  about  them,  aided  by  the  habitual 
neglect  of  the  Chinese,  will  soon  deprive  them  of  their 
brightness. 

After  again  drinking  tea  with  the  amiable  mandarin 
who  showed  us  about,  we  took  leave  of  him,  he  having 
voluntarily  offered  to  call  for  us  in  his  cart  at  half-past 
eight  the  next  morning  and  go  with  us  to  the  cemetery, 
which  lies  about  a mile  and  a half  outside  and  north 
of  the  city  wall.  During  the  afternoon  the  prefect  re- 
turned our  call  in  state,  and  showed  us  every  polite  atten- 
tion. He  sent  us  several  pounds  of  excellent  tea,  and  a 
copy  of  the  charcoal  rubbings  taken  from  some  of  the 
most  noted  tablets ; and  we  reciprocated  his  civility  by 
sending  him  a bottle  of  Curagoa  and  a box  of  cut-loaf 
sugar,  together  with  a small  American  gold  coin  for  the 
Tai-tai,  his  wife. 

Having  spent  a comfortable  night  in  a very  fair  inn, 
we  were  up  betimes  and  just  ready  to  start  for  the  ceme- 
tery, when  a messenger  arrived  from  the  magistrate  with 
the  information  that  the  Confucian  mandarin  could  not 
join  us,  as  the  house  of  the  young  Duke  had  caught  fire, 
and  was  then  burning.  Sending  our  cards  with  our  re- 
grets, and  offering  our  help  if  we  could  be  of  any  service 
whatever,  we  rode  at  once  to  the  cemetery,  which  is  con- 
nected with  the  city  by  an  avenue  of  noble  but  sadly 
neglected  yew  and  cypress  trees.  Standing  on  the  road- 
side, with  no  other  trees  near  them,  the  northern  winds 
have  full  sweep  at  them,  and  have  wrenched  and  torn 
them  till  not  one  is  left  with  its  proper  natural  shape. 
Curiously  enough,  too,  the  broken  trunks  and  limbs  have 
not  been  cut  off  in  any  instance,  but  are  left  standing, 
to  decay  and  disfigure  the  trees  which  might  otherwise 
appear  to  great  advantage.  Unless  they  are  looked  after 


274 


CHINA. 


better  than  they  have  been  so  far,  it  ■will  he  but  a few 
years  till  the  avenue  falls  into  complete  ruin. 

On  the  way  we  passed  under  or  through  a beautiful 
marble  pailow  spanning  the  road,  and  a short  distance 
beyond  entered  the  outer  gate,  which  is  connected  with 
the  inner  gate  of  the  cemetery  by  a continuation  of  the 
avenue,  and  with  a high  brick  wall  on  either  side.  The 
gates  are  covered  by  the  usual  pavilions,  and  the  ceme- 
tery itself  is  inclosed  by  a brick  wall  surmounting  an 
earthen  embankment.  The  area  inclosed  is  from  forty 
to  fifty  acres,  thickly  planted  with  Chinese  forest-trees, 
beneath  which  “heaves  the  turf  in  many  a moldering 
heap.”  This  cemetery  is  strictly  reserved  for  the  family, 
and  contains  the  graves  of  unnumbered  descendants  of 
the  Confucian  clan. 

The  grave  of  Confucius  is  within  a separate  inclosure, 
the  entrance  to  which  is  covered  by  a large  pa'vilion  of 
the  usual  type,  where  the  descendants  of  the  sage  come 
twice  a year  to  offer  sacrifices  and  worship  him.  A paved, 
sunken  road,  which  runs  between  low  retaining-walls  on 
each  side,  leads  to  the  tomb,  which  is  a simple  mound  of 
earth  about  twenty  feet  high,  overgrown  by  bushes  and 
forest-trees,  including  an  oak,  from  which  we  obtained  a 
pint  of  acorns  for  propagation  in  America.  A stone  tablet, 
nearly  as  high  as  the  mound,  a stone  table,  and  an  um  or 
incense-burner  stand  in  front  of  it.  It  is  fianked  by  the 
burial-mounds  of  the  mother,  son,  and  grandson  of  Con- 
fucius, and  the  whole  inclosure  is  heaped  into  mounds 
covering  the  remains  of  the  successive  heads  and  digni- 
taries of  the  family. 

West  of  the  sage’s  tomb  is  a small  pavilion  erected  to 
the  memory  of  Tze-Kung,  a favorite  disciple,  on  the  spot 
where  he  is  said  to  have  mourned  for  six  years,  watching 
the  tomb  of  his  dearly  beloved  master. 

There  is  no  special  beauty  in  the  landscape,  for,  al- 


THE  CONFUCIAH  CEMETERY. 


2T5 


though  covered  with  trees,  it  is  left  in  an  entirely  uncul- 
tivated state ; the  ground  looks  broken,  but  this  arises 
from  the  great  number  of  mounds  rather  than  from  any 
natural  undulations.  There  is  a large  ditch  running 
through  the  southern  part  of  the  inclosure,  which  is 
generally  dry,  but  carries  water  in  the  rainy  season.  It 
is  spanned  by  a marble  bridge  of  rather  picturesque 
design. 

We  spent  the  whole  morning  in  the  grounds  taking 
photographs  of  the  tomb,  pavilion,  and  the  carved  stone 
figures  on  either  side  of  the  avenue  in  front  of  it.  These 
figures  are  preceded  by  a pair  of  stone  pillars  of  octagonal 
section,  after  which  come  a pair  of  leopards,  next  a pair 
of  fabulous  animals,  and,  lastly,  two  heroic  statues,  sup- 
posed to  represent  the  ministers  of  state,  who  attend  upon 
the  distinguished  dead.  On  our  way  out,  we  took  photo- 
graphs of  the  bridge  and  of  the  pailow  beyond  the  in- 
closure. 

During  our  visit  to  the  tomb,  as  well  as  to  the  temple, 
we  were  deeply  impressed  by  the  reverence  with  which 
Wang-Fuyeh  worshiped  before  the  various  tablets  of  Con- 
fucius and  his  most  famous  disciples.  As  he  came  to  each 
and  read  the  inscription,  he  prostrated  himself  on  hands 
and  knees,  face  to  the  floor,  and,  murmuring  a prayer, 
knocked  his  forehead  against  the  ground  with  a reverent 
and  serious  air,  showing  that  he  was  sincere  in  what  he 
was  doing. 

On  our  return  to  the  inn  we  sent  him  to  inquire  what 
damage  had  been  done  by  the  fire  in  the  Duke’s  com- 
pound, and  on  Wang’s  return  he  informed  us  that  it  had 
totally  destroyed  the  four  principal  buildings,  together 
with  all  their  contents,  including  family  relics  of  great 
value.  He  also  said  that  there  was  great  excitement 
among  the  citizens  about  it,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the 
fire  had  started  in  the  house  occupied  by  the  family  of 


276 


CHINA. 


the  young  Duke’s  uncle,  his  mother’s  brother.  It  seems 
that,  before  his  father  died,  he  directed  his  wife  and  son 
never  to  permit  any  other  persons  except  the  family  serv- 
ants to  live  within  the  compound,  for  the  reason  that  it 
would  increase  the  risk  of  burning  up  the  buildings  and 
destroying  the  family  relics  and  possessions.  In  spite  of 
this  recpiest,  and  for  reasons  not  explained,  the  widow 
invited  her  brother  and  family  to  oceupy  one  of  the 
houses,  which  he  did  at  once.  This  was  followed  by 
^ signs  and  portents,  and  especially  by  the  crowing  of  the 
Confucian  cocks  and  hens  after  nightfall,  which  was 
looked  upon  as  the  sure  precursor  of  some  impending 
^calamity. 

After  the  fire  had  completed  its  work  of  destruction, 
and  it  had  become  known  that  the  uncle’s  wife  had  gone 
crazy  from  the  excitement  and  had  Jumped  or  fallen  into 
the  well,  from  which  she  was  rescued  with  great  difii- . 
culty,  all  these  omens  were  recalled,  and  were  thought  to 
be  proof  positive  that  the  spirit  of  the  late  Duke  had  set 
fire  to  the  house  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  his  wife 
and  son  for  their  disobedience.  It  was,  perhaps,  quite 
fortunate  for  us  that  the  towns-people  took  this  view  of 
the  matter,  for  they  might  Just  as  readily  have  attributed 
the  fire  to  the  Duke’s  displeasure  at  the  visitation  of  the 
temple  and  grave  of  Confucius  by  the  foreigners. 

During  our  stay,  however,  in  the  city,  we  received  no 
incivility  except  that  of  being  stared  at.  Indeed,  the 
peoifie  seemed  quite  civil,  but  there  was  nothing  in  their 
manners,  appearance,  houses,  or  surroundings,  different 
from  those  of  other  Chinamen,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  many,  perhaps  the  most  of  them,  were  descendants 
of  the  great  sage. 

Even  the  servants  about  the  reception-room,  temple, 
and  cemetery  were  exactly  like  those  we  had  seen  else- 
where. They  were  evidently  a chance  lot  gathered  uj) 


JOURNEY  TO  TEE  SACRED  MOUNTAIN.  27T 


for  the  occasion,  and  therefore  a fair  sample  of  the  whole. 
Their  regular  occupations  were  doubtless  toiling  in  the 
fields  or  at  the  wheelbarrow,  for  the  scanty  living  which 
constitutes  the  average  Chinaman’s  inevitable  portion. 

Having  seen  all  the  curiosities  and  points  of  interest 
in  and  about  Chu-fu,  we  left  the  same  afternoon  for 
Taian-fu  about  sixty  miles  to  the  northward,  for  the 
purpose  of  visiting  the  sacred  mountain  of  China.  Our 
route  at  first  lay  through  the  plains,  but  always  in  sight 
of  the  hills,  which  on  the  right  were  continuous,  but  on 
the  left  stood  out  in  isolated  knobs  or  peaks. 

After  crossing  the  Ta-Wen-ho,  a broad,  clear,  swift- 
flowing stream,  and  the  only  one  of  the  kind  we  had  seen 
since  leaving  Tientsin,  our  road  led  us  for  about  ten  miles 
through  a depression  in  an  outlying  limestone  ridge, 
overlaid  by  beds  of  loess,  a yellow,  clay-like  earth,  pecul- 
iar to  the  hill-regions  of  China,  and,  as  before  explained, 
supposed  by  Baron  Kichthofen  to  be  a sub-aerial  deposit 
composed  of  dust  from  the  arid  regions  of  Central  Asia. 

We  made  this  part  of  the  ride  after  night,  and  had  a 
rough  time  of  it.  Our  ponies  were  tired,  and,  being  far 
from  sure-footed,  gave  us  several  falls,  but  fortunately  in 
soft  places,  so  that  no  bones  were  endangered. 

Beaching  the  city  at  about  eight  o’clock,  we  had  some 
difficulty  in  finding  a suitable  inn,  but,  after  looking  at 
several,  we  settled  down  at  the  “ Lien-Sheng-tien,”  which 
we  found  to  be  the  best  one  we  had  seen  in  all  China.  It 
has  both  an  outer  and  inner  court-yard,  and  is  unusually 
clean ; its  rooms  are  paved  and  neatly  papered,  and  the 
windows  have  glass  and  curtains  in  them.  We  soon  had 
a good  fire  of  charcoal,  and  a lot  of  very  nice  boiled 
chestnuts,  which  we  warmed  up  on  the  edge  of  the  char- 
coal-pan, and  found  a most  excellent  substitute  for  sup- 
per, which  we  knew  would  come  late  if  at  all,  as  our 
carts  were  several  hours  behind,  and  had  a bad  road  for 


278 


CHINA. 


night-driving  before  them.  They,  however,  came  at 
about  ten  o’clock.  Supper  and  bed  soon  followed,  and 
made  us  entirely  comfortable. 

Having  completed  all  our  arrangements,  we  made  an 
early  start  the  next  morning  (January  22d),  to  climb  the 
sacred  mountain.  Each  member  of  our  party  was  pro- 
vided with  a chair  lashed  firmly  to  a hand-barrow,  which 
was  borne  by  two  coolies,  who  travel  abreast  over  all  the 
steep  places,  both  going  up  and  coming  down.  As  the 
chair  faces  the  handle  of  the  barrow,  the  passenger  of 
course  makes  the  trip  sidewise,  and  this  is  by  no  means 
comfortable  or  reassuring  at  the  start,  especially  if  the 
first  experience  is  in  coming  down,  as  it  was  with  me. 
The  chairmen  carry  most  of  the  weight  by  means  of 
straps  attached  to  the  handles  of  the  barrow  and  passing 
over  their  shoulders,  and,  as  they  are  very  sure-footed  and 
agile,  after  one  has  become  used  to  the  motion  it  is  pleas- 
ant and  exhilarating. 

The  mountain  is  known  as  “ Taishan,”  or  “ Great 
Mount,”  and  is  the  highest  peak  of  a range  trending  gen- 
erally east  and  west  through  the  Shantug  promontory. 
It  rises  sharply  from  the  plain  or  broad  valley,  at  the 
edge  of  which  stands  the  city  of  Taian-fu,  and  is  cele- 
brated for  its  historical  and  religious  associations.  It  is 
mentioned  in  the  classics  as  a sanctified  spot  over  2,200 
years  B.  c.  It  is  visited  by  thousands  of  devotees  of  all 
ages  and  both  sexes  yearly,  but  generally  of  the  literary 
or  official  class,  and  is  a truly  national  place  of  wor- 
ship, on  the  top  or  sides  of  which  every  sect  has  its 
temples. 

The  road  leads  up  a gorge  with  but  few  windings  or 
turnings,  and  is  well  paved  with  blocks  of  undressed 
granite  and  porphyry.  It  is  broken  into  alternate  reaches 
of  gently  ascending  ramps  and  flights  of  granite  steps,  and 
is  furnished  with  a stone  parapet,  eighteen  or  twenty 


THE  SACRED  MOUNTAIN. 


279 


inches  high  on  the  outside,  and  wliere  required  on  both 
sides. 

An  avenue  of  beautiful  fir,  cypress,  and  yew  trees 
shades  the  path  for  the  greater  distance,  and  after  that  a 
few  scattering  pines  arc  seen  still  higher  up  the  mount- 
ain-side. None  of  these  trees  are  very  old,  however,  and 
even  the  paved  roads  and  temples  are  of  comparatively 
modern  construction. 

At  first  the  flights  of  steps  are  short,  and  the  lamps 
long,  but,  as  the  path  ascends,  the  ramps  become  shorter 
and  the  flights  of  steps  higher  and  higher,  till  they  are 
almost  continuous.  The  rise  is  nearly  as  great  as  the 
tread,  and  hence  the  steps  are  unusually  steep  and  hard 
to  climb.  The  road,  which  is  from  tweh'e  to  fifteen  feet 
wide,  and  crosses  from  one  side  of  the  gorge  to  the  other 
several  times,  is  exceedingly  picturesque.  It  is  carried 
along  the  face  of  crags,  which  are  frequently  of  great 
height  and  beauty,  and  are  everywhere  indelibly  marked 
with  pious  or  reverential  inscriptions  in  Chinese  charac- 
ters. Temples,  shrines,  and  pailoios  occur  at  frequent 
intervals,  and  the  view  of  the  plain  below  is  not  only  ex- 
tensive and  beautiful,  but  can  be  caught  from  almost 
every  point,  so  that  the  ascending  pilgrim  or  devotee, 
however  great  may  be  his  fatigue,  or  however  frequently 
he  may  be  compelled  to  halt  for  breath,  can  always  re- 
fresh himself  with  the  contemplation  of  scenery,  which  of 
itself  amply  repays  him  for  his  toil. 

The  distance  from  the  city  to  the  top  of  the  gorge  and 
the  end  of  the  steps  is  about  three  miles,  possibly  four, 
and  took  me  four  hours  to  climb  it.  There  is  at  this  spot 
a pavilion,  standing  on  a brick  foundation,  through  which 
the  path  runs  by  an  archway,  leading  into  the  court  of  a 
temple,  the  elevation  of  which  was  found  to  be  4,600  feet 
above  sea-level,  by  one  of  Queen’s  best  aneroid  barometers. 

From  the  temple  to  the  summit  of  the  mountain  there 


280 


CHINA. 


is  a road  winding  to  the  right,  along  the  edge  of  a cliff, 
and  this  road  is  also  lined  with  shrines  and  temples,  built 
into  the  face  of  the  mountain. 

The  topmost  peak  is  called  Yu-wang-shang-to,  and  is 
crowned  by  a small  stone  pavilion  and  tablet,  said  to  have 
been  erected  by  Kien-lung,  from  which  the  whole  hori- 
zon can  be  swept,  by  simply  turning  on  one’s  own 
ground.  The  view  is  remarkable  for  its  breadtli  and 
beauty,  taking  in,  as  it  does,  mountain-tops,  valleys, 
plains,  and  rivers,  spread  out  below  in  almost  endless  suc- 
cession and  variety.  The  height  of  this  peak  was  found 
to  be  5,100  feet. 

A short  distance  away  is  another  eminence,  rising  from 
the  same  mountain-mass,  but  not  so  high  by  about  twenty 
feet.  It  is  crowned  by  a large  temple,  partly  in  ruins, 
which  covers  it  entirely,  and  is  picturesque  in  the  extreme. 

We  spent  three  hours  examining  the  temples  and 
taking  photographs  of  the  most  beautiful  views,  including 
one  of  a remarkable  inscription  cut  on  the  face  of  the 
rocks,  and  another  of  Wang-Fuyeh-Li,  and  one  of  our 
servants  worshiping  at  the  Lao-mu  Miao,  or  the  temple 
of  the  “ Holy  Mother.”  This  temple  is  mostly  visited  by 
women,  who  go  there  to  pray  that  children  may  be  grant- 
ed to  them.  It  contains  two  magnificent  bronze  tablets, 
^ fourteen  feet  high,  also  erected  by  Kien-lung. 

It  is  certain  that  emperors,  governors,  and  high  offi- 
cials of  every  class,  including  Confucius  himself,  have 
visited  this  mountain  from  time  immemorial,  for  the 
purpose  of  worshiping  “the  High  God  of  Heaven  and 
Earth  ” ; but,  withal,  the  stones  of  the  pathway  leading 
to  it  do  not  indicate,  by  their  smoothness,  the  passage  of 
untold  millions  of  feet  over  them.  It  is  probable,  rather, 
that  while  it  is  the  temple  of  all  the  gods,  as  well  as  of 
the  highest,  it  is  visited  more  by  the  rich  and  educated 
than  by  the  masses  of  the  Chinese  people. 


THE  SACRED  MOUNTAIN. 


281 


The  devotions  of  our  attendants  were  quite  interest- 
ing, although  not  materially  different  from  the  ceremo- 
nies they  went  through  in  worshiping  the  river-god  near 
Kai-fung-fu.  It  consisted  of  burning  incense,  and  gold 
and  silver  paper-money,  in  presence  of  the  image  of  the 
god,  and  of  prostrating  themselves  and  knocking  their 
heads  against  the  floor,  while  the  lonze,  or  priest,  clad  in 
somber-colored  robes,  stood  by  and  called  the  attention  of 
the  divinity  to  the  presence  of  the  worshipers  by  striking 
a large  and  sonorous  bell  with  a wooden  mallet. 

Our  descent  from  the  mountain  was  made  in  two 
hours  and  a quarter,  all  of  us  riding  down  in  the  chairs, 
not  only  because  it  was  much  easier  than  walking,  but 
more  rapid. 

The  next  morning,  after  visiting  a celebrated  temple 
in  the  north  part  of  the  city,  and  finding  it  and  its  grounds 
somewhat  more  extensive  than  temples  and  grounds  com- 
monly are,  but  quite  as  dirty  and  decaying  as  the  worst 
of  them,  we  started  on  our  journey  back  to  the  Grand 
Canal  by  the  valley  of  the  Ta-Wen-ho  to  Tung-ping. 
Thence  our  route  lay  through  An  Shan  and  Tung  Ur, 
skirting  the  canal  to  Shih-li-pu  and  the  Yellow  Kiver  to 
Chi-nan-fu.  We  passed  through  several  important  cities, 
situated  on  the  loess  terraces,  between  the  river  and  foot- 
hills. At  one  of  these,  called  Ping  Yin,  we  were  called 
upon  by  two  missionaries  of  the  Church  of  England, 
working  quietly  and  unobtrusively,  and,  it  is  to  be  feared, 
without  any  very  encouraging  results,  among  the  com- 
mon people  of  that  remote  region.  They  were,  however, 
deeply  in  earnest,  and  seemed  hopeful  and  courageous, 
although  they  candidly  admitted  that  so  far  as  they  knew 
they  had  not  yet  made  a singln  convert. 

At  Chi-nan-fu  we  found  seven  American  Presbyterian 
missionaries — !Mr.  Eeid,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Burgen,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Murray,  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Coltman,  and  Mr.  Chalfant — 


282 


CHINA. 


all  settled  and  hard  at  work.  These  worthy  peo})le  are  en- 
couraged by  several  hopeful  signs  that  they  will  ultimate- 
ly “get  the  thin  edge  of  the  wedge  in,”  and  make  their 
mission  one  of  great  usefulness  to  the  Chinese  people. 
Mr.  Reid  and  Mr.  Burgen  wear  the  Chinese  dress,  and, 
as  they  are  good  Chinese  scholars  besides,  they  are  doing 
most  excellent  work.  Mrs.  Burgen  has,  however,  made 
the  greatest  progress,  inasmuch  as  she  has  made  the  ac- 
quaintance and  exchanged  social  civilities  with  a number 
of  educated  Chinese  ladies,  who  have  become  her  fast 
friends,  and  through  whom  her  influence  is  rapidly  spread- 
ing. It  can  not  yet  be  said  that  they  have  made  many 
converts,  but  the  leaven  is  working,  and  it  seems  certain 
that,  if  these  missions  are  supported  and  re-enforced  as 
they  deserve  to  be,  they  may  materially  assist  in  opening 
China  to  a realization  of  the  fact  that  Christian  civiliza- 
tion is  much  ahead  of  their  own. 

If  some  benevolent  American  would  send  Mr.  Reid 
an  assortment  of  our  best  mechanical  devices,  including 
a sewing-machine,  a band-saw,  an  electrical  i)lant  for  light 
and  telpherage,  a small  steam-engine,  a turning-lathe  for 
wood,  one  for  iron,  a magic  lantern,  and  a competent 
young  graduate  of  the  Stevens  Institute,  or  the  Bostou 
School  of  Technology,  who  could  lecture  upon  these  ma- 
chines, and  explain  the  principles  of  modern  science  as 
applied  to  the  mechanic  arts,  and  could  at  the  same  time 
turn  his  hand  to  surveying,  mineralogy,  geology,  and 
botany,  it  is  believed  that  it  would  prove  an  invaluable 
aid  to  the  cause  of  modern  progress  in  this  far-away 
land. 

There  are  only  three  influences  which,  so  far  as  I can 
see,  can  be  successfully  exerted  upon  the  Chinese  people 
to  awaken  them  to  their  real  condition  as  compared  with 
the  people  of  other  countries  ; first,  war  and  diplomacy, 
which  work  spasmodically,  but  very  efiectively  at  times ; 


THE  WORK  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES.  283 


Becondly,  commerce,  which  has  done  and  is  doing  much 
along  the  sea-coast ; and,  thirdly,  the  missionaries,  who'' 
push  out  into  the  interior  armed  with  dogmatic  religion 
and  good  works,  are  slowly  making  their  way,  though  not 
nearly  so  much  by  the  former  as  the  latter.  They  are 
truly  the  advance  guard  of  civilization  ; and,  while  they 
carry  its  highest  and  most  abstract  principles  to  those  who 
are  but  little  fitted  by  habit  or  education  to  receive  or 
understand  them,  they  are  surely  and  steadily  gaining  the 
confidence  and  regard  of  those  among  whom  they  are  labor- 
ing. The  more  practical  and  the  less  abstract  their  work 
becomes,  the  more  rapidly  will  good  results  flow  from  it. 

The  city  of  Chi-nan-fu  is  beautifully  situated  on  the 
edge  of  the  plains,  along  the  foot  of  the  hills,  and  is 
abundantly  supplied  with  pure  water  by  a series  of  re- 
markable hot  and  cold  springs  which  well  up  from  the 
ground  within  the  city  walls,  and,  after  supplying  the 
people  fully,  fill  the  moats,  and  form  a large  creek,  which 
empties  into  the  Yellow  Eiver  only  a few  miles  away. 
The  population  of  the  city  is  estimated  at  four  hundred 
thousand  souls,  but  what  it  really  is  no  one  knows. 

From  here  we  turned  northward,  and  recrossed  the 
river  at  Chi-ho,  where  there  was  once  a stone  bridge  across 
the  Ta-ching-ho.  When  the  Yellow  River  took  possession 
of  this  channel  to  the  sea,  it  destroyed  this  bridge  by  cut- 
ting a new  channel  around  its  southern  end.  The  ruins 
remained  for  many  years,  but  they  are  now  entirely  ob- 
literated, and  there  is  nothing  left  to  mark  their  site 
except  the  half-buried  pailoio,  which  used  to  span  the 
entrance  to  the  bridge. 

The  river  at  the  time  we  crossed  it  was  frozen  hard 
both  above  and  below  the  ferry,  but  as  no  one  seemed  to 
be  crossing  on  the  ice,  and  as  the  ferry  had  been  kept 
open,  we  embarked  in  two  good-sized  junks,  and  were 
rowed  slowly  across  without  accident  or  delay.  Our  serv- 


284 


CHINA. 


ants,  however,  did  not  consider  it  necessary  to  propitiate 
the  river-god  as  they  had  in  crossing  at  Kai-fung-fu. 

The  elevation  of  the  fore-shores  above  the  surface  of 
the  water  was  nine  and  a half  feet,  and  the  top  of  the 
first  embankment  nineteen  feet.  The  second  embank- 
ment, about  two  miles  farther  back,  seemed  to  be  much 
stronger,  and  had  not  been  recently  broken,  so  far  as  we 
could  learn.  The  site  of  Chi-ho,  and  the  country  between 
the  two  embankments,  had  been  overflowed  to  the  depth 
of  four  feet  the  year  before,  and  the  country  on  both 
sides  of  the  river  lower  down  had  suffered  greatly  from 
the  same  cause. 

The  river  at  this  place  was  from  a thousand  to  twelve 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  wide,  and,  according  to  the  testi- 
mony of  the  junkmen,  had  a navigable  depth  at  that  time 
of  at  least  twelve  feet  to  the  bar  outside  its  mouth.  It 
could  be  readily  navigated  by  good-sized  steamboats, 
especially  by  such  as  are  used  on  our  Western  rivers,  cer- 
tainly as  far  as  Yiishan,  and,  with  slight  improvements 
for  concentrating  the  channel,  perhaps  to  the  great  bend 
in  Southwestern  Shansi ; but,  up  to  this  time,  much  to 
the  detriment  of  the  people,  it  has  been  kept  exclusively 
for  the  junks,  and  steamboats  are  not  permitted  to  enter 
or  ply  upon  it.  There  is  no  large  city  nearer  its  mouth 
than  Chi-nan-fu,  the  capital  of  Shantung,  and  the  coun- 
try between  that  place  and  the  sea  is  not  only  thinly  set- 
tled, but  quite  desolate. 

It  is  apparent  that  the  whole  work  of  controlling  and 
regulating  the  river  is  limited  to  the  building  of  embank- 
ments, and  the  opening  of  side-channels  to  facilitate  the 
diseharge  of  flood-water.  Those  having  the  subject  in 
hand  seem  to  have  no  idea  of  the  advantage  to  he  gained 
by  meteorological  observations  and  reports  from  the  coun- 
try drained  by  the  river,  and  make  no  adequate  study  of 
the  downfall  of  rain,  the  volume  and  rapidity  of  discharge. 


NEGLECT  OF  THE  EMBANKMENTS. 


285 


the  coming  of  floods,  the  cross-section  and  slope  of  the 
water-siu'face,  or  even  of  the  proper  location,  construc- 
tion, and  care  of  the  embankments.  Nothing  has  yet 
been  done  to  remove  obstructions,  or  to  increase  the  aver- 
age capacity  of  the  natural  channel.  Indeed,  the  whole 
Chinese  system  of  river-engineering  is  exceedingly  crude. 
There  is  no  element  of  science  in  it,  and,  while  much  of 
their  embankment  is  excellent,  it  is  on  the  whole  so  neg- 
lected that  nothing  else  except  failure  is  possible. 

In  the  Journey  back  to  Tientsin,  which  required  six 
and  a half  days,  the  distance  being  not  far  from  two  hun- 
dred and  forty  miles,  we  crossed  a number  of  depressions 
corresponding  to  lines  on  the  maps  representing  rivers, 
but  the  most  of  which  were  dry,  and  evidently  are  not 
running  streams  except  during  the  rainy  season.  About 
fifty  miles  north  of  Chi-ho  we  crossed  the  Lao-Hwang-ho, 
which  had  been  occupied  by  the  Yellow  Eiver  about  nine 
hundred  years  ago.  It  is  one  thousand  feet  wide  by 
measurement,  and  contains  some  water,  which  has  a per- 
ceptible current.  It  doubtless  connects  with  and  carries 
off  water  from  the  Yellow  River  during  freshets,  but  its 
most  remarkable  feature  is  that  the  old  embankments, 
built  to  confine  the  water  when  it  was  occupied  by  tbe 
Yellow  River  itself,  are  situated  immediately  on  its  shores, 
and  are  twenty-two  feet  high,  or  about  double  the  height 
of  the  embankments  built  nowadays.  They  are  from 
fifty  to  sixty  feet  wide  on  top,  and  three  hundred  and 
ninety  feet  at  the  base.  Another  thing  worthy  of  observa- 
tion is  that  this  river-bed,  so  far  as  I could  discover,  is 
not  silted  up  at  all.  This  is  conclusively  shown  by  the 
fact  that  the  surface  of  the  water  in  it  was  at  the  time 
we  crossed  it  about  ten  feet  below  the  general  surface  of 
the  country,  as  measured  by  the  hand-level.  At  the  time 
these  embankments  were  built,  which  may  have  been  a 
thousand  or  even  fifteen  hundred  years  ago,  it  was  evi- 


286 


CEIKA. 


dently  the  practice  to  locate  them  close  to  the  river-front, 
to  give  them  much  greater  height  and  thickness,  and 
possibly  to  watch  them  much  more  carefully  than  is  done 
nowadays. 

It  has  been  recently  proposed  to  cut  a canal  into  this 
old  river-bed  and  build  a series  of  sluices  across  it,  so  that 
the  Yellow  Eiver  can  be  relieved  at  will,  by  turning  its 
surplus  water  into  it ; and  the  Board  of  Works  has,  ac- 
cording to  the  “Peking  Gazette,”  approved  the  project. 

The  country  from  a few  miles  north  of  the  Yellow 
River  to  the  neighborhood  of  Ter-chou,  on  the  Grand 
Canal,  is  apparently  drier,  better  drained,  and  better  cul- 
tivated than  it  is  farther  west,  closer  to  the  line  of  the 
canal ; and  this  is  as  it  should  be.  It  is  farther  away 
from  both  the  river  and  the  canal,  and,  even  if  a breach 
occur  in  the  embankment  of  either,  the  flood-water  must 
spread  out  and  get  shallower  as  it  aj^proaches  the  region 
in  question,  although  its  real  elevation  above  sea-level 
may  be  no  greater  than  that  of  the  country  at  the  river- 
bank.  The  villages  in  this  region  are  also  more  flourish- 
ing in  appearance  than  they  are  along  the  canal,  but  they 
are  all  built  of  sun-dried  bricks,  and  are  otherwise  like 
innumerable  other  villages  in  the  Great  Plain.  It  was  in 
this  portion  of  my  travels  that  I saw  men  wheeling  coal 
in  a barrow  two  hundred  miles  from  the  mines  ! They 
were  aided  by  donkeys  and  small  sails,  but  the  toil  seemed 
to  be  of  killing  severity. 

There  is  a flourishing  American  mission  in  this  region, 
at  a town  called  Pang-Chia-Chwang.  It  has  an  excellent 
hospital  and  school  attached,  and  has  gained  much  favor 
with  the  simple-minded  natives  by  the  success  and  kind- 
liness of  its  medical  and  surgical  ministrations,  which 
are,  of  course,  free  to  all  comers. 

I was  naturally  curious  to  know  how  a mission  came  to 
be  located  at  such  an  insigniflcant  country  village,  far  off 


A CHINESE  CONVERT. 


237 


the  highways,  and  with  nothing  particular  to  distinguish 
it  from  a thousand  other  villages  just  like  it ; and  the  fol- 
lowing is  the  explanation  : It  seems  that  one  of  the  earlier 
missionaries  made  a convert  among  the  common  people  of 
this  region,  who  by  his  zeal  and  intelligence  induced  the 
missionary  to  locate  in  his  native  village,  where  he  was 
head-man.  Other  missionaries  came,  then  the  school,  and 
then  the  hospital  followed.  The  first  convert  grew  in  a 
worldly  way  with  the  mission,  if  not  in  grace,  and  in  the 
course  of  time  came  to  look  upon  it  as  his  personal  appa- 
nage. He  became  a sort  of  village  boss,  a great  man  among 
his  neighbors,  and  brought  many  of  them  into  the  fold  ; 
but,  having  been  the  first  convert,  he  also  claimed  to  be 
first  in  all  contracts  and  business  for  the  mission,  and  like 
nearly  everybody  else,  Christian  as  well  as  heathen,  when 
he  found  he  had  a good  thing  he  grew  grasping  and  ava- 
ricious, and  it  is  said  “ squeezed”  the  missionaries  harcber 
than  they  thought  proper  or  honest.  A contract  for  haul- 
ing brick  and  sand  was  given  out,  and  perhaps  for  other 
work  also,  but,  instead  of  the  first  convert’s  getting  it,  it 
was  given  to  another,  who  had  made  a lower  bid  for  it. 
The  first  convert  claimed  it  as  his  ^‘pidgin  ” (business)  by 
right,  without  regard  to  price,  and  his  neighbors,  according 
to  their  light,  sided  with  him  and  against  the  new  man. 
The  missionaries  stood  firm,  however.  The  villagers  then 
boycotted  them  and  their  new  man,  whereupon  they  ap- 
pealed to  the  district  magistrate,  and  had  the  first  con- 
vert arrested  and  thrown  into  prison.  This  made  matters 
worse  ; the  common  people  could  not  understand  why  the 
first  convert  should  not  have  the  business,  which,  accord- 
ing to  all  Chinese  custom  and  precedent,  was  his.  They 
looked  upon  his  arrest  as  arbitrary  and  unjustifiable,  and 
they  stood  by  him  to  a man.  The  missionaries  then  ap- 
pealed to  the  American  consul  at  Tientsin  ; he  appealed 
to  the  Viceroy  Li,  and  the  latter  sustained  the  mission- 


288 


CHINA. 


aries.  But  that  did  not  end  the  trouble.  The  first  con- 
vert was  released,  or  permitted  to  go  home  on  a holiday. 
That  night  the  missionary  stable  was  burned,  and,  although 
there  was  no  proof,  suspicion  fell  upon  him,  and  he  was 
again  arrested.  Excitement  grew  apace,  and,  when  I last 
heard  of  the  case,  the  missionaries  were  calling  loudly  for 
the  deportation  of  the  first  convert  as  the  only  way  of 
restoring  quiet.  Both  parties  had  become  uncharitable 
and  unreasonable.  The  missionaries  seem  to  have  carried 
the  matter  too  far,  and  would  have  done  better  not  to 
stand  out  so  strongly  against  the  “squeezing”  of  their 
first  convert ; and  it  is  entirely  clear  that  the  latter  had 
failed  to  appreciate  the  essence  of  Christianity,  and,  with 
all  his  protestations  and  apparent  zeal,  was  still  a grasp- 
ing heathen  at  heart.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  most  of  the 
^Chinese  converts  experience  a change  of  belief  for  busi- 
ness rather  than  spiritual  reasons,  and  come  late  in  life, 
if  ever,  to  that  perfect  sincerity  of  faith  “ which  passeth 
^all  understanding.” 

From  Ter-chou  north  our  route  was  almost  identical 
with  the  one  pursued  going  south.  It  was  free  from  in- 
cidents of  special  interest,  except  that  we  lost  our  road  in 
the  middle  of  a field  on  the  open  plain,  while  following 
the  imperial  highway,  and  this  was  in  broad  daylight. 
It  was  in  a region  where  the  roads  are  particularly  soft  in 
the  rainy  season,  and  every  one  is  at  liberty  to  select  a 
path  for  himself.  In  the  dry  season  they  all  look  alike, 
and  are  vague  and  ill-defined. 

Chinese  New-Year,  which  is  the  most  important  holi- 
day, overtook  us  on  February  4th,  while  we  were  jour- 
neying northward.  The  people  were  all  out  in  their  best 
clothes,  the  shops  were  shut,  and  the  men  and  boys  were 
afield  in  the  early  morning  worshiping  at  the  graves  of 
their  ancestors.  The  women  and  girls  seem  to  take  no 
part  in  this  ceremony,  and  it  is  simple  enough  for  the 


CHINESE  NEW-YEAR. 


289 


men  and  boys.  They  carry  out  a sheet  or  two  of  gilt  and 
silver  paper,  with  a few  incense-sticks,  and,  after  making 
a burnt-offering  of  them  in  front  of  the  grave-mound, 
they  prostrate  themselves,  knock  their  foreheads  against 
the  ground,  and  then,  setting  off  a bunch  of  tire-crackers 
to  frighten  away  the  evil  spirits,  they  return  home  to 
spend  the  day  in  jollitication.  The  whole  ceremony  lasts 
but  a few  minutes,  and  seems  to  be  gone  through  with  in 
the  most  perfunctory  manner. 

On  that  day  we  made  an  early  halt,  and  gave  the  serv- 
ants the  best  dinner  the  country  could  furnish,  with 
samschu,  or  millet-wine,  in  abundance.  As  soon  as  din- 
ner was  over,  they  sent  out  for  a singing-girl,  who  came 
dressed  in  her  best,  bringing  her  samisen,  a stringed  in- 
strument, something  like  a banjo,  and,  seating  herself  on 
the  kang  of  Wang-Fuyeh’s  room,  sang  and  played  ac- 
companiments for  Wang’s  singing  all  the  afternoon  in  a 
manner  very  acceptable  to  her  audience.  She  seemed  to 
be  a modest,  well-behaved,  obliging  girl  of  good  family, 
who  was  simply  availing  herself  of  the  opportunity  grant- 
ed by  the  custom  of  the  country,  to  make  a little  money 
for  her  dowery  by  singing  to  travelers. 

On  the  last  night  of  our  return  journey  we  were  met 
by  Captain  Higginson,  of  the  United  States  gunboat 
Monocacy,  about  twenty  miles  out,  with  our  mail  for  the 
last  two  months.  The  next  morning  we  made  an  early 
start  for  Tientsin,  but  the  north  wind  had  risen,  and  was 
carrying  clouds  of  dust  with  it.  By  eight  o’clock  it  was 
blowing  a strong  gale,  and  was  very  cold.  The  dust  soon 
became  so  dense  as  to  obscure  the  sun,  and  render  it  im- 
possible for  us  to  see  the  road.  Traveling  became  almost 
impracticable,  and  would  have  been  entirely  so  but  for  a 
pocket  compass,  which  enabled  us  to  keep  in  the  right  gen- 
eral direction.  Anxious  to  get  in  by  noon,  we  pushed  on, 
tlie  wind  blowing  our  fur  hoods  off,  cutting  our  faces  like 
13 


290 


cnmA. 


razors,  and  every  now  and  then  almost  lifting  us  from  onr 
saddles.  Our  calculation  was  to  strike  tlie  Taku  road 
east  of  Tientsin,  and  thus  reach  the  settlement  by  the 
shortest  route  ; but  we  soon  lost  our  road  entirely  in  the 
blinding  clouds  of  dust,  and  then  had  to  depend  entirely 
upon  the  compass,  which  it  was  difficult  to  use  in  the 
high  wind.  Knowing  that  there  was  a large,  shallow  pond 
and  marsh,  several  miles  across,  south  of  Tientsin,  and 
fearing  that  we  would  strike  it,  we  changed  our  direction 
to  the  westwai’d,  and  at  eleven  o’clock  found  ourselves  on 
a telegraph-road,  running  nearly  north  and  south.  After 
following  it  for  a while  we  recognized  it  as  the  imperial 
highway  from  Tientsin  to  Ter-chou,  five  or  six  miles  from 
the  Taku  road,  which  we  had  expected  to  strike.  We 
knew,  however,  that  it  would  take  us  into  the  suburbs  of 
the  Chinese  city,  and  so  we  pushed  on  as  rapidly  as  our 
jaded  ponies  could  carry  us ; and  after  we  had  entered 
the  postern  of  the  outer  earthworks,  as  we  thought,  turned 
to  the  right  to  skirt  the  Chinese  city  and  go  to  the  settle- 
ment. The  next  thing  we  knew  we  found  ourselves  inside 
the  walled  Chinese  city,  where  none  of  us  except  the  inter- 
preter and  the  mafoos  had  ever  been  before ; and,  as  we 
had  already  got  separated  in  the  dust-storm  from  the 
mafoos,  and  our  own  party  had  become  divided,  it  soon 
dawned  upon  us  that  we  were  lost.  The  streets  were 
crooked,  and  the  turnings  frequent,  and,  as  none  of  us 
were  conscious  of  having  entered  the  city  gate,  our  bewil- 
derment was  complete.  Captain  Iligginsou  and  I were 
separated  from  the  rest  of  the  partjq  and  as  neither  of  us 
could  speak  a word  of  Chinese  except  “ Kee  Chong,”  the 
Chinese  designation  of  Eussell  & Co.,  and  could  find  no 
Chinamen  who  could  speak  a word  of  English,  or  knew 
what  we  meant  by  “Kee  Chong,”  we  wandered  about  in 
all  directions,  like  lost  children,  for  an  hour.  Finally, 
we  came  across  t^o  jinriksha  men,  and  made  them  un- 


LOST  IN  A DUST-STORM. 


291 


derstand  by  signs  and  the  free  use  of  “Kee  Chong”  that 
we  wanted  tliem  to  guide  us  to  the  foreign  settlement. 
Of  course,  they  turned  us  directly  back  from  the  course 
on  which  we  were  traveling,  and  in  twenty  minutes  led 
us  to  the  paved  road,  in  the  outskirts  of  the  Chinese  city, 
leading  to  the  settlement.  We  both  recognized  that  at 
once,  and,  paying  our  guides  liberally,  rode  directly  to 
Russell  & Co.’s  compound,  where  we  found  a hearty  wel- 
come from  Mr.  Thorburn,  and  an  excellent  tiffin  await- 
ing us.  Mr.  Nichols  and  the  interpreter  had  got  there 
before  us,  but  they  had  been  lost  also,  although  the  inter- 
preter soon  got  himself  put  on  the  right  road. 

I had  been  lost  before  for  three  hours  with  Mr.  Nichols 
in  the  streets  of  Chinan-fu,  and  the  experience,  however 
natural,  was  by  no  means  an  agreeable  one,  but  to  be  lost 
first  on  the  plains,  and  then  in  the  city,  within  three  miles 
of  the  settlement,  after  traveling  over  fifteen  hundred 
miles  without  guides,  in  a country  that  none  of  our  party 
had  ever  seen  before,  was  puzzling,  not  to  say  surprising, 
in  the  extreme.  It  was,  of  course,  due  entirely  to  the 
dust-storm,  which  prevented  our  seeing  the  roads  and 
landmarks,  and  even  hid  the  city  gates  and  wall  where  we 
entered  them. 

The  things  which  most  impressed  me  during  this  trip 
were  the  vast  extent  and  dead-level  uniformity  and  dreari- 
ness of  the  Great  Plain,  the  homogeneity  of  the  people, 
and  the  sameness  of  their  manners,  customs,  dwellings, 
and  occupation  ; their  healthfulness,  and  immunity  from 
disease  and  suffering ; their  avid  curiosity,  mingled  with 
kindness  and  civility  to  strangers ; and  their  contented 
and  placid  disposition.  I was  surprised  at  the  crooked- 
ness of  the  Grand  Canal,  the  bad  repair  of  its  embank- 
ments, and  the  utter  neglect  into  which  they  have  fallen. 
The  absence  of  locks  for  the  utilization  of  its  water-sup- 
ply, and  the  general  crudeness  of  their  engineering  works. 


292 


CHINA. 


were  by  no  means  unexpected,  for  nothing  else  could  be 
looked  for  in  a country  entirely  unacquainted  with  sci- 
ence ; and  I had  been  prepared  for  what  I saw,  in  relation 
to  those  matters,  by  what  I had  read  in  the  “ Peking  Ga- 
zette. ” Neither  was  I surprised  at  the  number  and  size 
^ of  the  cities,  but  I must  confess  withal  that  I was  not 
impressed  as  1 expected  to  be  with  the  density  of  the 
population.  I saw  no  evidence  whatever  of  oyejcrowding, 
and  do  not  think  there  is  any.  To  the  contrary,  I am 
sure  that  with  j^roper  drainage-works,  improved  methods 
of  cultivation,  varied  industries,  and  a fair  supply  of  rail- 
roads, a much  denser  population  can  be  supported  than 
^now  lives  in  any  part  of  the  Great  Plain.  This  region  is 
the  very  home  of  the  Chinese,  and  they  live  now  just  ex- 
actly as  they  did  a thousand  years  ago.  Their  occu2)a- 
tions,  implements,  and  manners  are  absolutely  unchanged. 
They  never  see  foreigners,  nor  do  they  buy  anything  of 
foreign  origin  except  needles,  thread,  cotton  cloth,  and 
kerosene.  Foreign  arts  and  civilization  have  made  no 
progress  in  their  midst,  and  no  changes  in  their  mode  of 
living  or  thinking.  An  occasional  wandering  missionary 
has,  in  a small  way,  familiarized  them  with  the  fact  that 
the  foreigner  is  not  necessarily  a barbarian,  as  is  the  early 
belief  of  every  nation.  Perhaps  a dawning  sentiment  of 
toleration  has  begun  to  make  itself  felt,  and  a sense  of  ex- 
pectation has  been  aroused,  but  it  is  absolutely  certain 
that  there  is  yet  no  commercial  or  intellectual  movement 
anywhere  discernible.  Life,  hope,  and  aspiration  are  ab- 
solutely stagnant,  and  nothing  can  stir  them  into  activity 
but  newer  and  better  education,  the  building  of  railroads, 
and  the  establishment  of  new  industries.  As  it  is  in  the 
Gi’eat  Plain  so  it  is  everywhere  in  China,  except  at  the 
treaty  ports,  and  in  the  country  immediately  about  them. 

But  what  most  amazed  me  was  the  insignificance  of 
the  Hwang-ho,  or  Yellow  Kiver ; the  small  volume  of 


THE  YELLOW  ELVER  DELTA. 


293 


water  it  was  carrying,  tlie  narrowness  of  its  channel,  and 
the  insecure  and  generally  neglected  condition  of  its  em- 
bankments. Of  course,  it  presents  a very  different  ap- 
pearance at  flood,  during  which  it  must  carry  an  enor- 
mous volume  of  water  to  the  sea.  Having  no  valley  or 
border  of  hills,  after  it  enters  the  plain  it  is  free  to 
spread  itself  indefinitely  over  the  neighboring  country, 
when  once  it  has  overflowed  its  banks  and  broken  through 
the  dikes  which  should  confine  it. 

There  is  no  place  of  refuge  in  the  plain  except  the 
river  embankment,  or  here  and  there  the  site  of  a village 
or  hamlet,  the  level  of  which  has  been  raised  from  five  or 
six  feet  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  out  the  water.  This 
precaution  is  not  always  taken,  nor  are  the  villages  always 
surrounded  by  earthen  embankments,  as  they  might  be, 
and  it  is  the  absence  of  such  works  which  makes  the  far- 
spreading  inundation  so  destructive  to  life  and  property, 
and  fills  the  minds  of  the  simple  people  with  such  a feel- 
ing of  awe  and  helplessness  when  once  it  is  upon  them. 
Should  it  overtake  them  by  night,  which  it  not  infre- 
quently does,  and  there  is  no  ground  near  by,  above  its 
reach,  the  first  refuge  is  the  top  of  the  house,  or  the 
limbs  of  the  trees,  if  there  are  any ; or,  better  still,  the 
boat,  which  is  frequently  kept  even  far  inland  for  just 
such  an  emergency. 

Withal,  I have  no  doubt  that  the  Yellow  Elver  can  be 
bridged  wherever  it  may  be  desirable  to  cross  it  with  rail- 
roads, nor  do  I doubt  that  bridges  and  railroad  embank- 
ments can  be  built  and  maintained  anywhere  in  the  Great 
Plain,  just  as  they  are  in  the  deltas  of  the  Mississippi  and 
the  Danube. 

After  my  return  to  Tientsin  I reported  fully  but  in 
general  terms  to  the  Viceroy  Li,  and  had  many  interest- 
ing interviews  with  him,  the  details  of  which,  for  obvious 
reasons,  I do  not  feel  at  liberty  to  publish  at  this  time. 

14 


294 


CHINA. 


Having  completed  as  far  as  possible  my  business  with  the 
Viceroy,  I again  visited  Peking,  where,  through  the  kind- 
ness of  Colonel  Denby,  our  worthy  minister,  I was  re- 
ceived by  the  Prince  and  Ministers  of  the  Tsung  li  Yamen, 
or  Board  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  interview  with  these 
distinguished  Manchu  and  Chinese  dignitaries  was  quite 
interesting ; many  subjects  were  touched  upon  and  dis- 
cussed, and,  so  far  as  I could  see,  without  prejudice  or 
illiberality  on  their  part.  They  are  evidently  men  of  great 
natural  intelligence  and  of  distinguished  attainments  in 
Chinese  learning,  however  ignorant  they  may  be  in  regard 
to  foreign  arts  and  sciences.  Prince  Ching,  the  president 
of  the  board,  belongs  to  the  imperial  clan,  and  is  a near 
relative  of  the  young  Emperor.  He  is  of  medium  stature, 
and  seems  to  be  an  exceedingly  sensible  and  prudent  man, 
not  over  fifty  years  of  age.  He  and  his  associates  (who 
were  older)  entertained  us  handsomely  with  sweetmeats, 
fruits,  and  hot  samsliu,  and  seemed  to  be  really  pleased 
to  see  and  converse  with  us.  Their  manners  were  grave 
and  dignified,  and  would  have  been  considered  polite  and 
courtly  at  the  most  refined  capital  of  Europe. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Visit  to  Formosa — Description  of  the  island — The  inhabitants — The 
savages — Mountain  - ranges — Camphor-wood — Eastern  coast — Lack 
of  harbors — Port  of  Kelung — Tamsui — City  of  Twatutia — The 
governor’s  yamen — Chang-hwa,  the  future  capital — Valleys  of  the 
Tamsui  — Tea-plantations  — Tea-culture  — Energetic  operations  of 
Governor-General  Liu  Ming-Ch’uan — Foreigners  in  Formosa — Mats 
and  opium-smoking — Douses  in  Formosa — Prevalent  diseases — Do- 
mestic animals — Climate — Future  value  of  Formosa. 

After  completing  my  travels  in  Northern  China,  I 
returned  to  Shanghai  and  made  a trip  by  steamer  up  the 
stately  Yang-tse-kiang  in  company  with  Consul-General 
Smithers  to  the  old  capital  of  Nanking,  where  we  were 
received  and  politely  entertained  by  Tseng  Quo-Ch’uau, 
brother  of  Tseng  Quo-Fan,  uncle  of  the  Marquis  Tseng, 
and  governor-general  of  the  province  of  Che-kiang.  He 
is  a venerable  and  able  man,  who  has  rendered  great  serv- 
ices to  his  country,  and  is  now  said  to  be  a decided  liberal 
in  reference  to  Chinese  policy.  He  received  us  with 
every  mark  of  respectful  consideration,  and  seemed  to  be 
deeply  interested  in  what  we  had  to  say  touching  the  im- 
portant needs  of  the  empire,  as  did  his  “ deputy  for  for- 
eign affairs  ” and  his  English-speaking  and  very  intelli- 
gent secretary.  Immediately  after  getting  back  to  Shang- 
hai I sailed  for  Japan,  and  traveled  there  for  six  weeks, 
at  the  end  of  which  time  I returned  to  China,  for  the 
purpose  of  making  a visit  to  the  Island  of  Formosa,  first 
made  famous  by  the  French  impostor,  George  Psalmana- 


296 


CHINA. 


zar,  who  published  a fictitious  account  of  it  in  1704, 
which  was  so  cleverly  written  that  it  imposed  upon  all 
Europe. 

I sailed  from  Shanghai  by  the  Chinese  transport 
steamship  Way-Lee,  formerly  the  British  steamship  Wa- 
verley.  Captain  Danielsen  commanding,  on  the  4th  of 
June,  and  arrived  at  Tamsui,  the  principal  port  of  this 
island,  on  the  6th.  The  next  morning  I proceeded  by 
steam-launch  to  Twatutia,  the  seat  of  government,  for 
the  purpose  of  conferring  with  His  Excellency  Liu  Ming- 
Ch’uan,  the  governor-general. 

By  reference  to  the  map  of  Asia,  it  will  be  seen  that 
Formosa,  or  Taiwan,  as  it  is  called  by  the  Chinese,  is 
about  four  hundred  miles  south  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Yang-tse,  and  one  hundred  from  the  mainland  of  China. 
It  lies  between  25°  20'  and  21®  50'  north  latitude,  is 
nearly  two  hundred  and  forty  miles  long,  by  an  average 
of  seventy-five  miles  wide,  and  has  an  area  of  about 
twelve  thousand  square  miles.  It  is  remarkable  for  its 
beauty  and  fertility,  and  also  for  the  variety  of  its  prod- 
ucts. It  was  formerly  attached  to  the  province  of  Foh- 
kien,  and  governed  by  a resident  commissioner ; but 
since  the  Franco-Chinese  War,  during  which  the  French, 
under  Admiral  Courbet,  were  foiled  in  their  efforts  to 
take  possession  of  it,  it  has  been  erected  into  an  independ- 
ent province  by  imperial  decree,  and  is  now  governed  by 
Liu  Ming-Ch’uan,  an  able  and  progressive  man,  with  the 
title  and  almost  unlimited  authority  of  governor-general. 

The  island  was  once  in  the  possession  of  the  Sj^an- 
iards,  who  called  it  Formosa  (beautiful),  but  did  not  colo- 
nize it.  It  then  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Dutch,  who 
built  Fort  Zealandia,  and  established  a trading-post  on 
the  southwest  coast,  near  the  present  city  of  Taiwan-fu, 
and  another  known  as  the  Bed  Fort,  at  Tamsui,  on  the 
northwest  coast.  But  the  Dutch  in  turn  abandoned  the 


THE  ISLAND  OF  FORMOSA. 


297 


island  about  the  year  1660,  immediately  after  which  it 
was  occupied  and  colonized  by  the  Chinese  from  Amoy 
and  other  points  on  the  coast  of  Fohkien.  The  popula- 
tion is  now  estimated  by  the  governor-general  at  four 
million  Chinese  and  sixty  thousand  savages,  but  the  first 
figures  are  doubtless  much  too  large. 

The  savages  are  a fine  race  of  men  of  the  Malay  or 
Polynesian  type,  who  hold  nearly  all  the  east  coast  and 
the  mountain-region,  covering  over  one  half  the  island. 
They  live  mostly  by  hunting  and  fishing,  or  upon  the 
natural  products  of  the  forest,  and  cultivate  but  little 
land.  They  wear  scarcely  any  clothing,  use  bows,  arrows, 
and  knives,  together  with  a few  old-fashioned  matchlocks, 
and  yet  withal  they  have  up  to  the  present  time  success- 
fully resisted  all  efforts  to  subjugate  them  or  to  take  pos- 
session of  their  fastnesses.  They  are  brave,  fierce,  and 
active,  but  have  made  scarcely  any  progress  in  the  arts 
of  civilization.  They  are  naturally  kind  and  hospitable  to 
Europeans,  but  look  upon  the  Chinese  as  their  deadly  ene- 
mies. This  is  due  not  only  to  the  fact  that  the  latter 
have  been  pressing  them  steadily  back  for  two  hundred 
years,  but  have,  it  is  alleged,  treated  them  at  times  with 
marked  cruelty  and  treachery.  More  than  one  case  is 
mentioned  where  the  Chinese  are  said  to  have  invited  the 
savages  to  a friendly  parley  and  feast,  and  after  filling 
them  with  samshu,  to  have  fallen  upon  and  decapitated 
the  whole  lot.  On  the  other  hand,  the  savages  seem  to 
have  a natural  passion  for  the  acquisition  of  skulls  and 
scalps,  or  Chinese  queues,  and  whenever  they  capture  a 
Chinaman  they  put  him  to  death  and  scalp  him.  Gov- 
ernor-General Liu  has,  however,  adopted  a more  humane 
policy,  and  partly  by  fighting  when  necessary,  but  mostly 
by  peaceful  negotiations  and  trade,  is  making  rapid  prog- 
ress toward  the  subjugation  and  civilization  of  his  abo- 
riginal neighbors.  Only  a short  time  ago  over  eight 


298 


CHINA. 


hundred  of  the  latter  were  induced  to  come  in  and  shaye 
their  heads  and  adopt  Chinese  clothing  in  evidence  of 
their  submission.  Should  this  policy  be  continued,  it  is 
quite  likely  that  within  a few  years  the  whole  mountain- 
region  will  come  under  Chinese  sway  and  be  opened  to 
settlement. 

The  mountain-ranges  throughout  this  region  are  gen- 
erally parallel  with  one  another  and  with  the  eastern  coast, 
and  have  a northeasterly  trend,  as  do  those  in  both  China 
and  Japan.  They  are  covered  with  a dense  forest-growth, 
including  camphor-trees  and  a great  variety  of  valuable 
hard  woods.  Bamboos,  palms,  long-leaved  pines,  and 
tree-ferns  of  rare  species  are  found  almost  everywhere, 
and  give  the  landscape  a beauty  which  it  is  difficult  for 
one  to  realize  without  seeing  it. 

From  the  abundance  of  camphor-trees,  gum-camphor 
was  formerly  one  of  the  principal  articles  of  export,  but 
of  late  years  its  production  has  been  on  the  decrease,  and 
now  there  is  relatively  but  a small  amount  gathered  or 
exported.  This  is  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  trees  have 
been  nearly  all  cut  off  in  the  Chinese  part  of  the  island, 
and  the  savages  make  it  very  dangerous  for  Chinamen  to 
venture  into  the  virgin  forests  for  them.  Governor-Gen- 
eral Liu  and  the  later  commissioners  have  brought  over 
from  the  mountain-regions  of  Quang-tung  and  Kwei-chau 
a number  of  Hakkas,  an  aboriginal  tribe  of  brave  and 
skillful  woodsmen,  who  are  very  successful  in  fighting 
and  driving  back  the  Formosan  hill-men.  These  Hakkas 
are  now  the  principal  camphor-wood  cutters,  and  really 
produce  nearly  all  the  gum  which  is  offered  for  export. 

The  eastern  coast  of  the  island  is  unusually  bold  and 
rocky,  and  presents  much  magnificent  scenery.  The 
water  immediately  off  shore  is  very  deep,  and  there  is 
but  one  good  harbor,  that  of  Kelung,  of  which  I shall  say 
more  farther  on,  and  only  one  or  two  good  anchorages  on 


THE  ISLAND  OF  FORMOSA. 


299 


the  whole  of  that  coast.  The  hills  and  mountains  rise 
sheer  up  to  a height  of  6,000  or  7,000  feet  above  the 
water,  and  several  of  the  peaks,  although  situated  well 
toward  the  middle  of  the  island — notably.  Mount  Mor- 
rison, 12,850  feet ; Mount  Sylvia,  11,300  feet ; an  un- 
named peak  in  Dodd’s  Eange,  12,800  feet ; and  West 
Peak,  9,000  feet  high — can  be  seen  in  favorable  weather 
from  a great  distance  at  sea.  The  west  coast-land  is  gen- 
erally low  and  undulating,  though  outlying  hills  from 
one  to  two  thousand  feet  high  come  down  to  the  sea  in 
several  places.  The  sea  between  the  island  and  the  main- 
land, like  that  to  the  northward  as  far  as  Corea,  and  be- 
tween Corea  and  Japan,  is  remarkably  shallow.  It  varies 
in  depth  from  twenty  to  fifty  fathoms,  while  that  north 
of  it  varies  from  twenty  to  seventy-five  fathoms. 

There  are  no  harbors  of  any  kind  on  this  coast  except 
that  of  Tamsui,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tamsui  Eiver.  It 
has  only  fifteen  or  sixteen  feet  of  water  on  the  bar  at 
high  tide,  and,  owing  to  this  fact,  and  to  the  extraordinary 
velocity  of  the  outgoing  tides  during  freshets  and  ty- 
phoons, it  is  by  no  means  safe  or  satisfactory.  The  ab- 
sence of  good  harbors  and  anchorages  and  the  frequent  re- 
currence during  the  summer  months  of  violent  typhoons, 
have  been  a serious  drawback  to  the  island,  and  must  al- 
ways exert  a modifying  influence  upon  its  development. 
Both  Kelung  and  Tamsui  being  at  or  near  the  northern 
end  of  the  island,  and  it  being  impossible  to  make  safe 
harbors  and  anchorages  on  either  coast  south  of  them, 
one  or  the  other  of  these  must  become  the  principal  port. 

Kelung  has  by  far  the  best  entrance  and  anchorage. 
It  is  well  marked  by  bold  headlands,  and  can  be  entered 
at  all  times  by  the  largest  ocean-steamers.  The  hills 
about  it  abound  in  excellent  bituminous  coal,  and  it  is 
susceptible  of  easy  defense  by  properly  placed  fortifica- 
tions and  torpedoes  ; but  its  entrance  is  open  to  northeast 


300 


CHINA. 


typhoons,  and  the  anchorage  is  of  hut  limited  capacity, 
being  only  a little  more  than  a mile  long.  It  is,  how- 
ever, sufficient  for  all  possible  business  for  many  years. 
Its  most  serious  disadvantages  for  the  present  are  that 
there  is  but  little  level  ground  about  it  suitable  for  build- 
ing-sites, and  neither  river  nor  roads  connect  it  with  the 
rich  interior  of  the  island.  Curiously  enough,  Kelung 
Eiver  flows  back  of  the  hills  (two  hundred  and  flfty  to 
four  hundred  feet  high)  within  two  miles  of  it,  and,  after 
joining  the  Tamsui  River,  a short  distance  from  its  mouth, 
enters  the  sea  at  Tamsui ; but  neither  of  those  streams  is 
navigable  for  anything  except  flat-bottomed  junks  and 
sampans. 

Thus,  while  Kelung  has  the  best  harbor — in  fact,  the 
only  good  one  in  the  island — Tamsui  has  the  best  and 
only  water  communication  with  the  interior,  and  is  con- 
sequently the  principal  seaport,  and  likely  to  remain  so 
until  a railroad  is  built  from  Kelung  to  the  new  capital 
and  beyond.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  there  are 
no  roads  and  no  wheeled  vehicles  on  the  island,  and  that 
all  the  transportation  is  done  in  boats  or  on  the  backs 
and  shoulders  of  coolies.  The  city  of  Taiwan-fu,  situated 
on  the  southwest  coast,  and  estimated  by  the  governor- 
general  to  have  as  many  as  two  hundred  thousand  inhab- 
itants, was  formerly  the  capital ; but,  when  the  French 
cajDtured  Kelung,  and  endeavored  to  capture  Tamsui,  and 
to  take  possession  of  the  island.  Governor  Liu  removed 
the  seat  of  government  to  Twatutia  (Twat-u-teeah),  an 
important  city  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tamsui 
River,  ten  miles  from  Tamsui,  and  twenty  from  Kelung. 
Banka,  a place  of  equal  size  and  importance,  is  situated  on 
the  same  side  of  the  river,  a mile  farther  up. 

The  governor’s  yamen  is  nearly  midway  between  the 
two,  but  about  a third  of  a mile  hack  from  the  river.  It 
is  surrounded  by  a new  and  well-constructed  wall  of  ex- 


GOVERNOR- GENERAL  LIU  MING-CH'UAN.  301 


cellent  rubble  masonry,  about  eighteen  feet  high  and  ten 
feet  thick,  surmounted  by  a crenelated  parapet,  with 
loop-holes  and  embrasures  for  small-arms,  and  is  furnished 
with  salients,  sally-ports,  iron-bound  gates,  and  moats,  all 
in  the  style  of  the  feudal  times.  The  wall  incloses  about 
half  a square  mile,  and  is  about  two  miles  around,  but 
most  of  the  land  inside  is  under  cultivation  in  rice.  The 
official  designation  of  the  seat  of  government  just  described 
is  Taipak-fu,  although,  as  before  stated,  it  is  practically 
a part  of  Twatutia. 

Notwithstanding  the  extent  of  this  wall,  and  the  large 
sum  of  money  it  must  have  cost,  it  is  understood  that 
Taipak-fu  is  only  a temporary  capital,  and  that  the  Impe- 
rial Government  has  designated  Chang-hwa  as  the  future 
and  permanent  capital.  This  is  a large  and  important 
town  (latitude  24°  north),  about  eighty  miles  southwest 
of  Twatutia,  situated  in  the  center  of  a fertile  region, 
under  high  cultivation  in  sugar,  rice,  sweet-potatoes, 
oranges,  hemp,  tobacco,  and  indigo,  and,  with  proper 
highways  and  railroads,  to  connect  it  with  Kelung  and 
other  parts  of  the  island  north  and  south,  it  will  certainly 
become  a still  more  important  city.  Its  present  popula- 
tion is  about  one  hundred  thousand,  and  that  of  Twatu- 
tia, Banka,  and  Taipak-fu  is  probably  as  great. 

I have  carefully  explored  and  examined  the  island 
between  Tamsui,  Twatutia,  and  Kelung,  in  boats,  sedan- 
chairs,  and  on  foot,  crossing  it  from  sea  to  sea,  and  going 
around  the  north  end  of  it  in  a steamer,  and  have  never 
seen  a region  possessing  greater  attractions  and  advan- 
tages in  surface,  soil,  and  productions. 

The  valleys  of  the  Tamsui  and  its  tributaries,  includ- 
ing the  lower  Kelung,  are  broad,  level  plains,  mostly 
given  up  to  rice-fields,  from  which  two  crops  a year  are 
harvested  ; but  the  hills  are  everywhere  in  sight,  and  in 
many  cases  are  covered  to  the  very  top  with  tea-planta- 


302 


CHINA. 


tions,  producing  large  quantities  of  the  Formosa  oolong, 
or  black  tea,  now  so  rapidly  and  deservedly  gaining  favor 
throughout  the  United  States.  It  is  perfectly  pure,  un- 
colored,  and  unadulterated,  and  is  carefully  prepared  and 
packed,  under  the  supervision  of  foreign  houses.  It  is 
grown  upon  virgin  land,  and  is  peculiarly  rich  and  smooth 
in  flavor.  As  some  would  say,  “ There  isn’t  a headache 
or  a nervous  tremor  in  a hogshead  of  it.”  It  is  surely 
replacing  both  Amoy  and  Japanese  tea,  and  the  output  is 
said  to  be  increasing  at  the  rate  of  about  twenty-five  per 
cent  per  year.  Its  cultivation  was  begun  only  a few  years 
ago,  but  since  nearly  all  of  the  hill  and  mountain  region 
of  the  island  is  adapted  to  its  growth,  it  is  evident  that 
any  quantity  required  by  the  world  can  be  supplied. 

The  soil  of  the  tea-fields  is  a reddish,  clay-like  loam, 
which  at  a distance  contrasts  strongly  with  the  green 
covering  of  the  unplanted  hill-sides.  The  plantations 
are  generally  small,  containing,  as  a rule,  from  a quarter 
of  an  acre  to  three  or  four  acres ; but  Messrs.  Eussell  & 
Company  have  one  said  to  contain  four  hundred  acres, 
and  to  produce  a superior  quality  of  tea. 

The  development  of  tea-culture  in  Xorthem  Formosa, 
although  accompanied  by  a falling  off  in  the  production 
of  sugar,  to  which  the  soil  and  climate  are  also  well 
adapted,  has  given  rise  to  a general  feeling  of  confidence 
in  the  future  growth  of  this  island,  while  the  effort  of  the 
French  to  capture  it,  following,  as  it  did,  upon  the  land- 
ing of  the  Japanese  on  the  southwestern  coast  for  the 
purpose  of  punishing  the  natives  for  the  maltreatment  of 
some  shipwrecked  sailors,  has  directed  the  attention  of 
the  Imperial  Chinese  Government  to  its  importance  and 
value  as  a constituent  portion  of  the  empire. 

As  before  stated,  Governor- General  Liu  is  a vigorous 
and  progressive  ruler,  who  seems  to  be  determined  not 
only  to  develop  the  commerce  of  his  province,  but  to  fur- 


GOVERNOR-GENERAL  LIU  MING-CH'UAN.  303 


nish  it  with  roads  and  bridges,  and  to  put  it  into  a state 
of  defense  which  will  enable  him  to  hold  it  against  all 
comers.  He  is  at  present  engaged  in  building  fortifica- 
tions at  Kelung  and  Tamsui,  to  be  armed  with  $600,000 
worth  of  Armstrong  breech-loading  cannon,  five  of  which 
are  to  weigh  forty  tons  each.  He  has  also  contracted  for 
some  armed  cruisers,  and  has  on  hand  an  abundant  sup- 
ply of  Remington-Lee  rifles  and  Gatling-guns.  He  is 
erecting  a cartridge-factory,  and  is  seriously  considering 
many  other  improvements,  both  civil  and  military,  for 
the  various  parts  of  the  island.  He  is  a friend  and  pro- 
tege of  Li  Hung-Chang,  and,  like  him,  is  quite  friendly 
to  foreigners,  upon  whom  he  does  not  hesitate  to  call  for 
advice  and  assistance  in  matters  which  he  does  not  him- 
self understand.  His  liberality  as  well  as  his  humanity 
compare  favorably  with  those  of  the  French,  at  least,  and 
this  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  latter  are  said  to  have 
shot  many  Chinese  prisoners,  and  even  a number  of  poor, 
defenseless  women,  during  their  occupation  of  Kelung, 
while  Liu  did  not  retaliate,  but,  instead,  treated  all 
French  prisoners  with  marked  kindness  and  considera- 
tion, giving  them  $100  each,  and  sending  them  back  to 
their  own  lines  in  good  condition. 

This  island,  imports  American  petroleum,  cotton, 
sheetings,  shirtings,  and  drills  in  increasing  quantities. 
It  also  takes  lamps,  matches,  needles,  and  many  other 
articles  of  foreign  manufacture,  and  will  take  more  and 
more  of  all  these  things  in  the  future.  There  are,  per- 
haps, a hundred  and  fifty  foreigners  altogether  in  the 
island,  employed  in  the  customs  service  and  in  mercantile 
and  shipping  business  and  as  missionaries.  The  greater 
number  of  foreigners  live  here  and  at  Tamsui,  but  there 
are  also  a few  at  Kelung  and  Taiwan-fu.  The  majority 
are  English,  the  Americans  come  next,  and  then  the 
Germans,  with  a sprinkling  of  Danes,  Norwegians,  and 


304 


CHINA. 


other  nationalities,  all  of  whom  live  on  excellent  terms 
with  one  another,  though  here,  as  well  as  in  other  Ori- 
ental countries,  there  is  but  little,  if  any,  intercourse  be- 
tween the  missionaries  and  business  or  official  people. 

America  takes  nearly  all  the  Formosan  tea  and  sugar, 
which  are  the  principal  articles  of  export  to  foreign  coun- 
tries, but  furnishes  in  exchange  by  no  means  a propor- 
tional part  of  the  imported  goods  consumed  in  the  isl- 
ands. 

The  governor-general  says  the  best  thing  produced  in 
Formosa  is  a kind  of  mat  used  for  sleeping  upon  in  hot 
weather.  It  is  made  of  a species  of  palm-leaf,  and  is  in 
texture  and  feeling  exactly  like  the  material  of  a Panama 
hat,  though  not  so  white.  It  is  quite  fine,  soft,  and  fiexi- 
ble,  and  it  is  said  that  a mat  four  by  six  feet,  of  the  best 
quality,  costs  even  here  as  much  as  $100.  The  governor 
adds  that  the  worst  thing  in  Formosa  is  opium-smoking, 
which  is  widely  practiced,  and,  from  my  own  observation, 
I am  compelled  to  say,  it  seems  to  spare  neither  class  nor 
condition  of  man.  High  as  well  as  low  are  the  victims  of 
the  habit,  and  they  resort  to  it  openly  and  without  shame. 
I have  seen  high  officials  withdraw  from  the  table  upon 
social  occasions  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  taking  a whiS. 
Such  men  as  the  Viceroy  Li  and  Governor-General  Liu 
openly  denounce  and  frown  upon  it ; but,  withal,  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  the  consumption  of  the  drug, 
both  foreign  and  native,  is  on  the  increase. 

China  owes  this  curse  principally  to  the  British  Gov- 
ernment and  its  subjects,  who  have  fought  for  and  suc- 
ceeded in  securing  almost  a monopoly  of  the  traffic  in  the 
foreign  article.  Happily,  under  the  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  China,  the  traffic  in  opium  is  unlawful 
for  American  citizens,  and  this  fact  has  strengthened 
Americans  with  the  Chinese  authorities.  Were  it  not  for 
the  late  outrages  upon  Chinese  subjects  in  America,  there 


PRODUCTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


305 


is  little  room  for  doubting  that  American  experts,  in  all 
kinds  of  public  and  private  business,  ■would  have  the 
preference  in  China  over  all  other  foreigners. 

The  cities  and  to'wns,  manners,  customs,  farming  and 
farmsteads,  buildings  and  architecture  are  much  the  same 
in  Formosa  as  in  other  parts  of  the  empire.  There  are 
no  highways  worthy  of  the  name,  the  streets  are  crooked 
and  dirty,  and  the  houses  are  low,  dark,  and  squalid,  but 
they  are  generally  built  of  red  fire-burned  bricks,  and  not 
of  sun-dried  mud  or  gray  fire-burned  bricks,  as  is  the  case 
in  the  delta  country  of  the  mainland. 

Another  feature  peculiar  to  Formosa  is  that  the  houses 
are  not  thatched,  but  covered  with  tiles,  and,  instead  of 
having  plain  fronts,  are  in  many  cases  furnished  with  an 
arcade,  supported  by  square  columns  of  brick,  inside  of 
which  passers  walk  and  do  their  visiting  and  bargaining. 
This  peculiarity  is,  doubtless,  due  to  the  frequency  and 
heaviness  of  the  rains,  the  downfall  of  which  is  said  to  be 
as  much  as  one  hundred  inches,  and  even  more,  per  year. 

The  people  have  all  the  characteristics  of  the  Chinese 
of  the  mainland,  but,  on  the  whole,  they  do  not  seem  to 
be  either  so  well  fed  or  vigorous.  The  climate  in  the 
lowlands  is  malarious,  intermittent  fevers  are  common, 
and  the  complexion  of  the  inhabitants  strikes  one  as  being 
somewhat  more  sallow  than  in  Northern  or  even  Middle 
China.  Small-pox  is  an  every-day  affair,  and  is  lightly 
regarded.  Consumption  is  not  common,  but  blood-spit- 
ting, or  bleeding  from  the  lungs, ' is  said  to  occur  fre- 
quently, and  to  be  due  to  the  development  of  a sort  of 
fluke  or  worm  in  the  lungs,  the  germ  of  which  is  taken 
in  with  drinking-water,  and  developed  in  some  way  not 
clearly  understood.  Curiously  enough,  this  parasite,  ac- 
cording to  my  informant,  is  rarely  fatal  to  the  person  in 
whose  lungs  it  has  formed  its  nidus. 

The  largest  domestic  animal  is  the  water-buffalo  {Bos 


306 


CHINA. 


huialos),  which  may  be  seen  on  every  uncultivated  hill- 
side and  river  or  canal  bank,  and  always  watched  by  boys 
or  old  men,  generally  one  to  each  bufialo. 

The  most  common  animal  is  the  black  Chinese  hog, 
the  flesh  of  which  in  all  forms,  from  roast  pig  to  smoked 
sausages,  constitutes  the  principal  animal  food  of  the 
average  Chinaman.  Duck-raising  is  a great  industry  on 
the  rivers  and  ponds.  Chickens  are  abundant,  and  their 
eggs  can  always  be  had  at  moderate  cost.  Turkeys  and 
geese  are  also  met  with  occasionally,  but  are  less  common. 
Pheasants,  plover,  snipe,  and  wild  ducks,  also  several 
kinds  of  deer,  and  the  brown  bear,  are  found  in  their  ap- 
propriate haunts  on  the  plains  or  in  the  forests  and  jun- 
gles of  the  mountain-region.  There  are  but  few  ponies 
and  beef-cattle,  and  no  sheep  except  such  as  are  brought 
over  from  the  mainland.  Mosquitoes,  house-flies,  fleas, 
and  many  other  kinds  of  insects,  are  plentiful  and  pestif- 
erous ; and  yet,  if  this  island  were  within  one  hundred 
miles  of  the  American  coast,  and  belonged  to  us,  it  would 
justly  be  looked  upon  as  an  earthly  paradise. 

The  climate,  on  the  whole,  is  salubrious  and  agree- 
able, for,  although  the  island  lies  partly  within  the  torrid 
zone,  its  temperature  is  never  hot.  It  rarely  if  ever  rises 
above  90°  Fahrenheit.  Fresh  breezes  blow  every  day,  and 
high  winds,  and  even  tornadoes  or  typhoons  from  the  sur- 
rounding seas,  are  not  infrequent ; and,  however  annoy- 
ing the  latter  may  be,  they  cool  and  purify  the  air,  and 
render  it  healthy  and  in\ngorating.  But  little  clothing, 
and  that  of  the  most  inexpensive  kind,  is  needed,  and 
vegetable  food  can  be  produced  in  great  abundance,  and 
at  as  low  a cost  perhaps  as  in  any  other  country. 

Bituminous  coal  of  good  quality  is  mined  in  many 
parts  of  the  island.  Petroleum  has  been  discovered,  but 
is  not  yet  produced  in  any  quantity.  Iron-ore,  and  even 
gold  and  silver,  are  thought  to  exist  in  the  mountains. 


PRODUCTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


307 


The  importing  and  exporting  business  of  the  island  is  in 
the  hands  of  able  and  experienced  merchants,  and  there 
is  no  place  in  it  for  adventurers. 

A few  specialists  might  find  employment  with  the 
Government,  and  American  manufacturers  of  machinery, 
cotton  goods,  thread,  lamps,  nails,  and  certain  classes  of 
hardware,  after  sending  competent  men  to  ascertain  ex- 
actly what  kinds  and  styles  of  goods  were  required  by  the 
people,  might  extend  their  business  with  the  island,  though 
it  should  not  be  forgotten  that,  notwithstanding  the  de- 
velopment of  tea  culture  and  export,  as  explained  above, 
trade  here,  as  everywhere  else  in  China  and  Japan,  is  in 
a depressed  condition,  due  almost  entirely  to  the  fall  in 
the  price  of  silver,  and  the  disturbance  of  the  rates  of  ex- 
change with  Europe  and  America. 

But,  besides  the  natural  riches  of  Formosa,  and  its 
availability  as  a place  of  settlement  for  large  numbers  of 
Chinamen  from  the  mainland,  it  has  a great  future  value 
to  China  as  the  site  of  a naval  station,  for  which  Kelung, 
with  its  coal-mines  and  defensible  harbor,  is  exceedingly 
well  situated  and  adapted.  The  Pescadores,  a group  of 
rocky  islands,  which  are  situated  in  the  Formosa  Chan- 
nel, midway  between  the  island  and  mainland,  also  be- 
long to  China.  They  have  several  fine  harbors,  which 
are  susceptible  of  easy  defense,  and  therefore  offer  another 
exceedingly  good  base  of  naval  operations  against  any 
maritime  power  threatening  the  Chinese  coast. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


Chinese  system  of  education — Confined  to  classics,  jurisprudence,  and 
history — Influence  upon  the  governing  class  and  common  people — The 
arrest  of  development — How  China  is  to  be  prepared  for  the  higher 
civilization — Substitution  of  'Western  sciences  for  the  dry  husks  of 
their  worn-out  philosophy — The  earliest  communication  with  the 
Chinese  by  the  Portuguese — The  Spaniards — The  French — The  Rus- 
sians— The  English — The  East  India  Company — The  Americans — 
The  Chinese  authorities  have  from  the  first  sought  to  restrain  trade 
— The  period  of  small  ships — The  first  Protestant  missionaries — 
The  attitude  of  the  Chinese  officials  in  reference  to  trade — The 
hong-merchants — Lord  Xapier’s  refusal  to  confer  with  them — Action 
of  the  English  merchants — The  discussion  at  Peking — The  opium- 
traffic — The  Emperor’s  efforts  to  suppress  it — Captain  Elliot — The 
destruction  of  the  opium — The  Opium  W ar — The  conclusion  of  peace 
— the  Chinese  concessions — The  settlement  of  Hong-Kong — The 
influence  of  the  war. 

The  most  noted  particular  in  whicli  the  Chinese  differ 
from  all  other  people,  and  especially  from  Europeans  and 
Americans,  is  in  respect  to  education.  Up  to  the  time  of 
the  Reformation  they  were  abreast,  if  not  in  advance,  of 
the  rest  of  the  world,  in  many  of  the  things  that  con- 
stitute civilization.  Their  towns  and  cities  were  as  well 
walled  and  defended ; their  canal  and  river  navigation 
was  better ; their  manufactures  were  in  many  particulars 
of  a higher  order,  and  their  general  education,  while 
developed  on  different  lines,  was  perhaps  as  far  advanced 
as  that  of  any  Western  nation.  It  is  not  my  intention 
to  enter  into  a discussion  of  its  details,  nor  even  to  give 


TEE  CHINESE  SYSTEM  OF  EDUCATION.  309 


its  general  features,  for  both  are  set  forth  at  large  in  the 
“Middle  Kingdom”  and  the  cyclopaedias.  It  is  suf- 
ficient for  my  purpose  to  say  that  it  has  always  had  but 
one  object  and  aim,  and  that  is  to  teach  the  classics, 
jurisprudence,  and  history  of  China.  Whatever  human 
thought  that  could  not  be  brought  within  this  realm  has 
been  counted  as  of  little  value.  The  range  and  methods 
of  instruction  have  been  laid  down  and  established  from 
time  immemorial  in  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  land,  and 
there  is  neither  material  change  nor  improvement  in  them. 
They  are  based  primarily  upon  the  teachings  of  Con- 
fucius, “the  most  prescient  sage  and  philosopher,”  and 
upon  the  commentaries  of  his  disciples.  What  he  or  they 
may  have  said  is  conclusive,  and  when  quoted  puts  an 
end  to  all  further  discussion.  What  they  do  not  say  is 
not  worth  considering.  It  may  be  sensible  and  irrefuta- 
ble, or  it  may  even  have  the  force  and  sanction  of  law, 
but  it  is  neither  classic  nor  sacred,  and  can  be  of  no  per- 
manent or  binding  effect,  as  against  the  slightest  precept  or 
statement  of  Confucius,  which  can  be  arrayed  against  it. 
The  result  has  been  to  arrest  all  intellectual  development 
and  progress  in  China,  and  to  mold  the  Chinese  mind 
entirely  upon  one  model.  Nothing  new  or  spontaneous 
can  come  from  it,  and  every  individual  Chinese  soul  is 
bound  and  circumscribed  by  it,  and  is  as  powerless  to  es- 
cape its  thralldom,  through  any  volition  of  its  own,  as  are 
the  spokes  of  a carriage-wheel  to  escape  from  the  felloe  and 
tire  which  surround  them.  It  can  not  aspire  to  anything 
better,  for  it  can  not  imagine  or  conceive  that  anything 
can  be  better.  There  is  no  source  of  doubt  or  light  left 
open  to  the  great  mass  of  the  Chinese  people,  bound  and 
fettered  as  tliey  are  by  tradition,  by  the  isolation  of  their 
country,  by  the  poverty  and  inflexibility  of  their  literary 
language,  and  by  the  settled  and  narrow  limits  of  their 
system  of  instruction.  The  absence  of  hereditary  nobil- 


310 


CHINA. 


ity,  and  the  equality  of  condition  and  rights  within  the 
system,  render  the  system  itself  popular,  and  tend  to  dis- 
seminate a feeling  of  contentment.  Where  all  men  are 
poor  and  ignorant  alike,  and  the  lot  of  each  is  unalter- 
able, discontentment  can  not  prevail  to  any  great  extent ; 
and  discontentment,  so  far  as  I can  ascertain,  does  not 
prevail  among  the  mass  of  the  Chinese  people.  Xeither 
the  face  of  the  country,  nor  the  course  of  Nature,  changes 
about  them.  The  Government  remains  the  same  from 
generation  to  generation.  Dynasties  rise  and  fall  from 
the  operation  of  natural  causes  as  the  seasons  come  and 
go,  but  the  laws,  and  the  machinery  for  their  enforcement, 
remain  substantially  unchanged  from  century  to  century. 
The  Tartar  and  the  Manchu  emperors,  no  less  surely  than 
those  of  strictly  Chinese  origin,  become  subject  to  the 
sway  of  the  “ most  prescient  sage  ” and  his  teaching ; 
and,  like  the  common  people,  are  bound  by  the  custom 
which  comes  down  to  them  sanctified  by  age,  and  based 
upon  a system  of  philosophy  which,  so  far  as  they  know, 
has  never  been  questioned. 

As  China  and  its  people  were  at  the  time  of  Luther, 
or  even  of  Christ,  so  they  are  now  in  all  essential  partic- 
ulars. They  have  had  no  awakening,  and  have  made  no 
protest.  They  have  had  no  great  teacher  to  overthrow  or 
to  build  upon  the  old  philosophy.  No  great  statesman 
has  filled  the  throne  since  the  days  of  Arkwright,  Watt, 
Fulton,  Stephenson,  and  Morse,  and  hence  there  has  been 
no  one  in  China  with  power  enough  to  reach  out  toward 
or  to  comprehend  the  great  movement  which  character- 
izes what  we  call  modern  progress. 

There  is  no  effective  system  of  common  schools,  and  the 
machinery  of  education  has  undergone  no  change  whatever 
for  two  thousand  years.  It  stands  just  where  it  did  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  Printing  by  blocks 
has  been  practiced  by  the  Chinese  for  over  eight  hundred 


THE  PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT. 


311 


years  but  there  is  no  such  thing  known  in  the  interior  as 
a newspaper  which  gives  all  the  news  and  comments  upon 
or  criticises  it  from  the  standpoint  of  an  independent, 
questioning  intelligence.  Of  course,  it  should  be  borne 
constantly  in  mind  that  I am  speaking  of  interior  China, 
and  the  countless  millions  inhabiting  it,  who  are  powerless 
to  change,  or  to  desire  change,  and  must  remain  so,  till 
they  can  be  brought  within  the  range  of  the  newer  thought 
and  thus  be  prepared  for  the  higher  ciAulization.  The  great 
question  is  : “ How  is  this  to  be  done  ? Can  it  be  done 
by  missionaries,  or  by  school-teachers,  or  even  by  news- 
papers and  books  disseminated  among  and  acting  directly 
upon  the  common  people  ? Can  any  one  or  even  all  of 
these  means  be  brought  to  bear  efficiently  upon  the  great 
work  of  education,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Gov- 
ernment ? ” I am  compelled  to  answer  that  they  can  not. 
In  China,  as  everywhere  else  in  the  world,  the  toiling 
millions  must  first  be  reached  through  the  thinking  few. 
In  short,  the  Chinese  people  must  be  reached  through  the 
literary  or  official  class,  which  governs  and  controls  every- 
thing, and  this  must  be  done  in  various  ways  and  by 
various  means  which  I will  point  out  more  fully  in  the 
closing  chapter  of  this  book.  It  is  all  summed  up,  how- 
ever, in  the  declaration  that  they  must  substitute  the 
Western  sciences  for  the  dry  husks  of  their  worn-out 
philosophy,  and  adopt  the  Western  methods  of  education, 
before  they  can  elevate  the  Chinese  people  and  put  them 
abreast  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  They  must  adopt  West- 
ern arts  and  appliances  before  they  can  understand  or  ap- 
preciate at  their  true  value  the  advantages  of  Western 
civilization.  They  must  be  led  to  adopt  our  ways  by 
showing  them  that  our  ways  are  better  than  theirs,  and 
this  can  be  done  most  efficiently  by  giving  them  object- 
lessons  on  a grand  scale.  They  must  be  led  forward  step 
by  step  from  the  concrete  to  the  abstract,  their  needs  must 


312 


CHINA. 


be  pointed  out  to  them,  and  they  must  be  shown  how  to 
attain  them  in  the  shortest  and  best  way.  We  must  teach 
them  how  to  utilize  their  own  resources ; how  to  build 
railroads  and  operate  them ; how  to  open  mines,  and  to 
work  them  ; how  to  make  iron  and  steel,  and  to  use 
them  ; how  to  find  and  extract  the  precious  metals  ; how 
to  establish  manufactories  and  to  condiict  them  profita- 
bly. The  Government  and  some  of  their  leading  men 
have  already  learned  the  value  of  steamships  for  com- 
merce, of  ironclads,  great  guns,  and  torpedoes,  for  naval 
defense ; of  breech-loaders  and  Western  tactics  for  the 
army ; and  of  the  telegraph  for  communicating  rapidly 
with  the  remote  parts  of  the  empire,  but  the  masses  in 
the  interior  are  almost  if  not  entirely  ignorant  upon  all 
these  subjects. 

It  is  now  universally  recognized  that  the  greatest  in- 
dustrial movement  of  all  time,  is  the  one  which  has  sup- 
plied and  is  still  supplying  the  world  with  steamboats  and 
railroads.  It  has  given  profitable  employment  to  more 
capital  and  labor  than  ever  co-operated  with  each  other 
before  in  any  period  of  the  world’s  history.  It  has  made 
itself  felt  in  every  branch  of  human  industry.  It  has 
opened  mines  and  quarries,  built  furnaces,  rolling-mills, 
and  machine-shops.  It  has  improved  every  human  appli- 
ance, increased  the  sum  of  human  comfort  and  happiness 
more  than  any  other  movement  in  which  human  beings 
have  ever  participated.  It  has  annihilated  time  and 
space.  It  has  overcome  Nature,  and  brought  its  benefi- 
cent fruits  to  all  nations  and  races  of  men.  And  it  is  this 
movement  which  has  already  crossed  the  borders  of  China, 
and  now  threatens  to  break  down  the  last  barrier  of  her 
conservatism  and  isolation. 

Communication  at  rare  intervals  has  been  had  between 
EurQpe  and  China  from  the  time  of  Marco  Polo  down  to 
the  present  day.  Friar  Odoric,  who  landed  at  Canton, 


THE  PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT. 


313 


and  lived  in  the  country  from  1286  to  1331,  describes  how 
the  Chinese  at  that  time  used  cormorants  in  fishing,  wore 
long  finger-nails,  and  compressed  the  feet  of  their  women. 
He  was  followed  by  many  Jesuits,  who  were  tolerated  and 
permitted  to  travel  and  teach  throughout  the  country. 
The  Portuguese  Jesuit,  Benedict  Goes,  who  went  over- 
land from  Europe,  and  died  on  the  frontier  at  Sechuan, 
was  the  first  person  to  point  out  that  Cathay  and  China 
are  the  same  country. 

Up  to  the  conquest  of  the  Manchus,  trade  and  travel 
in  China  seem  to  have  been  free  to  such  foreigners  as 
could  reach  it  overland  or  othei’wise.  The  Portuguese, 
Kafael  Perestrello,  was  the  first  man  who  conducted  a 
vessel  to  China  under  a European  flag.  This  was  in 
1516.  He  was  followed  the  next  year  by  Ferdinand  An- 
drade, and  he  by  his  brother  Simon.  They  were  both 
bad  men,  and,  although  they  opened  trade  at  Canton  and 
along  the  coast,  their  behavior  was  such  as  to  fill  the 
timid  natives  with  apprehension.  Portuguese  traders 
and  adventurers  followed  in  goodly  numbers,  and  Macao 
was  settled  by  them  in  1560. 

The  Spaniards  who  had  taken  possession  of  the  Philip- 
pines, made  their  first  appearance  on  the  Chinese  coast  in 
1575.  The  Dutch  took  possession  of  the  Pescadores  in 
1622,  and  of  Formosa  in  1624,  built  forts  at  Zelandia, 
Tamsui,  and  Kelung,  founded  colonies  and  trading-sta- 
tions, sent  missions  to  Peking,  and  carried  on  a desultory 
trade  with  the  mainland,  till  they  were  driven  out  of 
Formosa  by  the  great  Chinese  pirate  Koxinga  in  1662. 
Afterward  they  traded  at  Canton  on  the  same  footing 
with  the  representatives  of  other  nations  till  1863,  when 
their  relations  with  the  Chinese  were  regulated  by  the 
Treaty  of  Tientsin. 

The  French  Government  has  never  till  late  years  sent 
an  embassy  to  Peking,  nor  made  any  effort  to  open  trade 
14 


314 


CHINA. 


or  to  establish  trading-posts  on  the  Chinese  coast,  but 
the  French  Jesuits  gave  the  world  more  information 
about  China  prior  to  this  century  than  all  other  travel- 
ers put  together. 

The  Kussians  sent  many  trading  expeditions  from  their 
settlements  in  the  Amur  Valley  to  Peking  between  1567 
and  1677.  They  established  relations  which  were  more 
or  less  intimate,  and  by  firmness  and  fair  dealing  suc- 
ceeded in  making  the  first  treaty  which  was  ever  agreed 
to  by  the  court  of  Peking.  It  was  signed  at  Nipchu,  on 
the  27th  day  of  August,  1689,  and  the  ratification  of  it 
by  the  Kussian  Czar  was  carried  to  China  by  Ysbrandt 
Ides  in  1692.  The  Czar  sent  Vladislavitch  as  minister  to 
Peking  in  1727,  and  he  was  permitted  to  establish  there 
a permanent  legation  and  college  for  the  education  of 
interpreters.  This  legation  has  been  steadily  maintained 
from  that  time  to  this,  and,  barring  the  friction  along  the 
frontier  of  the  two  countries,  and  especially  in  the  valley 
of  the  Amur,  the  relations  of  China  and  Eussia  have  been 
uniformly  friendly.  The  Russians  are,  however,  pressing 
steadily  forward  upon  the  Chinese  border  from  the  re- 
motest corner  of  Turkistan  to  the  coast  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  and  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  this  pre- 
sents the  greatest  possible  danger  to  the  integrity  of  the 
Chinese  Empire.  From  this  side  it  can  be  successfully 
assailed  as  soon  as  the  railroad  has  reached  the  valley  of 
the  Amur,  and,  when  the  policy  and  interest  of  Eussia  in 
Asia  are  considered,  it  Avill  be  seen  that  the  danger  just 
alluded  to  must  soon  become  an  imminent  if  not  a 
fatal  one.  It  is  already  believed  by  careful  observers  in 
China  that  sooner  or  later  the  Russians  will  regard  them- 
selves as  compelled  to  occupy  the  valley  of  the  Yellow 
River,  and  thus  gain  access  to  ports  on  the  Yellow 
Sea  which  can  be  reached  and  kept  open  at  all  seasons  of 
the  year. 


THE  PROGRESSIVE  MOVEMENT. 


315 


The  first  ships  bearing  the  English  flag  anchored  ofi 
Macao  in  1635,  and,  after  trading  awhile  peaceably,  got 
into  a difficulty  with  the  natives,  and  ended  by  fighting 
and  beating  them.  They  came  again  in  1644,  and  visited 
Amoy  in  1677,  but  did  not  succeed  in  gaining  a footing 
at  Canton  till  1684.  In  1699  Catchpool  was  appointed 
consul,  or  king’s  minister,  and  attempted  to  open  trade 
at  Kingpo  and  other  points  farther  north.  In  1703  the 
East  India  Company  farmed  out  aU  the  English  foreign 
trade  at  Canton  to  one  man.  In  1743  Commodore  Anson 
arrived  ofE  the  coast  with  the  Centurion,  the  first  English 
frigate  which  had  ever  sailed  into  Chinese  waters,  and 
made  an  overpowering  demonstration  of  English  strength 
and  determination.  From  that  day  forward,  for  about 
one  hundred  years,  the  East  India  Company  practically 
monopolized  the  Chinese  trade  with  foreigners.  In  1793 
the  English  Government  sent  Earl  Macartney  with  three 
ships  and  a brilliant  staff  on  a special  mission  to  Peking. 
They  were  received  with  every  mark  of  respect  and  at- 
tention, and,  although  they  gained  no  great  diplomatic 
advantage  or  concession,  it  may  be  said  that  they  opened 
China  to  foreign  diplomacy.  Lord  Amherst  was  ap- 
pointed embassador,  and  reached  Peking  in  1816,  but  he 
was  summarily  dismissed  because  he  would  not  perform 
the  hotow.  Trade  was  carried  on,  however,  for  many 
years  thereafter  under  greater  and  greater  restrictions. 
The  Chinese  authorities  grew  more  and  more  jealous  and 
apprehensive,  and  finally  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  all  in- 
tercourse whatever  with  foreigners. 

In  1834  the  East  India  Company’s  monopoly  in  China 
came  to  an  end,  and  Lord  Napier  was  appointed  chief 
superintendent  of  British  trade,  and  sent  to  Canton  with 
instructions  from  Lord  Palmerston  to  protect  and  foster 
that  trade,  and  extend  it,  if  practicable,  to  other  parts 
of  the  Chinese  dominions,  but  forbidding  him  to  conduct 


316 


CHINA. 


any  diplomatic  negotiations  whatever  with  the  Govern- 
ment at  Peking. 

The  first  American  trading-ship  visited  China  in  1784, 
and  from  that  time  our  merchants  have  done  business 
there  on  the  same  footing  as  those  of  other  nations,  sub- 
ject to  the  same  restrictions,  and  enjoying  the  same  privi- 
leges. Our  friendly  relations  have  never  been  interrupted, 
though,  according  to  Williams,  our  Government  for 
many  years  “left  the  commerce,  lives,  and  property  of 
its  citizens  wholly  unprotected  and  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Chinese  laws  and  rulers.” 

The  trade  and  intercourse  of  the  lesser  European  na- 
tions have  grown  up  and  been  conducted  under  the  ex- 
ample and  leadership  of  England,  and,  until  late  years, 
have  not  been  characterized  by  any  events  of  special  im- 
portance. 

From  the  foregoing  statement  it  will  be  seen  that 
commerce  between  the  Chinese  and  foreigners  began,  in 
a small  way,  by  sea  in  1516,  and  was  carried  on  by  the 
Portuguese,  Spanish,  and  Dutch  in  a desultory  and  pre- 
daceous manner  till  the  English  made  their  appearance 
on  the  scene  in  1635.  From  that  time  down  to  the  pres- 
ent day  the  English  have  not  only  taken  the  most  promi- 
nent and  active  part  in  it,  but  have  controlled  a larger 
share  of  the  business  than  all  other  nations  put  together. 
They  have  never  hesitated  to  ask  frankly  for  what  they 
wanted,  but  have  always  been  bold,  outspoken,  and  firm 
in  their  demands.  Their  Government  has  stood  ready  to 
back  them  by  diplomacy  and,  if  need  be,  by  arms,  and  it 
is  but  just  to  say  that  whatever  they  have  gained  for 
themselves  has  also  been  conceded  to  others,  perhaps  re- 
luctantly and  grudgingly  at  times,  but  always  fully  and 
fairly.  It  can  not  be  denied,  and  the  Chinese  should  not 
lose  sight  of  the  fact,  that,  after  that  from  Russia,  the 
next  greatest  danger  to  the  Chinese  Empire  arises  from 


THE  GROWTH  OF  FOREIGN  TRADE.  317 


fhe  juxtaposition  of  its  western  and  southwestern  prov- 
inces with  the  Indian  possessions  of  the  British  crown, 
and  the  grasping  and  aggressive  demands  of  British  trade. 
This  truth  is  fully  attested  by  Chinese  experience,  and  is 
generally  admitted  by  the  rest  of  the  world. 

The  Chinese  authorities  from  the  first  sought  to  limit 
trade  to  Canton,  and  to  hamper  it  by  terms  and  condi- 
tions which  were  extremely  onerous.  They  seem  to  have 
been  apprehensive  of  foreign  influence  from  the  accession 
of  the  present  dynasty,  and  to  do  all  in  their  power  to 
discourage  their  own  people  as  well  as  the  foreigners  from 
engaging  in  commerce.  For  over  two  hundred  years  the 
trade  of  foreign  merchants  was  strictly  confined  to  Can- 
ton, and  was  conducted  through  Chinese  or  Co-hong  mer- 
chants, who  were  specially  licensed  for  that  purpose  by 
the  Government.  Foreigners  were  not  permitted  to  travel 
in  the  country ; “they  are  permitted  only  to  eat,  sleep, 
buy,  and  sell  in  the  factories  ” ; and  even  the  first  Protes- 
tant missionary,  who  reached  China  in  1807,  was  con- 
fined strictly  to  the  hongs  of  the  foreign  merchants. 
Inasmuch  as  Chinese  merchants  have  no  social  or  official 
status,  foreign  merchants  were  put  upon  the  same  footing, 
and  the  result  was  that  the  influence  of  the  latter  reached 
no  further  than  the  minds  of  those  through  whom  they 
conducted  their  business.  They  exerted  no  influence 
whatever  upon  the  literary  or  governing  class,  and  did 
nothing  which  could  be  measured  to  change  either  the 
civilization  of  the  Chinese  people  or  the  methods  of  the 
Chinese  Government. 

This  was  the  period  of  small  ships  and  strictly  com- 
mercial methods,  during  the  whole  of  which  foreigners 
counted  for  nothing  with  the  Chinese  authorities.  “ They 
constituted,”  says  Williams,*  who  was  himself  one  of  the 


* “ The  Middle  Kingdom,”  vol.  ii,  p.  453  el  scq, 
15 


318 


CHINA. 


earliest  missionaries,  “a  community  by  themselves,  sub- 
ject chiefly  to  their  own  sense  of  honor  in  their  mutual 
dealings,  but  their  relations  with  the  Chinese  wei’e  like 
what  lawyers  call  ‘ a state  of  nature.’  The  change  of  a 
governor-general,  of  a collector  of  customs,  or  a senior 
hong-merchant  involved  a new  course  of  policy,  accord- 
ing to  the  personal  character  of  those  functionaries.  The 
Committee  of  the  East  India  Company  had  considerable 
power  over  British  subjects,  and  coixld  deport  them  if  it 
pleased  ; but  the  consuls  of  other  nations  had  little  or  no 
authority  over  their  countrymen.  Trade  was  left  at  the 
same  loose  ends  that  politics  was,  and  the  want  of  an  ac- 
knowledged tariff  encouraged  smuggling  and  kept  up  a 
constant  spirit  of  resistance  and  dissatisfaction  between 
the  native  and  the  foreign  merchants,  each  party  en- 
deavoring to  get  along  as  advantageously  to  itself  as  pos- 
sible. Nor  was  there  any  acknowledged  medium  of  com- 
munication between  them,  for  consuls,  not  being  credited 
by  the  Chinese  Government,  came  and  went,  hoisting  and 
lowering  their  flags,  without  the  slightest  notice  to  or  from 
the  authorities.  Trade  could  proceed,  perhaps,  without 
involving  the  nations  in  war,  since,  if  it  were  unprofitable, 
it  would  cease ; but,  while  it  continued  on  such  a pre- 
carious footing,  national  character  suffered,  and  the  mis- 
representations produced  thereby  rendered  explanations 
difficult,  inasmuch  as  neither  party  understood  or  believed 
the  other.” 

While,  therefore,  it  is  strictly  true  that  foreigners  pro- 
duced no  change  either  in  the  civilization  of  the  Chinese 
people  or  in  the  methods  of  the  Chinese  Government,  it 
can  not  be  said  that  they  did  not  make  their  presence  felt 
by  the  authorities  at  Peking  during  the  long  period  which 
closed  in  1843.  The  fact  is,  that,  owing  to  the  central- 
ized character  of  the  Imperial  Government,  every  public 
act  of  the  foreigners  was  reported  promptly  to  it,  and  had 


THE  GROWTH  OF  FOREIGN  TRADE. 


319 


its  influence  in  building  up  the  policy  of  non-intercourse 
which  finally  came  to  be  the  ruling  idea  of  Chinese  diplo- 
macy. So  long  as  trade  was  confined  to  one  port,  and 
conducted  through  the  Co-hong  merchants  under  regula- 
tions laid  down  by  the  Peking  Government,  it  was  toler- 
ated ; embassadors  and  ministers  were  even  received  at 
Peking,  but  it  was  always  understood  by  the  Emperor  and 
his  advisers  that  they  came  as  tribute-bearers  from  sub- 
ject nations,  and  not  as  the  representatives  of  equal  sov- 
ereignties. The  very  moment  a pretension  of  this  sort, 
on  the  part  of  Lord  Napier,  was  suspected,  the  governor- 
general  directed  him  to  remain  at  Macao  until  he  ob- 
tained legal  permission  to  go  to  Canton.  This  notifica- 
tion was,  however,  not  received  in  time,  and  Lord  Napier 
proceeded  to  Canton  as  any  unofficial  foreigner  would 
have  done.  At  that  place  he  ignored  the  hong -mer- 
chants, and  sent  a letter  to  the  governor-general,  addressed 
as  from  an  equal  to  an  equal.  When  the  governor-gen- 
eral heard  of  his  presence  at  Canton,  he  issued  a procla- 
mation to  the  hong-merchants,  denouncing  what  he  styled 
an  “infringement  of  the  established  laws,”  and  laying 
down  the  principle  that  “the  Celestial  Empire  appoints 
officers — civil  ones  to  rule  the  people,  military  ones  to  in- 
timidate the  wicked.  The  petty  affairs  of  commerce  are 
to  be  directed  by  the  merchants  themselves  ; the  officers 
have  nothing  to  hear  on  the  subject.”  When  the  letter 
addressed  to  him  was  presented  he  declined  to  receive  it, 
because  he  feared  that  he  would  thereby  admit  the  equal- 
ity of  the  foreign  representative.  Both  parties  stood 
firm,  and  a dead-lock  resulted.  Lord  Napier  refused  to 
confer  with  the  hong-merchauts,  and  demanded  an  au- 
dience, with  such  treatment  as  might  be  “bedtting  His 
Majesty’s  commission  and  the  honor  of  the  British  na- 
tion” ; while  the  governor-general  refused  to  receive  any 
communication  which  was  not  framed  and  addressed  as  a 


320 


CHINA. 


petition  from  an  inferior  to  a superior.  Messengers  were 
sent  from  one  to  the  other,  and  much  parleying  followed, 
but  in  the  end  trade  was  suspended,  and  Lord  Napier  re- 
tired to  Macao,  where  he  died  shortly  afterward.  There- 
upon trade  was  resumed,  and  the  Chinese  claimed  that 
they  had  “driven  him  out”  and  “expelled  his  ships.” 

The  principles  on  which  they  acted  throughout  this 
affair  are  apparent.  They  feared  that  if  they  granted 
official  intercourse  by  letter  they  would  thereby  give  up 
the  whole  question,  that  the  King  of  England  could  no 
longer  be  considered  as  a subject  prince  ; that  both  he  and 
his  people  would  be  released  from  their  allegiance,  and, 
finally,  that  they  would  want  to  enter  the  borders  of  China 
and  take  possession  of  her  soil.  And  here,  after  all,  they 
had  a true  conception  of  one  of  their  greatest  dangers, 
which  has  lost  nothing  by  the  lapse  of  time,  but  is  likely 
to  increase  pari-passu  with  the  growth  of  the  British 
Empire  in  Southern  and  Southeastern  Asia. 

The  English  merchants  at  Canton  now  took  up  the 
matter,  and  sent  a petition  to  the  King  in  Council,  recom- 
mending that  a commissioner  be  sent,  with  a small  fleet,  to 
one  of  the  northern  ports  for  the  jDurpose  of  arranging 
the  manner  of  conducting  future  intercourse ; but  this 
sensible  suggestion  was  not  adopted.  Whether  it  would 
have  been  successful,  no  one  can  tell ; but,  even  if  it  had 
failed,  it  would  at  least  have  strengthened  the  moral  po- 
sition of  England.  The  trade  of  other  nations  was  sus- 
pended, and  resumed  with  that  of  England.  The  Eng- 
lish Government  in  a measure  repudiated  the  course  of 
Lord  Napier,  and  then  the  English  pamphleteers  and 
newspaper  writers  took  up  the  question.  Even  the  Duke 
of  Wellington  participated  in  its  discussion.  Trade  went 
on,  however,  very  much  as  it  did  before,  and  efforts  were 
made  to  open  new  ports,  but  the  Chinese  officials  did  not 
relax  their  vigilance,  and  it  was  found  to  be  impossible  to 


GROWTH  OF  FOREIGN  TRADE. 


321 


penetrate  the  country  against  the  will  of  its  rulers.  The 
opinion  now  became  wide-spread  among  them  that  any 
increase  of  foreign  trade  would  bring  with  it  unmitigated 
evil,  because  it  would  also  increase  the  importation  and 
use  of  opium,  which  had  been  first  introduced  in  the  ninth 
century,  and,  from  the  impulse  given  it  by  foreign  trade, 
had  now  come  to  be  looked  upon  as  a national  misfor- 
tune. On  the  other  hand.  Sir  George  B.  Robinson,  who 
had  succeeded  Lord  Napier,  and  established  his  head- 
quarters on  an  opium-ship,  expressed  his  conviction  to 
the  home  Government  that  “there  was  little  hope  of 
establishing  a proper  understanding  with  the  Chinese 
Government  except  by  resort  to  force,  and  the  occupation 
of  an  island  at  the  mouth  of  the  Canton  River.” 

Sir  George  B.  Robinson  was  in  time  succeeded  by  Cap- 
tain Elliot,  who  dropped  the  pretension  of  corresponding 
■with  the  governor-general  as  an  equal,  removed  to  Canton, 
and  signified  his  willingness  to  “ conform  in  all  things  to 
the  imperial  pleasure.  ” Meanwhile,  a discussion  sprang  up 
at  Peking  between  members  of  the  governing  class,  and 
spread  to  the  provinces,  as  to  the  true  policy  of  the  Gov- 
ernment in  regard  to  the  opium-trade.  One  party  con- 
tended that  it  was  impossible  to  suppress  it,  and  that  it 
should  therefore  be  legalized  and  regulated,  not  only  for 
the  purpose  of  stimulating  home  production,  but  saving 
the  money  annually  sent  out  of  the  country  for  the  for- 
eign article.  Another  party  contended  strenuously  for  its 
total  suppression,  and  supported  their  views  by  showing 
that  it  was  productive  of  great  suffering  and  distress,  and 
was  surely  ruining  those  who  used  the  pernicious  drug, 
in  health,  mind,  and  property. 

The  foreigners,  nearly  all  of  whom  where  engaged  in 
the  traflBc,  and  were  making  large  sums  of  money  out  of 
it,  also  joined  in  the  discussion,  and,  I am  sorry  to  say, 
most  of  them,  and  especially  the  English,  found  excuses 


322 


CHINA. 


of  one  kind  and  another  for  advocating  the  continuance 
of  the  trade  ; but  withal,  after  due  deliberation,  the  Chi- 
nese Emperor  Taukwang  and  his  advisers  decided  against 
legalizing  the  admission  of  the  drug,  because  it  was  in- 
jurious to  the  Chinese  people.  They  had  right  on  their 
side,  but  were  sorely  perplexed  by  the  discussion  as  well 
as  by  the  evident  determination  of  the  English  to  con- 
tinue the  trade,  no  matter  what  might  be  the  amount  of 
harm  done  by  it.  The  increasing  demand  for  the  drug 
and  the  large  profit  realized  from  smuggling  it  into  the 
country  proved  too  great  a temptation  for  the  foreigners, 
and  while  the  English  took  the  lead  in  the  business,  all 
nationalities  lent  a willing  hand,  according  to  their  op- 
portunities. 

The  Emperor,  feeling  assured,  however,  of  the  support 
of  the  leading  men  throughout  the  country,  redoubled  his 
efforts  to  suppress  the  trade.  More  than  one  native  trader 
was  executed  for  exporting  silver  and  importing  opium  ; 
smugglers  were  seized  and  tortured,  boats  were  captured 
and  destroyed,  consumers  were  taxed  and  threatened  with 
death,  and  every  device  known  to  the  Chinese  authorities 
was  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  opium  out  of 
China,  but  all  in  vain.  The  Chinese  merchants  became 
as  much  interested  in  the  trade  as  the  foreigners  ; the  cus- 
toms officials  connived  at  it,  and  even  the  son  of  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Canton  took  part  in  it.  The  coast-guard  service 
and  the  native  customs  officers  became  demoralized,  and 
in  its  desperation  the  Government  finally  ordered  the 
execution  of  a convicted  dealer  in  front  of  the  foreign 
factories  at  Canton,  hoping  thereby  to  strike  terror  into 
the  hearts  of  the  foreign  merchants  and  their  employes, 
but  the  latter  sallied  out  and  drove  the  executioner  away. 
A crowd  gathered  to  see  what  was  going  on.  The  for- 
eigners tried  in  turn  to  drive  the  crowd  away ; blows  fol- 
lowed, and  the  foreigners  were  overpowered  and  driven 


THE  OPIUM-TRADE. 


323 


back  into  the  factories.  The  district  magistrate  appeared 
upon  the  scene,  followed  by  lictors  and  a few  soldiers,  and 
order  was  soon  restored,  but  the  riot  impressed  both  the 
Government  and  the  people  with  a feeling  of  hatred  for 
the  foreigners,  the  majority  of  whom  were  engaged  in  the 
opium-trade,  and  all  of  whom  had  now  come  to  be  looked 
upon  as  violators  of  the  law. 

It  is  impossible  to  even  summarize  the  events  of  the 
five  years  which  followed,  but  in  all  of  that  time  the  Gov- 
ernment did  not  relax  its  efiorts  to  suppress  the  trade. 
It  appointed  special  commissioners,  and  finally  succeeded 
in  getting  most  of  the  foreign  merchants  to  sign  a paper, 
pledging  themselves  not  to  deal  in  opium  nor  to  intro- 
duce it  into  China,  but  this  pledge  was  soon  broken  by 
most  of  the  parties  who  had  signed  it.  The  Imperial 
Commissioner,  in  despair,  next  called  upon  the  foreign 
merchants  to  surrender  all  the  opium  they  had  in  order 
that  it  might  be  destroyed,  and  shortly  afterward  under 
the  advice  and  guarantee  of  Captain  Elliot,  who  exceed- 
ed his  authority  in  giving  it,  the  merchants  complied. 
They  surrendered  20,291  chests  of  opium,  worth  nearly 
111,000,000,  and  it  was  all  effectually  destroyed.  Sixteen 
English,  American,  and  Parsee  merchants  were  banished, 
and  a bond  was  demanded  from  those  who  remained  that 
they  would  not  engage  in  tlie  illegal  traffic.  General 
trade  was  alternately  suspended  and  resumed,  but  the 
opium-ships  continued  to  come  and  go  as  before,  and  the 
traffic  in  that  drug  never  for  one  moment  ceased.  When 
it  could  not  be  carried  on  openly  it  was  carried  on  by 
smuggling,  and  always  with  such  profit  that  no  risk  was 
regarded  as  too  great  to  be  taken  in  connection  with  it. 

On  December  6,  1839,  the  Chinese  Commissioner  is- 
sued an  edict  declaring  all  trade  with  British  merchants  at 
an  end,  and  the  close  of  that  year  saw  the  two  nations  in- 
volved in  difficulties  which  rendered  war  inevitable. 


324 


CEIKA. 


The  British  Government  regarded  itself  as  in  duty 
bound  to  pay  for  the  oinum  vrhich  its  subjects  had  sur- 
rendered under  the  advice  of  its  chief  superintendent  of 
trade,  and  the  latter  recommended  that  the  Government 
should  compel  the  Chinese  to  refund  its  money-value. 
The  question  was  debated  in  Parliament,  and  discussed  at 
length  in  the  newspapers  of  the  day,  and  finally  the 
British  ministry  declared  war,  for  the  puj^ose  of  obtain- 
ing “reparation  for  the  insults  and  injuries  offered  Her 
Majesty’s  superintendent  and  subjects  ; indemnification 
for  the  losses  the  merchants  had  sustained  under  threats 
of  violence  ; security  that  persons  trading  with  China 
should  in  future  be  protected  from  insult  and  injury  ; 
and,  lastly,  that  trade  should  be  maintained  upon  a 
proper  footing.” 

A formidable  expedition,  consisting  of  five  ships  of 
war,  three  steamers,  and  twenty-one  transports,  made  its 
appearance  on  the  Chinese  coast  July  4,  1841.  The  next 
day  a force  of  three  thousand  men  landed  and  captured 
Ting-hai  near  Hingpo,  killing  many  of  the  Chinese  who 
endeavored  to  hold  the  place,  and  striking  terror  into  the 
hearts  of  those  who  escaped.  Two  days  later.  Admiral 
Elliot  and  Captain  Elliot,  who  had  been  appointed  joint 
plenipotentiaries,  arrived  at  Chusan,  and  demanded  that 
the  authorities  at  Hingpo  and  Amoy  should  forward  a 
letter  which  they  bore  from  Lord  Palmerston,  the  British 
Prime  Minister,  to  the  Emperor  at  Peking,  but  this  the 
authorities  declined  to  do.  The  Island  of  Chusan  was 
captured  by  the  British,  the  Yang-tse  and  Ming  Eivers 
were  blockaded,  and  the  Chinese  coast  was  harried  and  an- 
noyed by  the  British  forces.  The  plenipotentiaries,  find, 
ing  that  they  could  produce  no  impression  on  the  south- 
ern coast,  proceeded  to  the  Pei-ho  in  Xorthern  China,  and 
there  opened  communication  through  the  Governor  of 
the  province  of  Chihli,  with  the  Peking  Government, 


THE  OPIUM  WAR. 


325 


which  resulted,  after  much  argument  and  some  delay,  in 
the  appointment  of  a Chinese  plenipotentiary,  to  meet 
those  of  Great  Britain  at  Canton.  Meantime  the  Chi- 
nese provincial  authorities  were  busy  all  along  the  coast 
in  raising  troops  and  making  arrangements  for  defense, 
but,  withal,  trade  was  never  entirely  suspended.  The 
British  were  active  and  persistent ; several  skirmishes  oc- 
curred ; several  forts  were  taken  •,  and  in  the  end  the  Chi- 
nese plenipotentiary  became  convinced  that  successful 
resistance  was  impossible. 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1842,  the  English  plenipo- 
tentiaries announced  that  peace  had  been  concluded  on 
the  condition  that  the  Chinese  should  cede  the  island  and 
harbor  of  Hong-Kong  to  the  English  ; pay  an  indemnity 
of  six  million  dollars  in  annual  installments  ; permit  the 
immediate  resumption  of  British  trade  at  Canton  ; and 
finally  conduct  official  intercourse  thereafter  with  the 
British  on  terms  of  equality.  All  other  captured  points 
were  to  be  restored  to  the  Chinese,  and  all  Chinese  pris- 
oners were  to  be  released.  It  soon,  however,  became  ap- 
parent that  this  treaty  would  not  be  complied  with,  and 
that  the  Peking  Government  had  resolved  “to  destroy, 
wipe,  clean  away,  to  exterminate  and  root  out  the  rebel- 
lious barbarians.”  Hostilities  were  renewed,  the  Bogue 
forts  were  all  taken,  many  Chinese  were  killed,  and  the 
British  were  within  five  miles  of  Canton,  when  the  pre- 
fect, under  a flag  of  truce,  met  Captain  Elliot,  and  sued 
for  a three  days’  suspension  of  hostilities,  which  was 
granted.  It,  however,  expired  without  leading  to  satis- 
factory results.  The  British  again  advanced,  and  after 
taking  every  fort,  raft,  battery,  stockade,  and  camp,  had 
the  city  at  their  mercy.  A second  truce  was  agreed  upon, 
and  trade  was  reopened,  but  the  Chinese  steadily  pushed 
their  warlike  preparations.  Seeing  that  nothing  would 
satisfy  them  but  absolute  defeat  and  the  capture  of  Can- 


326 


CHINA. 


ton,  the  British  resumed  their  operations,  and  driving 
back  the  Chinese  troops,  took  possession  of  their  last  for- 
tifications. Negotiations  were  again  resumed,  and  a new 
treaty  was  made,  which  provided  for  the  payment  of  six 
million  dollars  as  a ransom  for  the  city,  besides  addi- 
tional compensation  for  the  loss  of  foreign  property  and 
shipping  ; and,  finally,  that  the  Chinese  troops  should 
evacuate  the  city. 

Shortly  afterward.  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  and  Admiral 
Sir  William  Parker,  arrived  from  England,  and  assumed 
direction  of  affairs.  They  approved  the  last  truce,  and 
continued  trade  at  Canton,  but  in  August  sailed  north- 
ward with  a fleet  of  nine  men-of-war,  four  steamers, 
twenty- three  transports,  and  a force  of  about  thirty-five 
hundred  men,  captured  Amoy,  Ting-hai,  Chiu-hai,  and 
Ningjio,  together  with  many  guns,  ammunition,  and 
property,  but  the  Chinese  authorities  only  redoubled  their 
efforts  to  drive  back  and  destroy  the  barbarians.  T’si-ku 
and  Chapu  were  also  taken,  and  finally  the  expedition 
entered  the  Yang-tse-kiang,  captured  the  works  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Wusung  River,  and  took  possession  of 
Shanghai,  which  they  ransomed  for  $300,000.  The 
Emperor  collected  large  forces  at  Chin-kiang,  Nanking, 
Suchau,  and  at  Tientsin.  The  British  expedition,  re- 
enforced by  a strong  detachment  under  Lord  Saltoun, 
now  proceeded  up  the  Yang-tse,  for  the  purpose  of  break- 
ing the  Grand  Canal.  After  a sanguinary  engagement 
they  captured  Chin-kiang,  took  possession  of  Idling,  and 
invested  the  old  capital  of  Nanking.  So  vigorous  were 
their  operations,  and  so  helpless  had  the  Chinese  showed 
themselves  to' be,  that  there  was  no  longer  any  doubt, 
even  in  their  own  minds,  of  their  entire  overthrow,  and 
the  invincibility  of  the  British  land  and  naval  forces. 
Negotiations  were  again  opened,  and  after  the  exhibition 
of  full  powers  by  the  plenipotentiaries  of  both  sides,  ac- 


TEE  OPIUM  WAR. 


327 


companied  by  many  ceremonies  and  formalities,  the 
Opium  War  was  concluded  by  a treaty  which  covered  the 
following  important  points  : A lasting  peace  between  the 
two  nations ; the  opening  of  Canton,  Amoy,  Fuchau, 
Ningpo,  and  Shanghai,  to  British  trade,  under  a well-un- 
derstood tariff  ; the  cession  of  the  Island  of  Hong-Kong 
to  Her  Majesty  ; the  payment  of  $6,000,000  for  the  opium 
destroyed  at  Canton  ; $3,000,000  for  the  debts  due  the 
British  merchants ; and  $12,000,000  for  the  expenses  of 
the  British  expedition,  the  entire  amount  of  $21,000,000 
to  be  paid  before  January  1,  1846  ; the  release  of  all  pris- 
oners held  by  the  Chinese  ; the  pardon  of  all  Chinese 
subjects  who  had  aided  the  invaders ; the  establishment 
of  a regular  and  fair  tariff  and  transit  dues  ; the  conduct 
of  all  official  correspondence  on  terms  of  equality  ; and 
the  restoration  of  places  held  by  the  British  according  to 
payments  agreed  u]5on  therefor. 

The  victory  of  the  British  was  complete,  but  it  will 
be  observed  that  the  traffic  in  opium  was  not  even  men- 
tioned in  the  treaty.  It  is  said,  curiously  enough,  that 
the  Chinese  plenipotentiaries  declined  to  discuss  the  sub- 
ject until  they  were  assured  that  it  had  been  brought  up 
by  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  merely  as  a topic  for  private  con- 
versation ; but  it  is  much  more  likely  that  the  victors 
would  not  permit  it  to  be  made  a subject  of  negotiation. 
The  trade  was  evidently  too  valuable  to  be  given  up  in  a 
treaty,  every  provision  of  which  was  clearly  wrung  from 
the  Chinese  by  the  might  of  British  arms.  There  is 
abundant  evidence  for  the  statement  that  the  Chinese 
appealed  in  vain  for  fair  treatment  in  regard  to  the  im- 
portation and  growth  of  the  drug,  which  they  justly  look 
upon  as  a curse  to  the  human  family.  They  asked  the 
British  to  prohibit  the  cultivation  of  the  poppy,  but  this 
they  declined  to  do,  under  the  plea  that  such  action 
would  be  inconsistent  with  British  laws,  and  inefficacious 


328 


CHINA. 


besides.  They  claimed  that  if  they  did  not  supply  the 
demand  for  the  drug  others  would,  and  even  suggested 
that  the  Chinese  should  legalize  the  traffic,  and  thus  limit 
the  facilities  for  smuggling. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  point  out  the  immorality  of 
the  course  adopted  by  the  British  in  regard  to  this  mat- 
ter, for,  whatever  may  be  the  facts  of  the  case,  or  the 
consequences  flowing  therefrom,  it  is  certain  that  all 
other  nationalities  were  equally  guilty  with  the  British, 
according  to  their  opportunities,  in  engaging  in  the  trade, 
and  that  so  far  no  power  has  made  it  unlawful  by  treaty 

(except  the  United  States,  and  even  they  have  failed  to 
pass  laws  for  the  punishment  of  such  as  violate  the  treaty. 

My  purpose  in  summarizing  the  events  of  the  Opium 
War  is  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  two  hundred 
years  of  peaceful  commerce  at  Canton  had  produced  no 
direct  effect  whatever  upon  the  Chinese  people  or  their 
Government,  except  to  convince  them  that  the  foreigners 
were  all  alike,  greedy  and  turbulent.  It  brought  with  it 
no  benefit,  except  the  little  that  flowed  from  the  sale  of 
tea  and  silk,  and  the  purchase  of  a few  articles  of  foreign 
manufacture,  and  this  was  offset  ten  thousand-fold  by  the 
opium  scourge,  which  has  become  a source  of  never-end- 
ing misery  to  the  Chinese  people.  Indeed,  it  is  apparent 
that  commerce  alone,  conducted,  as  it  was,  through  fac- 
tories, trade  superintendents,  and  hong-merchants,  could 
never  have  in  any  way  changed  the  manners  and  customs 
of  the  Chinese,  much  less  could  it  have  modified  the 
polity  of  the  Chinese  Government,  or  brought  it  to  realize 
that  the  Chinese  Emperor  was  not  sovereign  lord  over  all 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  Throughout  the  whole  period, 
from  the  beginning  of  foreign  trade  with  the  Chinese 
down  to  the  Treaty  of  Nanking,  it  is  evident  that  the 
Chinese  literati,  as  well  as  the  Chinese  Government,  re- 
garded all  outside  nations  not  only  as  barbarians  but  as 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  OPIUM  WAR. 


329 


subjects  of  their  Emperor.  They  considered  all  ambassa- 
dors and  ministers  as  tribute-bearers,  and  all  presents  to 
their  Emperor  as  an  acknowledgment  of  his  sovereignty. 

The  Opium  War  dispelled  this  illusion  forever,  and 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese  to  the  terrible  efficiency 
of  modern  military  enginery.  It  showed  them  that  their 
vast  numbers  were  powerless  against  foreigners  in  war- 
fare, and  that  their  Government  could  not  protect  them 
for  a moment  against  the  cupidity  of  the  latter,  when 
once  it  had  been  aroused.  But  what  is  still  more  impor- 
tant is,  that  it  resulted  not  only  in  the  exaction  of  an 
enormous  indemnity  for  the  alleged  injuries  inflicted,  but 
opened  many  new  ports  to  foreign  trade  and  settlement, 
in  each  of  which  the  Chinese  absolutely,  though  unwit- 
tingly, yielded  the  right  of  the  British  Government  to 
control  the  persons  and  property  of  its  subjects  residing 
therein.  The  other  foreign  powers  claimed  for  them- 
selves and  their  merchants  all  the  privileges  granted  to 
the  British,  although  they  had  taken  no  part  in  the 
Opium  War,  and  the  Chinese  yielded  without  dispute, 
perhaps  without  even  knowing,  at  first,  that  there  was 
any  difference  whatever  between  the  outside  barbarians. 
Thus  the  exercise  of  exterritorial  jurisdiction,  and  the 
custom  of  co-operation  between  foreign  nations  in  China, 
had  their  origin,  and  thus  the  isolation  and  pretended 
supremacy  of  the  Chinese  Government  were  ended  for- 
ever. Commerce  alone  had  done  nothing,  but  commerce 
and  war  together  had  shown  themselves  to  be  invincible. 
They  had  secured  a firm  foothold  for  foreigners  and  for- 
eign civilization  upon  Chinese  soil.  Tariff  and  commer- 
cial regulations  were  now  adopted  and  carried  into  effect, 
for  the  government  of  Chinese  trade  “ with  all  countries 
as  well  as  of  England.  Henceforth,  then,”  says  the  edict 
of  Ki-ying,  the  Imperial  Commissioner,  “ the  weapons  of 
war  shall  be  forever  laid  aside,  and  joy  and  profit  shall 


330 


CHINA. 


be  the  perpetual  lot  of  all.”  Trade  acquired  a new  im- 
petus at  Canton,  and  was  speedily  opened  at  all  the  other 
ports.  The  Americans  and  French  made  treaties  without 
delay ; and  the  former,  negotiated  in  1844,  by  the  late 
Caleb  Cushing,  was  so  clear  and  distinct  in  its  terms  and 
provisions  that  it  served  as  a model  for  all  others  up  to 
1860.  The  Chinese  paid  the  indemnity  of  $21,000,000, 
and,  notwithstanding  the  terrible  lesson  they  had  re- 
ceived, and  the  continued  activity  and  baleful  effects  of  the 
opium-trade,  the  country  seemed  to  be  fairly  prosperous 
and  peaceful.  There  was  still  some  hostility  to  foreign- 
ers, and  especially  at  Canton,  where  the  British  had  to 
again  resort  to  force  in  1847.  They  once  more  battered 
down  the  Bogue  forts,  and  compelled  the  Chinese,  by 
force  rather  than  by  argument,  to  grant  a larger  space 
for  residences  and  warehouses  on  the  south  side  of  Pearl 
River,  and  also  to  consent  that  the  city  gates  should  be 
opened  to  foreigners  after  two  years.  When  the  time 
came  around,  this  agreement  was  repudiated,  and  the 
British  wisely  forbore  to  insist  upon  its  enforcement. 
Activity  prevailed  in  the  settlement,  and  the  gates  of 
Canton  were  not  freely  opened  to  the  foreigners  till  1858. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


History  of  the  Taiping  rebellion  again  adverted  to — The  operation  of  the 
treaties — The  rapid  increase  of  trade — The  establishment  of  the 
maritime  customs  under  foreign  management — The  influence  of 
Canton  and  the  Cantonese — The  affair  of  the  Chinese  lorcha  Arrow 
— The  first  and  only  diflBculty  with  Americans — Demands  of  Eng- 
land, Russia,  France,  and  the  United  States  upon  the  Peking  Gov- 
ernment— The  Emperor  and  court  greatly  alarmed — The  practice 
and  doctrine  of  co-operation — The  allied  fleets  proceed  to  the  Pei-ho 
— Negotiation — Signature  of  the  treaties — Principal  concessions — 
The  affairs  of  the  Taku  forts — The  British  repulse — Return  of  the 
allies — Capture  of  the  forts  and  the  advance  to  Peking — Treaties 
ratified  and  exchanged — Death  of  the  Emperor  Hien-fung — The 
regency — The  influences  surrounding  the  present  Emperor — The 
necessity  for  Western  education. 


As  before  stated,  the  detailed  history  of  the  Taiping 
rebellion,  which  started  as  a sort  of  Christian  uprising,  and 
became,  in  some  degree,  a national  reyolt  against  the  Man- 
chu  power,  ravaged  the  country  for  seventeen  years,  and 
cost  the  lives  of  from  ten  to  twenty  million  Chinamen,  does 
not  come  within  the  scope  of  this  work.  I have  briefly 
adverted  to  its  influence  in  educating  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment and  the  leading  Chinese  statesmen,  and  have  specially 
pointed  out  how  it  brought  Li  Hung-Chang,  Tseng  Kuo- 
Fan,  Tseng  Kuo-Chu’an,  and  Tso  Tsung-Tang,  as  well  as 
the  thousands  of  nameless  soldiers  who  took  part  in  it, 
into  daily  contact  with  foreigners,  and  gave  them  a better 
understanding  than  they  could  otherwise  have  obtained 


332 


CHINA. 


of  the  superiority  of  foreign  arms,  organization,  and  dis- 
cipline. It  is  now  almost  certain  that  if  Hung  Tse- 
Chuen,  the  rebel  leader,  had  adopted  true  instead  of  spu- 
rious Christianity,  and  called  capable  foreign  advisers  to 
his  assistance,  he  would  most  probably  have  secured  the 
countenapce  of  the  foreign  powers,  and  ultimately  over- 
thrown the  Imperial  Government.  But  his  head  was 
turned  by  his  early  successes  ; he  grew  insolent  and  care- 
less ; his  pretentions  were  exposed  ; foreign  sympathy  was 
withdrawn  from  his  cause,  and  finally  foreign  skill,  cour- 
age, and  arms  were  combined  by  the  imperial  leaders  to 
bring  about  his  overthrow  and  destruction.  The  rebel- 
lion had  an  inglorious  ending  ; but  its  influences  and  les- 
sons were  yet  to  be  disseminated  broadcast  throughout 
the  empire.  Everywhere  the  story  was  told  of  the 
“foreign  devils”  who  led  the  “ Ever-Victorious  Army.” 
Their  courage  was  extolled,  the  power  and  destructive- 
ness of  their  arms  were  exaggerated,  and  their  marvel- 
ous achievements  were  loudly  praised  even  within  the 
saci’ed  precincts  of  the  Throne.  But,  what  is  still  more 
significant,  is  the  fact  that  the  Emperor,  in  acknowledg- 
ment of  their  extraordinary  services,  bestowed  posthu- 
mous honors  upon  Ward,  and  granted  money,  titles,  and, 
above  all,  the  “Yellow-Jacket”  to  Gordon,  by  edicts 
which  were  officially  promulgated  in  every  province. 
This  put  the  seal  of  authenticity  upon  the  story  which 
had  already  penetrated  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  em- 
pire. The  interest  and  curiosity  of  all  classes  had  been 
profoundly  moved  ; and  although,  in  a country  where 
there  is  no  public  press,  and  intercommunication  is  neces- 
sarily so  imperfect,  the  effect  of  all  this  was  more  or  less 
evanescent,  it  is  certain  that  a large  part  of  it  was  radi- 
cal and  permanent,  and  that,  even  to  a greater  extent 
than  ever  before  in  China,  War  had  shown  herself  to  be 
the  most  efficient  servant  of  Progress. 


GROWTH  OF  FOREIGN  SETTLEMENTS.  333 


Under  its  influence  commerce  was  greatly  stimulated 
at  the  five  open  ports,  and  especially  at  Shanghai.  The 
foreign  population  increased  threefold,  steamship  compa- 
nies were  organized,  steamboats  were  introduced,  foreign 
settlements  grew  up,  and  all  the  appliances  of  foreign 
civilization  were  brought  into  the  country. 

Under  the  operation  of  the  treaties,  the  relations  of 
the  Chinese  and  foreigners  gradually  adjusted  themselves 
on  a fairly  satisfactory  basis.  The  foreigners  claimed  the 
right  to  mark  off  and  occupy  a separate  tract  of  land  ad- 
joining the  native  city  at  each  treaty  port,  and  to  govern 
themselves  according  to  their  own  customs  and  laws.  The 
Chinese  authorities  unwittingly  conceded  this  right,  and 
thus  grew  up  what  has  come  to  be  known  as  the  ‘‘for- 
eign concessions,”  which  are  governed  by  the  consuls  of 
the  treaty  powers,  or  by  local  city  authorities,  deriving 
their  power  from  the  consuls.  The  English  and  French 
carried  this  right  so  far  that  they  even  claimed  absolute 
jurisdiction  over  Chinese  subjects  who  were  found  within 
the  limits  of  their  allotted  districts. 

The  rapid  increase  of  trade,  and  the  great  influx  of 
foreigners,  all  of  whom  were  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
Chinese  language,  gave  rise  to  the  necessity  for  many  in- 
terpreters, and  experienced  Chinese  traders  or  compra- 
dores,  and  these  were  naturally  looked  for  at  Canton, 
where  business  had  been  carried  on  with  foreigners  for 
over  two  hundred  years.  This  accounts  for  the  fact  that 
the  Cantonese  hold  most  of  the  higher  places  in  the  for- 
eign hongs  at  all  the  treaty  ports.  Many  of  them  speak 
“pidgin  English”  (business  English),  and  are  shrewd, 
capable  servants  of  their  employers,  but  withal  they  do 
not  fail  to  take  care  of  their  own  interests  at  the  same 
time.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  British  and  other 
powers  have  always  been  able  to  employ  as  many  Canton- 
ese as  they  wanted  to  assist  them  in  their  hostile  opera- 


334 


CHINA. 


tions  against  China,  and  that  for  that  reason,  if  for  no 
other,  the  people  of  North  and  Central  China  are  not 
overfond  of  the  Cantonese,  but  are  disposed  to  look  up- 
on them  rather  as  foreigners  than  natives  of  their  com- 
mon country. 

Owing  to  the  disturbed  condition  of  affairs  which  the 
rebellion  brought  about  at  Shanghai  in  1853,  it  became 
necessary  for  the  native  collector  of  customs  to  remove 
the  custom-house  to  the  foreign  settlement.  He  had 
formerly  been  a hong-merchant  at  Canton,  and  as  such 
had  acquired  confidence  in  the  ability  and  honesty  of  the 
foreign  merchants,  and  therefore  willingly  entered  into 
an  arrangement  for  putting  the  collection  of  foreign  du- 
ties into  the  hands  of  three  commissioners,  to  be  selected 
by  the  English,  American,  and  French  consuls  respect- 
ively. The  chief  duty  of  organizing  the  service  fell  up- 
on Mr.  Wade  (afterward  Sir  Thomas  Wade),  who  spoke 
Chinese  fluently.  He  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Lay,  of  the 
English  consulate,  and  he  in  turn  by  Mr.  (now  Sir  Eob- 
ert)  Hart.  This  was  a wise  measure ; it  has  been  car- 
ried into  effect  at  all  the  treaty  ports,  and  has  led  to  far- 
reaching  consequences.  The  service  was  ably  organized 
and  honestly  administered ; it  has  now  over  a thousand 
foreign  employes,  representing  nearly  every  nationality, 
and  is  an  ever-present  proof  to  the  Imperial  Government 
of  the  superiority  of  foreign  over  native  methods  of  con- 
ducting public  business.  The  amount  of  revenue  col- 
lected has  advanced  from  about  five  million  to  nearly 
twenty  million  dollars  per  year,  without  any  increase  of 
the  fixed  tariff  rate  of  five  per  cent  ad  valorem;  but 
what  is  more  important  is  the  fact  that  the  money  is  aU 
honestly  collected  and  paid  over  to  the  imperial  treasury, 
and  this  is  the  only  branch  of  the  Chinese  revenue  seiw- 
ice  of  which  as  much  can  be  said.  In  addition  to  col- 
lecting and  accounting  for  the  maritime  customs,  the 


THE  IMPERIAL  MARITIME  CUSTOMS.  335 


department  has  established  lighthouses  and  buoys  at  the 
entrances  to  the  treaty  ports,  and  at  many  other  points 
along  the  Chinese  coast.  It  has,  in  later  years,  estab- 
lished an  efficient  revenue-cutter  service,  and  has  begun 
the  ■work  of  sounding  and  surveying  the  places  most  dan- 
gerous to  steam  navigation.  Moreover,  nothing  which 
the  Chinese  Government  has  ever  done  has  gone  so  far 
toward  breaking  up  the  smuggling  of  opium,  and  it  is  safe 
to  say  that  if  it  is  ever  broken  up  altogether  it  must  be 
done  through  the  agency  of  this  effective  organiza- 
tion. 

Notwithstanding  the  large  number  of  Cantonese  em- 
ployed by  foreign  merchants,  and  the  great  amount  of 
business  done  at  the  port  of  Canton,  there  has  always 
been  more  friction  between  the  natives  and  foreigners  at 
that  place  than  at  any  other  in  China.  As  the  Taiping 
rebellion  approached  that  city,  the  foreign  merchants 
who  sympathized  with  them  at  first  made  unusual  exer- 
tions to  sell  them  arms  and  military  supplies.  Civil  war 
broke  out  in  the  city,  and  several  hundred  thousands  of 
lives  and  many  houses  were  destroyed.  The  consuls  at 
the  settlement  and  at  Hong-Kong  were  powerless  to  re- 
strain the  cupidity  of  their  countrymen,  and,  to  make 
matters  worse,  the  Chinese  governor-general  obstinately 
refused  to  see  any  foreign  ministei*.  In  his  blind  efforts 
to  suppress  smuggling,  he  was  arbitrary  and  unreasonable 
toward  the  foreigners.  The  British  availed  themselves 
of  the  opportunity  to  build  up  and  develop  the  trade  of 
Hong-Kong.  They  made  it  a free  port,  reduced  the 
charges  upon  shipping  to  almost  nothing,  and  did  all  in 
their  power  to  induce  Chinese  vessels  to  carry  on  trade 
under  the  British  flag.  An  enormous  smuggling  trade 
was  developed  in  opium,  in  spite  of  the  Chinese  revenue 
service  to  suppress  it.  Coolies  were  kidnapped  and  sold 
to  the  Portuguese  barracoons  at  Macao,  and  piracy  be- 


336 


CHINA. 


came  common.  The  Chinese  lorcha  * Arrow,  sailing  under 
a British  register  which  had  expired,  was  suspected  of  be- 
ing engaged  in  contraband  trade,  and  was  seized,  and  the 
British  ensign  was  hauled  down.  The  British  consul, 
Mr.  Parkes,  and  the  British  governor-general  of  Hong- 
Kong,  Sir  John  Bowring,  immediately  demanded  re- 
dress ; but  the  Chinese  governor-general  was  obdurate, 
and  could  not  see  that  any  reparation  was  due. 

During  the  complications  with  the  British  (in  1856), 
the  Americans  for  the  first  and  only  time  became  involved 
in  difficulty  with  the  Chinese.  An  American  man-of- 
war’s  boat  had  been  fired  into  by  design  or  mistake  at  the 
Barrier  forts,  and  one  man  had  been  killed.  Commodore 
Armstrong,  who  was  lying  near  by  with  the  San  Jacinto, 
Portsmouth,  and  Levant,  at  once  attacked  and  captured 
the  forts,  killing  several  hundred  of  their  defenders,  and 
with  that  the  matter  was  allowed  to  drop.  Not  so  with 
the  British.  They  sent  at  once  to  India  for  re-enforce- 
ments  and  to  England  for  instructions.  The  condition 
of  affairs  at  Canton  was  discussed  in  Parliament,  and  the 
British  Government  resolved  to  follow  up  the  Treaty  of 
Nanking  by  demanding  the  reception  and  residence  of 
a British  minister  at  Peking.  France,  Russia,  and  the 
United  States  were  invited  to  co-operate,  for  the  common 
benefit  of  Christendom.  Special  plenipotentiaries  of  great 
skill  and  ability  were  appointed  by  the  European  powers, 
as  well  as  by  the  United  States,  and  by  the  end  of  the 
year  1856  they  had  arrived  at  Canton  in  great  ships  of 
war,  and,  after  their  ultimatum  had  been  delivered,  they 
landed  an  allied  force  of  about  six  thousand  men  and 
captured  the  city.  The  governor-general  and  all  the  high 
officials  were  taken  prisoners,  and  a new  government,  com- 
posed of  high  Chinese  officials  under  the  protection  of  the 


* A foreign-built  hull  with  Chinese  rig. 


AFFAIR  OF  THE  LORCHA  ARROW.  337 


allies,  was  at  once  set  up.  Order  was  promptly  restored, 
and  the  Cantonese  were  shown  for  the  first  time  how 
just  and  reasonable  the  foreigners  could  be  toward 
them,  and  yet  how  firmly  they  could  deal  with  their 
rulers. 

The  allied  ministers  now  proposed  to  the  American 
and  Eussian  plenipotentiaries,  who  had  taken  no  part  in 
the  hostile  operations,  but  had  satisfied  themselTes  with 
playing  the  part  of  deeply  interested  spectators,  to  join 
them  in  laying  their  demands  before  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment at  Peking.  Letters  were  written  by  all  and  duly 
forwarded  ; but  the  Chinese  Emperor  and  his  court  were 
greatly  alarmed,  and  could  not  bring  themselves  to  con- 
sent to  receive  the  representatives  of  the  hated  foreigners 
at  the  capital.  Such  a thing  had  never  been  done,  and 
so  evasive  answers  were  returned.  The  powerful  fleet  of 
the  allies,  accompanied  by  the  American  and  Eussian 
men-of-war,  proceeded  at  once  to  the  Pei-ho,  forced  the 
batteries  at  its  mouth,,  and  sent  the  ministers  forward  to 
Tientsin.  Here  they  were  received  by  two  high  Chinese 
commissioners,  and  negotiations  were  at  once  opened. 
The  British  minister.  Lord  Elgin,  took  the  lead  in  the 
discussions.  The  Chinese  were  overawed,  and,  “ignorant 
beyond  conception  of  the  gravity  of  their  situation,”  they 
granted  almost  everything  that  was  asked  of  them  ; and 
the  treaties  thus  negotiated,  or,  perhaps,  I should  say 
forced  upon  the  Chinese,  became  bound  into  one  mass  by 
the  favored-nation  clause,  which  they  all  contained,  and 
by  the  doctrine  of  co-operation,  which  then  for  the  first 
time  was  practically  carried  into  effect  by  the  four  great 
powers  of  the  world,  although  it  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  and  Eussia 
had  been  specially  instructed  not  to  resort  to  force,  and 
had  not  been  consulted  by  Lord  Elgin.  The  situation  was 
tersely  summed  up  in  the  declaration  made  by  him  that 
15 


338 


CHINA. 


he  “was  compelled  to  treat  with  persons  who  yield  nothing 
to  reason  and  everything  to  fear,  and  who  are  at  the  same 
time  profoundly  ignorant  of  the  subjects  under  discus- 
sion and  of  their  own  real  interests.”  Another  British 
officer  still  more  pithily  expressed  it  by  saying,  “ Two 
powers  had  China  by  the  throat,  while  the  other  two  stood 
by  to  egg  them  on,  so  that  all  could  share  the  spoil.” 
And,  arbitrary  as  all  this  was,  the  obstinacy,  exclusive- 
ness,  and  folly  of  the  Imperial  Government  left  the  for- 
eigners no  other  course  to  pursue. 

By  the  first  week  of  July,  1858,  the  four  treaties  had 
been  signed  and  ratified  by  the  Emperor  Hienfung,  and 
the  fleet  had  left  the  Pei-ho.  The  tariff  was  revised  shortly 
afterward,  and  through  the  persistence  of  the  British  was 
made  a part  of  the  treaties,  the  opium-trade  was  legalized 
at  a low  rate  of  duty,  which  removed  from  it  alike  the 
necessity  for  smuggling,  and  the  stigma  of  immorality 
which  had  hitherto  been  attached  to  it.  Hang-kow,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Yang-tse,  a thousand  miles  from  the 
sea,  was  declared  a treaty  port,  and  opened  to  foreign 
residence  and  business  ; missionaries  were  granted  the 
right  to  travel  throughout  the  land  and  preach  the  gos- 
pel ; and  foreign  ministers  were  authorized  to  reside  at 
Peking  ; but  the  four  envoys  returned  home  without  vis- 
iting that  far-famed  city. 

The  Chinese  authorities  at  once  began  reconstructing 
the  fortifications  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pei-ho,  on  what  they 
considered  to  be  foreign  plans,  and  every  effort  was  made 
to  prevent  the  return  of  the  allies.  Peking  had  been  des- 
ignated as  the  place  for  the  exchange  of  the  treaties,  but 
the  Chinese  sent  commissioners  to  Shanghai,  and  exerted 
all  their  arts  of  diplomacy  to  get  the  French  and  English 
envoys  to  go  through  -with  the  ceremony  at  that  place, 
but  in  vain. 

The  British  endeavored  to  force  their  way  again  (J une 


TEE  TAKE  FORTS. 


339 


29,  1859)  into  the  Pei-ho,  but  they  were  repulsed,  with 
the  loss  of  eighty-nine  killed  and  three  hundred  and 
forty-five  wounded.  It  was  during  this  action  that  Com- 
modore Tatnall  lowered  his  gig,  and,  with  the  declaration 
that  “blood  is  thicker  than  water,”  towed  boat-loads  of 
British  marines  into  action. 

The  American  minister  and  his  suite  landed  at  Peh- 
tang  and  made  their  way  overland  to  Peking,  but,  owing 
to  the  difficulty  of  arriving  at  a satisfactory  agreement 
in  regard  to  the  ceremonies  to  be  observed,  did  not  have 
audience  with  the  Emperor.  The  latter  waved  the  re- 
quirement of  the  kotow,  or  prostration  in  his  presence, 
and  suggested  the  bending  of  one  knee,  but  as  there  had 
been  some  inadvertent  suggestion  of  a religious  signifi- 
cance to  the  ceremony,  even  after  it  had  been  shorn  of  its 
more  objectionable  features,  Mr.  Ward  determined  to  re- 
turn to  Pehtang  and  exchange  the  ratifications  of  the 
treaty  at  that  place.  There  was  no  special  violation  of 
right  in  this,  for  the  American  treaty  was  silent  in  refer- 
ence to  the  place  at  which  the  ratification  should  be  ex- 
changed ; but  it  must  be  confessed  that,  having  gone  to 
Peking  by  invitation,  his  retirement  without  accomplish- 
ing the  object  for  which  he  had  gone  was  justly  regarded 
by  the  representatives  of  the  other  powers  as  a sacrifice  of 
dignity  more  or  less  injurious  and  embarrassing  to  them. 

The  British,  smarting  under  their  repulse  from  the 
Pei-ho,  opened  negotiations  at  once  with  their  allies  the 
French,  and  the  two  powers  agreed  to  send  back  the 
plenipotentiaries  who  had  negotiated  the  treaties,  at  the 
head  of  a powerful  fleet  and  a strong  land-force.  The 
united  fleet  and  transports  contained  over  two  hundred 
vessels,  carrying  about  twenty  thousand  men,  and  pre- 
sented by  far  the  most  formidable  array  of  power  that  had 
ever  been  brought  to  bear  against  the  Chinese  Empire. 

The  plenipotentiaries  arrived  at  Che-fu  in  July,  1860, 


340 


CHINA. 


and  at  once  made  known  their  demands  in  no  uncertain 
terms.  They  required  an  apology  for  the  repulse  of  the 
English  at  the  Pei-ho,  the  ratification  and  exchange  of 
the  treaties  at  Peking,  and  that  they  should  be  carried 
into  effect  without  further  delay,  and  finally  that  the 
Chinese  should  pay  the  expenses  incurred  by  the  allies. 
The  Chinese  replied  as  usual  with  indirect  and  evasive 
language,  so  there  was  nothing  left  for  the  allies  but  to 
make  sail  for  the  coast  of  Chihli,  land  their  troops,  and 
force  their  way  to  Peking,  and  this  they  proceeded  to  do. 
They  disembarked  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pehtang,  about 
ten  miles  north  of  the  Pei-ho,  turned  the  forts  at  Taku, 
took  them  in  the  rear  and  captured  them.  They  then 
marched  at  once  for  Tientsin,  which,  although  strongly 
fortified,  was  surrendered  without  a battle. 

The  Chinese  now  offered  to  treat,  but,  finding  that 
they  were  trifling  and  trying  to  gain  time  rather  than  to 
comply  with  what  was  asked  of  them,  the  foreign  pleni- 
potentiaries broke  up  the  conference  and  resumed  their 
march  toward  the  capital.  They  had  not  gone  far,  how- 
ever, before  they  found  themselves  confronted  by  a large 
army ; hence  they  advanced  with  circumspection  and 
always  in  readiness  for  battle.  The  Chinese  redoubled 
their  efforts  to  stay  the  approach  of  the  foreigners,  and 
sent  out  great  dignitaries  with  fair  protestations  and 
urgent  offers  to  exchange  and  ratify  the  treaties.  The 
allies  paused  again,  and  sent  forward  Mr.  (afterward  Sir) 
Harry  Parkes,  to  select  a camp  and  arrange  terms.  He 
was  received  with  all  external  marks  of  courtesy,  but  soon 
discovered  that  the  Chinese  generalissimo.  Prince  Sanko- 
linsin,  was  preparing  an  ambush  for  the  allied  army.  On 
endeavoring  to  make  his  way  back  to  the  latter,  he  and 
most  of  his  companions  were  taken  prisoners,  hurried  off 
to  Peking,  and  treated  with  great  cruelty.  The  allied 
commanders  discovered  the  perfidy  of  the  Chinese,  and. 


THE  ALLIED  ARMIES  AT  PEKING.  341 


advancing  to  the  attack,  drove  them  in  confusion  from  the 
field,  captured  eighty  cannon  and  burned  their  camps. 
Several  minor  engagements  followed,  in  which  the  allies 
were  easily  victorious.  The  Emperor  and  court  fled  hastily 
to  Jehol,  on  the  borders  of  Manchuria,  and  left  Prince 
Kung,  the  second  brother  of  the  Emperor,  to  make  the 
best  peace  he  could.  Meanwhile  the  allies  advanced  with 
deliberation  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Peking,  burned 
and  pillaged  the  Summer  Palace  and  all  the  neighboring 
villas  as  an  act  of  retribution  upon  the  Chinese  for  their 
violation  of  the  flag  of  truce  carried  by  Mr.  Parkes,  and 
for  the  savage  treatment  inflicted  upon  him  and  his  com- 
panions during  their  imprisonment.  The  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment was  powerless  to  resist  the  demands  contained 
in  the  ultimatum  of  the  allies.  The  treaties  were  ratifled 
and  exchanged  with  great  pomp  inside  the  imperial  city, 
an  additional  sum  of  £100,000  was  exacted  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  prisoners  and  their  families,  and  another  of 
8,000,000  taels  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  victors. 
Kowlung,  on  the  mainland  opposite  to  Hong-Kong,  was 
ceded  to  the  British  ; permission  was  given  for  the  emi- 
gration of  Chinese,  coolies  either  voluntarily  or  under 
contract ; and  the  question  of  the  residence  of  foreign 
ministers  at  Peking  on  terms  of  equality,  and  their  re- 
ception by  the  Emperor,  without  the  kotow  or  any  other 
form  of  humiliation,  was  settled  forever.  The  French 
as  well  as  the  English  received  a money  indemnity,  but, 
instead  of  asking  for  a concession  of  land,  they  demanded 
and  received  payment  at  Peking  for  all  the  churches, 
schools,  cemeteries,  lands,  and  buildings  wrested  from 
the  persecuted  native  Christians  throughout  the  empire 
in  years  gone  by. 

War  and  diplomacy  were  again  signally  triumphant ; 
they  secured  for  the  foreigners  all  that  the  plenipoten- 
tiaries asked  for,  and  they  asked  for  all  they  thought  of ; 

16 


342 


CHINA. 


and  yet  their  yictory  was  not  complete.  The  walls  of 
exclusion  were  broken  down  in  a measure,  but  the 
huge,  lumbering  machinery  of  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment was  not  exposed  or  interfered  with.  The  Emperor 
and  most  of  the  court  had  fled,  and  the  latter  did  not 
return  till  the  allied  army  had  departed.  They  never 
saw  its  terrible  enginery,  nor  obtained  any  adequate 
conception  of  its  organization,  discipline,  and  power.  It 
is  true  that  the  Emperor  had  signified  his  willingness  to 
receive  the  foreign  diplomatists,  but  death  intervened  at 
his  place  of  retreat  to  spare  him  that  humiliation.  The 
allied  armies  hurried  to  get  out  of  the  country.  Peking 
by  some  strange  oversight  was  not  opened  to  trade  or 
foreign  settlement,  and  as  soon  as  the  Government,  which 
had  now  passed  into  the  hands  of  a regency,  composed  of 
Prince  Kung  and  the  two  Empresses-Dowager,  returned 
to  the  capital,  it  shut  itself  up  within  the  walls  of  the 
Forbidden  City,  and  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
resident  diplomatists  that  they  could  avoid.  As  far  as 
possible  they  ignored  the  occurrences  of  the  last  year,  and 
resumed  their  usual  sway  over  their  distressed  and  im- 
poverished country.  Had  the  successful  plenipotentiaries 
and  the  allied  army  remained  long  enough  to  hale  the 
Government  from  the  Forbidden  City  and  compel  it  to 
conduct  its  operations  in  the  light  of  day,  and  to  treat 
with  foreign  ministers,  without  unnecessary  or  vexatious 
restrictions,  through  the  members  of  the  regency,  they 
would  have  greatly  facilitated  the  progress  of  modern 
ideas  and  that  enlightenment  of  the  governing  class 
without  which  it  is  impossible  to  secure  an  intelligent 
administration  of  the  government. 

The  Emperor  Hienfung  died  August  17,  1861,  leaving 
the  throne  to  his  son,  then  only  six  years  old.  The  latter 
assumed  the  direction  of  affairs  in  1872,  at  the  real  age 
of  sixteen,  though  the  Chinese  called  him  seventeen. 


RECEPTION'  OF  FOREIGN  MINISTERS.  343 


The  country  had  been  pacified  throughout  its  extent,  and 
a fair  degree  of  prosperity  had  returned  to  it.  The  ques- 
tion of  the  reception  of  the  foreign  ministers  now  came 
up  again,  and  after  a long  and  careful  discussion  was  set- 
tled to  their  satisfaction.  The  kotow  was  dispensed  with, 
and  the  ceremony,  as  finally  carried  into  effect,  was  not 
accompanied  by  any  extraordinary  circumstance  to  mark 
its  significance.  The  young  Emperor  was  a puppet  in 
the  hands  of  his  family,  and  fortunately  for  himself,  if 
not  for  his  country,  he  died  on  January  9,  1875.  The 
GoTernment  again  passed  under  the  control  of  the  re- 
gency, and  remained  there  down  to  February  7th  of  the 
present  year.  As  stated  in  a ijrevious  chapter,  the  Em- 
press of  the  Eastern  Palace,  the  senior  co-regent,  died 
on  the  4th  of  April,  1881,  and  left  the  Government  to  the 
sole  control  of  her  sister.  During  the  two  regencies, 
a period  of  over  twenty  years,  the  dowagers  and  their 
surroundings  have  remained  in  absolute  seclusion.  No 
foreign  minister  or  official,  and  no  foreigner  of  any 
rank,  has  ever  had  audience  with  either  of  them  ; so  that 
although  the  foreign  ministers  are  comfortably  settled  in 
Peking,  and  are  in  no  way  molested  by  the  people  or  the 
Government,  they  are  practically  ignored,  and  exert  little 
or  no  influence  for  good.  Most  of  the  questions  which 
they  might  consider  with  the  Chinese  Government  are 
referred  to  the  First  Grand  Secretary,  Li  Hung-Chang, 
for  settlement,  or  to  some  consul,  for  investigation  and 
report.  They  can  not  reach  any  member  or  department 
of  the  Government  which  has  power  to  act.  The  walls 
of  the  Forbidden  City,  within  which  the  court  and  most 
of  the  great  dignitaries  reside,  are  completely  shut  to 
them.  They  may  go  to  the  Tsung  li  Yamen,  or  Board 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  but,  as  before  explained,  that  board, 
like  all  the  others,  has  advisory  powers  only,  and  can  not 
act  except  by  command  of  the  Emperor. 


3M 


CHINA. 


Now  that  the  young  Emperor  has  taken  personal 
charge  of  the  government,  the  foreign  ministers  will 
again  claim  audience,  and  it  must  be  granted ; but  it  is 
safe  to  say  that  little  can  come  of  it.  The  foreign  minis- 
ters have  quite  recently  been  received  by  his  father,  the 
Seventh  Prince,  and  the  latter  has  shown  himself  to  be  a 
courteous  gentleman ; and  many  believe  him  to  be  an  able 
and  progressive  statesman.  It  is  supposed  by  some  that 
he,  or  his  elder  brother  Prince  Kung,  will  have  a potential 
influence  in  shaping  the  policy  of  the  Emperor,  and  that, 
owing  to  the  youth  and  inexperience  of  the  latter,  one  or 
the  other,  instead  of  the  Empress-Dowager,  will  become 
the  power  behind  the  Throne.  But  this  is  all  conjecture. 
In  any  other  country  it  might  readily  be  as  suggested,  but 
in  China  tradition,  old  custom,  and  the  code  determine 
everything ; and  those  who  hold  the  reins  of  power  are 
the  judges.  It  is  hardly  to  be  supposed  that  a regent 
who  has  had  supreme  control  of  the  country  for  nearly 
a quarter  of  a century,  and  is  still  in  the  full  vigor  of  life, 
will  lay  down  all  her  influence  even  if  she  does  go  into 
absolute  retirement,  and  no  longer  seek  to  control  the  con- 
duct of  the  Emperor  whom  she  had  selected,  or  to  direct 
the  Government  over  which  she  has  so  long  been  an  abso- 
lute Empress.  There  is  no  doubt  that  she  is  a strong, 
vigorous  woman,  and  altogether  the  wisest  and  best  ruler 
the  country  has  had  since  the  death  of  Kienlung ; and 
whether  she  retain  the  substance  or  only  the  semblance  of 
power,  will  probably  depend  altogether  upon  herself.  The 
most  natural  solution  of  the  difficulty  is  that  she  and  the 
Seventh  Prince  will  remain  for  many  years  the  principal 
advisers  of  the  Emperor,  notwithstanding  the  absurd  cus- 
toms in  the  way  of  their  free  intercourse.  And  hence 
the  great  question  with  foreigners,  which  still  remains  to 
be  solved,  is  how  to  reach  and  influence  those  two  great 
personalities  ? So  far  only  one  of  them  has  come  within 


THE  SEVENTH  PRINCE. 


345 


the  reach  of  foreign  ideas,  and  that  only  to  a limited  de- 
gree. During  the  recent  visit  of  the  ScTenth  Prince  to 
Tientsin,  Taku,  Port  Arthur,  and  Che-fu,  he  saw  foreign- 
built  ships  and  heavy  guns,  and  met  foreign  consuls,  for 
the  first  time.  He  is  said  to  be  the  intimate  friend  of 
Li  Hung-Chang,  and  it  is  certain  that  he  will  hereafter 
see  much  of  that  astute  statesman,  if  he  takes  an  active 
interest  in  the  Admiralty  Board,  of  which  they  are  both 
members.  It  is  also  said  that  he  is  on  most  excellent 
terms  with  the  Empress-Dowager,  and  that  both  have 
expressed  themselves  in  favor  of  railroads,  as  well  as  of 
steamboats  and  telegraphs.  What  little  is  known  of  the 
two,  favors  this  statement ; but,  after  all,  they,  like  the 
rest  of  mankind,  are  likely  to  he  controlled  by  their  sur- 
roundings, their  servants,  friends,  and  intimates,  first, 
and  their  oflBcial  advisers  afterward ; and  there  is  too 
much  reason  for  believing  that  they  are  in  nowise  differ- 
ent from  the  classes  to  which  they  respectively  belong. 
The  Chinese  are  wonderfully  alike,  without  respect  to 
station,  in  their  ignorance  of  what  constitutes  progress, 
and  in  believing  that  their  own  wisdom  is  superior  to  that 
of  any  other  people.  Education  can  alone  change  all 
this,  and  education,  in  a broad  and  comprehensive  sense, 
whether  it  be  by  war,  diplomacy,  commerce,  missiona- 
ries, or  the  school-teacher,  or  by  all  combined,  must  prove 
to  be  a slow  process,  in  a country  of  such  wide  extent 
and  so  completely  isolated,  and  with  a people  of  so  many 
millions,  speaking  a language  so  utterly  unlike  the  modern 
seientific  languages  used  by  the  rest  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


The  rights  of  missionaries  in  China  — The  Tientsin  massacre  — The 
French  and  Russians  indemnified — The  influence  of  the  missionaries 
generally  minimized — Ancestral  worship  and  superstition — The  prac- 
tice of  fung-shuy — The  conversatism  of  the  governing  class — The 
censors — Chinese  statesmen  are  progressing — The  establishment  of 
the  Tung- wen  College — The  Burlingame  mission — The  Chinese  stu- 
dents in  America — Their  recall — The  Emperor  all-powerful — Rail- 
ways wanted  by  leading  statesmen — Difficulties  to  be  overcome — 
Probable  solution  of  the  question — The  duty  of  our  own  Govern- 
ment— Impossible  to  predict  when  China  will  move — Surrounded  by 
great  perils — Russia’s  menacing  position — The  British  Indian  Em- 
pire— Their  permanent  interests — But  little  danger  from  Germany 
and  France — The  Chinese  may  perceive  their  real  danger — Not  a 
warlike  people — Their  true  policy — The  victories  of  peace. 

Among  the  results  of  war,  secured  by  the  demands  of 
diplomacy,  there  are  none  more  important  than  the  right 
to  the  missionaries  of  all  nations  to  travel  and  preach  in 
China.  This  right  'vras  finally  accorded  by  the  treaties  of 
Tientsin,  but  it  -was  not  generally  used  till  1861,  nor  clearly 
defined  till  later.  From  that  time  men  and  Tvomen  of 
every  Christian  denomination  have  traveled  and  resided  in 
every  province  of  that  widely-extended  empire.  They  have 
generally  been  received  with  nothing  worse  than  indiffer- 
ence, although  occasional  instances  of  rudeness  and  even 
of  outrage  upon  them  have  been  reported  in  the  far-away 
districts.  The  Jesuits  have  reclaimed  their  old  churches 
and  property,  in  many  cases  where  it  had  been  out  of 
their  possession  for  nearly  two  hundred  years,  and  the 


THE  TIENTSIN  MASSACRE. 


347 


Protestant  denominations  have  established  permanent 
missions,  schools,  and  hospitals,  at  all  the  treaty  ports, 
Peking,  and  many  of  the  provincial  capitals. 

The  outbreak  against  the  Jesuits  and  Sisters  of  Charity 
at  Tientsin,  which  occurred  on  the  31st  of  June,  1870, 
resulted  in  the  massacre  of  twenty  French  and  Russians, 
the  destruction  of  the  French  consulate,  cathedral,  and 
orphanage.  It  was  instigated  by  ignorance  and  supersti- 
tion, and  was  attended  by  circumstances  of  great  atroc- 
ity.* It  was  investigated  somewhat  tardily  by  the  Pe- 
king Government.  Foreign  men-of-war  were  assembled 
in  a few  weeks ; the  guilty,  so  far  as  they  could  be  found, 
were  punished ; the  sum  of  four  hundred  thousand  taels 
was  paid  to  the  FrencR  ; indemnity  was  also  given  to  the 
Russians ; the  premises  destroyed  were  rebuilt ; and  gen- 
erally the  Chinese  authorities  did  as  much  as  could  rea- 
sonably be  expected  of  them  in  restoring  order,  repairing 
the  damage  done,  and  in  taking  precautions  for  the  pre- 
vention of  similar  outbreaks  elsewhere.  The  incident, 
unfortunate  as  it  was,  has  not  been  without  its  benedts  to 
the  missionaries  of  all  denominations.  It  has  made  them 
more  circumspect,  and  the  natives  everywhere  more  tol- 
erant and  unsuspicious.  The  authorities  were  fearful  that 
all  the  foreign  powers  would  become  aroused,  and  would 
unite  in  demanding  further  guarantees,  and  hence  they 
voluntarily  laid  down  a set  of  rules  for  the  government  of 
officials  everywhere,  and  for  the  promotion  of  the  safety 
of  all  foreigners  traveling  under  passport  beyond  the  lim- 
its of  the  settlements ; and  it  may  be  said — whether  through 
the  effect  of  these  rules,  or  the  natural  mildness  of  the 
natives,  is  immaterial — that  missionaries  of  both  sexes^ 
now  penetrate  into  the  remotest  districts  of  the  empire^ 
in  almost  perfect  safety.  The  people  are  full  of  curiosity. 


* “ Middle  Kingdom,”  vol.  ii,  p.  700,  et  aeq. 


34S 


CHINA. 


and  sometimes  annoy  travelers  by  exhibiting  an  excess  of 
that  very  excusable  quality,  but  it  hardly  ever  happens 
that  they  wantonly  misuse  anybody,  even  in  the  I'emoter 
and  more  unfrequented  regions.  The  missionaries  are 
nominally  required  to  have  passports,  but  it  is  claimed  by 
the  Chinese  that  this  is  rather  for  keeping  track  of  and 
protecting  them,  than  for  the  purpose  of  putting  any  re- 
strictions upon  their  right  to  come  and  go  without  let  or 
hindrance. 

It  is  quite  the  custom  of  merchants  and  secular  people 
generally  to  minimize  the  services  and  utility  of  the  mis- 
sionaries in  China,  and,  so  far  as  the  making  of  intelligent 
and  genuine  converts  to  Christianity  is  concerned,  it  must 
be  admitted  that  the  results  are  discouraging  ; but  when 
it  is  considered  that  the  brave  men  and  women  of  all  de- 
nominations, who  are  carrying  the  gospel  to  every  town 
and  district  in  the  empire,  are  the  advance-guard  of  a 
higher  and  better  civilization,  and  are  gradually  teaching 
the  Chinese  that  the  foreigners  are  not  “ devils  ” hut  in- 
telligent and  kindly  people,  striving  to  do  them  good  and 
not  evil,  and  that  many  of  them  not  only  understand  the 
precepts  of  “the  sages  and  philosophers,”  but  teach  even 
a higher  form  of  humanity,  it  will  be  seen  that  their  labors 
are  far  from  wasted.  If,  in  addition  to  the  hospitals  and 
primary  schools,  which  constitute  so  large  a part  of  the 
working  machinery  of  the  missionaries,  they  could  have 
a system  of  technological  schools,  or  at  least  a series  of 
lectures  upon  science  and  mechanics,  with  apparatus  and 
machinery  established  in  the  larger  cities,  and  made  free 
for  all  to  attend,  the  aim  being  to  show  that  the  arts  and 
sciences  of  foreigners  are  better  than  those  known  to  the 
Chinese,  I do  not  douht  that  in  the  end  Christian  truth 
and  morals  would  find  a much  more  ready  lodgment 
than  they  now  find  in  the  native  mind.  As  it  is  at  pres- 
' ent,  no  Chinaman  belonging  to  the  literary  class  will  at- 


BUDDHISM  AND  FUNG-SHUT. 


349 


tend  a Christian  meeting  or  listen  to  a Christian  teacher.,. 
Serene  in  the  conviction  that  there  never  was  a greater  sage 
and  jjhilosopher  than  Confucius,  with  the  writings  of  whom 
he  is  well  acquainted,  he  thinks  it  absurd  to  waste  time  with 
any  one  who  claims  to  bring  him  “ good  tidings  of  great 
joy,”  whether  they  come  from  Christ  or  Buddha.  Nomi-^ 
nally  the  religion  of  the  latter  is  adopted  and  practiced  by 
many  people  in  China,  but  so  far  as  I could  see  it  is  not 
a living  cult,  nor  are  the  Chinese  a religious  people  in 
any  sense  whatever.  Ancestral  worship  is  perhaps  the 
most  vital  form  of  religion  among  them,  and  that,  al- 
though based  upon  immemorial  custom,  needs  the  strong 
hand  of  the  Imperial  Government  to  keep  it  alive.  Su- 
perstition, or  the  science  of  good  and  bad  luck,  if  I may 
coin  a phrase,  the  meaning  of  which  neither  the  words 
geomancy  nor  fortune-telling  properly  conveys,  and  which 
the  Chinese  comprehend  under  the  words  “ fung  shuy^' 
literally,  “wind  and  water,”  constitutes  by  far  the  most 
potential  factor  in  the  daily  conduct  of  the  average  Chi-^ 
naman’s  life.  It  regulates  all  his  important  transactions, 
and  the  fung-shuy  man  is  his  counselor  and  guide  in 
youth,  manhood,  and  old  age.  He  tells  what  day  is  lucky 
for  starting  on  a journey,  or  marrying,  or  for  beginning 
business  ; what  place  is  lucky  ; and  how  the  house  or  the 
grave  should  face  in  order  to  insure  the  happiness  of  its 
occupant.  He  finds  lost  or  hidden  property,  tells  for- 
tunes, and  directs  in  all  difficult  matters.  He  is  paid  ac- 
cording to  the  importance  of  the  occasion  and  the  wealth 
of  the  man  or  the  family  he  is  serving  ; and  if  he  is  not 
formally  employed,  he  makes  himself  disagreeable  by  com- 
menting unfavorably,  by  predicting  misfortune  and  dis- 
aster, or  even  by  stirring  up  the  prejudices  of  the  vicious 
and  ignorant  against  those  who  think  they  can  get  on 
without  him.  The  practice  of  fung  shuy  is  an  occult 
trade,  in  which  humbug  is  the  principal  art,  and  of  which 


350 


CHINA. 


credulity  and  ignorance  are  the  surest  support.  The 
practitioners  are  of  course  venal,  and  if  properly  ap- 
proached can  be  retained  for  or  against  any  given  meas- 
ure or  on  any  side  of  any  possible  question.  In  all  great 
or  novel  undertakings,  where  the  common  people  can  ex- 
ert any  influence,  or  make  any  trouble,  and  especially 
where  foreigners  are  concerned,  it  would  be  well  for  the 
person  having  the  matter  in  hand  to  bear  this  statement 
in  mind,  and  take  timely  measures  to  get  the  fung-shuy 
men  on  his  side.  Liberality  in  compensating  them  may 
lead  to  great  saving  in  the  end.  Of  course,  an  ignorant 
or  unaided  foreigner  could  not  manage  such  a guild, 
but  would  be  compelled  to  rely  upon  good  interpreters 
and  skillful  assistants  who  understood  the  Chinese  char- 
acter perfectly.  I may  remark  here  that  foreign  influence, 
'' and  the  progress  which  has  already  been  developed  in 
China,  have  given  the  death-blow  to  “the  fung-shuy 
pidgin,”  at  the  treaty  ports,  and  there  is  reason  for  be- 
lieving that  it  is  sensibly  on  the  wane  even  in  the  inte- 
rior of  the  country,  and  especially  at  Peking. 

By  far  the  greatest  difficulty  in  moving  the  Chinese 
Government  arises  from  the  conservatism  of  the  literary 
or  governing  class,  and  this  conservatism  flnds  its  most 
efficient  agent  in  the  Board  of  Censors,  and  the  system 
of  espionage  of  which  it  is  at  the  head,  throughout  the 
empire.  The  censors,  as  before  indicated,  supervise  tho 
business  of  the  Great  Boards,  and  are  at  liberty  to  memo- 
rialize the  Throne  upon  all  subjects  and  at  all  times. 
They  are  the  guardians  of  the  law  and  of  the  customs  of 
the  people,  and  it  is  their  special  duty  to  speak  before  the 
public  or  the  empire  has  been  injured.  It  is  true  that 
they  must  write  decorously,  temperately,  and  without 
prejudice,  and  may  be  rebuked  for  ignorance  or  willful 
falsehood,  but  the  “all-examining  court”  of  which  they 
are  members  is  above  all  other  courts  and  boards,  next  to 


THE  CENSORATE. 


351 


the  Throne,  and  can  reach  it  in  much  less  time  and  with 
much  less  trouble  than  any  other  court  or  person.  From 
its  position  and  functions  its  members  may  always  know 
what  business  is  likely  to  come  before  the  Throne,  and 
hence  it  is  easy  for  them  to  assail  any  measure  which 
does  not  receive  their  approbation.  They  are  specially 
on  the  alert  against  innovations  and  foreign  schemes, 
more  than  one  of  which — good  as  well  as  bad — they  have 
killed  or  indefinitely  postponed  before  it  had  received 
imperial  consideration. 

The  censors,  and  almost  all  other  great  functionaries 
of  the  empire,  are  old  men,  who  have  reached  their  high 
positions  by  a lifetime  of  laborious  study,  devoted  ex- 
clusively to  Chinese  classics  and  jurisiirudence,  and  so 
great  has  been  the  competition  through  which  they  have 
been  compelled  to  gain  their  honors,  that  it  would  have 
been  impossible  for  them  to  devote  much  time  to  the 
study  of  foreign  sciences  or  history,  even  if  they  had  de- 
sired to  do  so.  Having  overcome  and  surpassed  the  rest 
of  mankind  in  China  at  least,  they  naturally  look  with 
contempt  upon  the  world  beyond.  They  can  see  no  good 
in  anything  which  Confucius  did  not  teach,  and  a sys- 
tem which  produced  them  must  be  perfect,  and  needs  no 
amendment.  Having  attained  their  great  altitude,  “noth- 
ing remains  for  them  but  to  walk  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
immortal  sages  who  have  gone  before  them.” 

And  yet  the  Chinese  statesmen  are  learning.  With 
them  the  day  of  bows  and  arrows,  bamboo-spears,  match- 
locks and  gingals,  war-junks  and  wooden  ships,  has  passed 
away.  Lee-Eemington  rifies,  ironclads,  and  Krupp  guns 
have  been  adopted.  Arsenals  and  machinery,  dock-yards 
and  heavy  fortifications,  abound ; naval  and  military 
academies  have  been  established  ; schools  for  the  study  of 
Western  languages  and  sciences  have  been  opened  at  sev- 
eral of  the  treaty  ports,  and  what  is  of  still  greater  im- 


352 


CHINA. 


portance  is  the  fact  that  the  Imperial  Government  itself 
has  founded  and  opened  the  Tung-wen  College  at  the 
capital,  for  the  instruction  of  the  oflBcial  class  in  the 
Western  sciences.  The  memorial  which  brought  the 
project  to  the  Emperor’s  attention,  and  constitutes  its 
charter,  was  drawn  up  by  Prince  Kung,  and  was  con- 
curred in  by  four  ministers  of  the  Board  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs. It  sets  forth  that  its  object  is  “ to  teach  mathe- 
matics and  astronomy,  as  indispensable  to  the  under- 
standing of  machinery  and  the  manufacture  of  fire-arms,” 
that  only  the  scholars  of  high  grade  should  be  admitted, 
and  that  “men  from  the  West  shall  be  invited  to  give 
instruction.”  They  declare  that  the  scheme  “did  not 
originate  in  a fondness  for  novelties,  or  in  admiration  for 
the  abstract  subtilties  of  Western  sciences ; but  solely 
from  the  consideration  that  the  mechanical  arts  of  the 
West  all  have  their  source  in  the  science  of  mathematics.” 
It  points  out  that  if  China  undertakes  to  build  steamships 
and  machinery,  and  yet  declines  to  borrow  instruction 
from  the  men  of  the  West,  there  is  danger  that,  following 
their  own  ideas,  they  “will  squander  money  to  no  pur- 
pose.” The  writer  of  this  remarkable  document,  know- 
ing the  prejudices  of  the  class  to  which  he  belongs,  then 
says  : 

“But,  among  persons  who  are  unacquainted  with 
this  subject,  there  are  some  who  will  censure  us  as  wrong 
in  abandoning  the  methods  of  China  for  those  of  the 
West ; and  some  who  will  even  denounce  the  proposal 
that  Chinese  should  submit  to  be  instructed  by  the  people 
of  the  West  as  shameful  in  the  extreme.  Those  who  urge 
such  objections  are  ignorant  of  the  demands  of  the 
times. 

“ In  the  first  place,  it  is  high  time  that  some  plan 
should  be  devised  for  infusing  new  elements  of  strength 
into  the  Government  of  China.  Those  who  understand 


THE  TUNG-WEN  COLLEGE. 


353 


the  times  are  of  opinion  that  the  only  way  of  effecting 
this  is  to  introduce  the  learning  and  the  mechanical  arts 
of  Western  nations.  Provincial  governors,  such  as  Tso 
Tsung-Tang  and  Li  Hung-Chang,  are  firm  in  this  con- 
viction, and  constantly  presenting  it  in  their  addresses  to 
the  Throne.  . . . Should  it  be  said  that  the  purchase  of 
fire-arms  and  steamers  has  been  tried  and  found  to  be  both 
cheap  and  convenient,  so  that  we  may  spare  ourselves  the 
trouble  and  expense  of  home-production,  we  reply  that 
it  is  not  merely  the  manufacture  of  arms  and  the  con- 
struction of  ships  that  China  needs  to  learn.  But  in  re- 
spect to  these  two  objects,  which  is  the  wiser  course  in 
view  of  the  future,  to  content  ourselves  with  purchase 
and  leave  the  source  of  supply  in  the  hands  of  others,  or 
to  render  ourselves  independent  by  making  ourselves 
master  of  their  arts,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  inquire. 

“As  to  the  imputation  that  we  hereby  abandon  the 
methods  of  China,  is  it  not  altogether  a fictitious  charge  ? 
For,  on  inquiry,  it  will  be  found  that  Western  science  had 
its  root  in  the  astronomy  of  China,  which  Western  schol- 
ars confess  themselves  to  have  derived  from  Eastern  lands. 
They  have  minds  adapted  to  reasoning  and  abstruse 
study,  so  that  they  were  able  to  deduce  from  it  new  arts 
which  shed  a luster  on  those  nations  ; but  in  reality  the 
original  belonged  to  China,  and  Europeans  learned  them 
from  us.  If,  therefore,  we  apply  ourselves  to  those 
studies,  our  future  progress  will  be  built  on  our  own 
foundation.  Having  the  root  in  our  possession,  we  shall 
not  need  to  look  to  others  for  assistance,  an  advantage 
which  it  is  impossible  to  overestimate.” 

After  pointing  out  that  the  Emperor  Kanghe  gave  his 
hearty  approbation  to  the  science  of  the  West,  promoted 
its  teachers,  and  that  “ in  the  olden  times  yeomen  and 
common  soldiers  were  all  acquainted  with  astronomy,” 
that  “ mathematics  were  studied  with  the  classics,”  and 


354 


CHINA. 


that,  according  to  a Chinese  proverb,  “ A thing  unknown 
is  a scholar’s  shame,”  he  adds  : “As  to  the  allegation  that 
it  is  a shame  to  learn  from  the  people  of  the  West,  this 
is  the  absurdest  charge  of  all.  For  under  the  whole 
heaven  the  deepest  disgrace  is  that  of  being  content  to  lag 
in  the  rear  of  others.  For  some  tens  of  years  the  nations 
of  the  West  have  applied  themselves  to  the  study  of  steam 
navigation,  each  imitating  the  others,  and  daily  produc- 
ing some  new  improvement.  ...  Of  the  jealous  rivalry 
among  the  nations  of  the  Western  Ocean  it  is  unnecessary 
to  speak  ; but,  when  so  small  a country  as  Jajjan  is  put- 
ting forth  all  its  energies,  if  China  alone  continues  to 
tread  indolently  in  the  beaten  track,  without  a single 
effort  in  the  way  of  improvement,  what  can  be  more  dis- 
graceful than  this  ? Now,  not  to  be  ashamed  of  our  in- 
feriority, but,  when  a measure  is  proposed  by  which  we 
may  equal  or  even  surpass  our  neighbors,  to  object  to  the 
shame  of  learning  from  them,  and  forever  refusing  to 
learn — to  be  content  with  our  inferiority — is  not  such 
meanness  of  spirit  itself  an  indelible  reproach  ? 

“ If  it  be  said  that  machinery  belongs  to  artisans,  and 
that  scholars  should  not  engage  in  such  employments,  in 
answer  to  this  we  have  a word  to  say.  Why  is  it  that  the 
book  in  the  Ghau-li  on  the  structure  of  chariots  has  some 
thousands  of  years  been  a recognized  text-book  in  all  the 
schools  ? Is  it  not  because,  while  mechanics  do  the 
work,  scholars  ought  to  understand  the  principles  ? When 
principles  are  understood,  their  application  will  be  ex- 
tended. The  object  which  we  propose  for  study  to-day 
is  the  principles  of  things.  To  invite  educated  men  to 
enlarge  the  sphere  of  their  knowledge,  by  investigating 
the  laws  of  Nature,  is  a very  different  thing  from  com- 
pelling them  to  take  hold  of  the  tools  of  the  working- 
man. ...  In  conclusion,  we  would  say  that  the  object 
of  study  is  utility,  and  its  value  must  be  judged  by  its 


THE  TUNG-WEN  COLLEGE. 


355 


adaptation  to  the  wants  of  the  times.  Outsiders  may 
vent  their  doubt  and  criticism,  but  the  measure  is  one 
that  calls  for  decisive  action.  Your  servants  have  con- 
sidered it  maturely.  As  the  enterprise  is  a new  one,  its 
principles  ought  to  he  carefully  examined.  To  stimulate 
scholars  to  enter  in  earnest  on  the  proposed  curriculum, 
they  ought  to  have  a liberal  allowance  from  the  public 
treasury  to  defray  their  current  expenses,  and  have  the 
door  of  promotion  set  wide  open  before  them.  We  have 
accordingly  agreed  on  six  regulations,  which  we  herewith 
submit  to  the  eye  of  Your  Majesty,  and  wait  reverently 
for  the  imperial  sanction.”* 

Without  quoting  those  regulations,  it  is  enough  for 
my  present  purpose  to  say  that  the  Tung-wen  College  was 
duly  organized  under  the  presidency  of  Dr.  W.  A.  P. 
Martin,  a distinguished  American  scholar  and  divine,  and 
that,  assisted  by  an  able  corps  of  professors,  he  has  suc- 
ceeded in  making  a permanent  place  for  it,  even  against 
the  prejudice  and  covert  opposition  of  the  conservatives. 
I am  glad  to  add  that,  for  the  current  year,  it  has  more 
pupils  than  ever  before,  and  all  it  can  accommodate. 

Dr.  Martin,  its  efficient  and  vigorous  head,  has  been 
many  years  a resident  in  China,  and  is  perhaps  more  pro- 
foundly learned  in  Chinese  history,  literature,  and  meth- 
ods of  thought,  and  by  his  position  comes  more  closely  in 
contact  with  the  leading  men  of  the  Chinese  Government, 
than  any  foreigner.  In  speaking  of  the  intellectual 
movement  and  the  renovation  of  China,  he  said,  in  1880, 
what,  notwithstanding  the  retirement  of  Prince  Kung, 
for  his  progressive  ideas,  is  true  now  : “ The  present  is  a 
minority  reign  ; and  the  influential  men  who  surround 
the  Throne  are  leaders  in  the  movement  to  ‘ infuse  new 


* “ Hanlin  Papers,”  by  W.  A.  P.  Martin,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  President  of 
the  Tung-wen  College,  Peking.  London,  Triibner  & Co.,  1880. 


356 


CHINA. 


elements  of  strength  into  the  Government  of  China.’ 
The  Emperor,  a lad  of  thirteen  [now  nearly  seventeen], 
may  imbibe  their  spirit  and  shape  his  policy  on  theirs ; 
and  in  a few  years  he  will  receive  in  person,  as  by  treaty 
bound,  the  ambassadors  of  foreign  powers.  He  will  thus 
have  an  opportunity  for  acquiring  new  ideas  such  as  his 
forefathers  never  enjoyed.”  * 

What  will  be  the  outcome  of  it  all,  or  just  what  the 
course  of  events  will  be,  it  is  impossible  for  any  one  to 
predict  with  certainty ; but  while  it  is  true  that  no 
adviser  of  the  Throne  has  been  willing  to  assume  be- 
forehand the  duty  of  marking  out  or  forestalling  a policy 
of  innovation  and  progress  for  the  young  Emperor,  it 
is  nearly  certain  that  such  a policy  must  be  adopted 
at  no  distant  day.  With  trade,  the  missionaries,  diplo- 
macy, and  science,  all  working  to  the  same  end,  and  all 
having  been  greatly  helped  at  various  times,  as  we  have 
seen  by  war  the  most  potential  agency  that  has  ever  made 
itself  felt  in  the  advancement  of  civilization  and  progress, 
the  end  can  be  neither  uncertain  nor  long  delayed. 
Every  consul  and  envoy  sent  out  by  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment, every  scholar  educated  abroad,  and  indeed  every 
coolie  who  seeks  his  fortune  in  America,  becomes  a liberal 
and  a teacher  of  progress  on  his  return  home. 

One  of  the  most  significant  and  promising  measures 
ever  adopted  by  the  Imperial  Government  was  that  of 
sending  the  Hon.  Anson  Burlingame,  upon  his  retire- 
ment as  United  States  minister  at  Peking,  in  November, 
1867,  on  a general  mission  to  the  principal  governments 
of  America  and  Europe.  He  was  accompanied  by  three 
imperial  envoys,  and  a large  suite  of  attaches,  clerks,  and 
servants.  Just  what  arguments  were  used  to  induce  the 
Government  to  take  this  unheard-of  step,  or  what  were 


* “ Hanlin  Papers,”  p.  329. 


THE  BURLINGAME  MISSION. 


357 


its  secret  purposes  in  doing  so,  is  not  clearly  known,  but 
partly  from  Mr.  Burlingame’s  enthusiastic  representations, 
and  partly  through  the  hopes  of  the  world  at  large,  his 
mission  was  everywhere  hailed  as  the  sure  precursor  of  an 
era  of  progress  and  prosperity  for  China.  It  was  thought 
that  it  betokened  a new  and  liberal  policy  toward  foreign- 
ers and  foreign  enterprises,  and  especially  toward  rail- 
roads and  telegraphs,  on  the  part  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment ; and,  while  this  was  denied,  with  much  unfriendly 
comment  by  the  foreign  merchants,  and  especially  by  the 
English  residing  in  China,  the  mission  made  the  most 
satisfactory  progress  till  brought  to  an  untimely  end  by 
the  death  of  Mr.  Burlingame,  at  St.  Petersburg,  in  Febru- 
ary, 1870.  It  negotiated  and  enlarged  a number  of  trea- 
ties, but  it  lost  its  momentum  in  losing  its  head,  and 
speedily  returned  home,  to  be  dissolved  and  forgotten. 
Whatever  good  effects  in  the  direction  of  progress  might 
have  otherwise  resulted  from  it,  were  suppressed  by  the 
disgrace  and  retirement  of  Prince  Kung,  whose  approval 
and  advocacy  certainly  had  much  to  do  in  causing  it  to 
be  sent  forth. 

Shortly  after  the  return  of  this  mission  a number  of 
Chinese  boys,  perhaps  a hundred  and  fifty,  were  sent 
(early  in  1872)  to  America  to  be  educated ; many  of 
them  developed  talents  of  a high  order,  and  all  made 
rapid  progress  in  learning  our  language  and  receiving 
our  education.  After  they  had  been  with  us  from  six 
to  nine  years,  some  one  reported  to  the  home  Govern- 
ment that  the  boys  were  forgetting  their  own  language, 
and  were  growing  up  in  ignorance  of  their  own  country, 
its  laws,  literature,  and  customs,  and  should  be  recalled 
at  once.  A censor  was  sent  out  to  examine  and  report, 
and  in  a short  time  this  promising  measure  was  recon- 
sidered, and  all  the  boys  were  called  home.  To  make 
matters  worse,  they  were  roughly  treated  and  assigned  to 


358 


CHINA. 


uncongenial  employments.  Some  of  them  had  found 
homes  in  refined  and  well-to-do  American  families, 
where  they  had  been  kindly  nurtured  and  cared  for ; 
nearly  all  had  adopted  American  clothing  and  customs, 
and  the  lot  of  the  least  fortunate  had  been  far  happier  in 
America  than  was  possible  for  the  richest  of  them  at 
home,  and,  of  course,  they  were  all  more  or  less  distressed 
by  the  unexpected  change  in  their  lot.  I met  quite  a 
number  of  these  young  men  during  my  travels.  They 
are  now  from  twenty  to  twenty-eight  years  old,  and  are 
all  employed  either  as  teachers  of  English  or  the  sciences, 
or  are  connected  with  the  Government  service  in  the  prov- 
inces as  interpreters,  telegraph  operators,  and  writers,  but 
the  most  of  them,  judging  from  what  I saw,  are  unhap- 
py and  discouraged.  They  say  that  there  is  no  chance 
for  them  so  long  as  Western  learning  is  looked  down 
upon  in  China,  and  the  customs  of  that  country  remain 
unchanged.  All  high  offices  are  given  to  old  men,  and 
they  look  upon  that  class  as  all  alike — conservative,  ig- 
norant, and  intolerant — and  that  no  true  progress  can 
be  made  so  long  as  they  remain  in  power.  This  is 
in  some  degree  true,  but  that  class  can  not  always  remain 
in  power.  Such  men  as  Li  Hung-Chang  and  Tso-Tsung 
Tang,  who  never  were  out  of  their  country,  became  lib- 
erals, and  have  gained  the  highest  rank  and  influence 
ever  enjoyed  by  a Chinese  subject.  It  is  now  an  open 
secret  that  Prince  Kung,  the  uncle,  and  Prince  Chun 
(the  Seventh  Prince),  the  father  of  the  Emperor,  are  lib- 
erals, and  favor  the  policy  of  progress.  The  Marquis 
Tseng  and  others,  who  have  traveled  and  held  diplomatic 
office  abroad,  are  said  to  be  still  more  pronounced  in  their 
liberal  sentiments,  and  so  even  the  young  men  who  were 
partly  educated  in  America  may  hope  that  some  of  their 
number  will  yet  reach  high  rank  and  wield  great  influence 
in  the  affairs  of  their  country.  If  ever  one  of  them  should 


NECESSITY  OF  EDUCATION. 


359 


attract  the  attention  of  the  Emperor,  and  gain  his  confi- 
dence, or  that  of  any  one  closely  connected  with  him,  the 
consequences  might  not  only  be  immediate  but  far-reach- 
ing. Neither  is  it  impossible  that  some  foreigner  con- 
nected with  the  Tung-wen  College,  the  maritime  customs, 
the  navy,  the  army,  or  even  with  the  foreign  legations, 
or  with  one  of  the  great  foreign  trading-houses  in  China, 
may  attract  the  Emperor’s  attention  or  the  attention  of 
those  around  him,  as  did  Mr.  Burlingame,  and  thus 
secure  the  opportunity,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  favorably 
influence  his  action,  and  start  the  Government  upon  a 
course  which  will  end  in  making  China  one  of  the  most 
progressive  nations  of  the  world.  The  Emperor  is  all- 
powerful  when  he  chooses  to  assert  himself.  He  can  con- 
trol the  official  class  by  a simple  exercise  of  the  will,  and 
the  offieial  class  can  control  the  people  almost  as  easily. 
The  inaccessibility  of  the  one,  and  the  small  number  of 
the  other,  are  circumstances  which  encourage  the  observer 
to  believe  that  the  movement  when  once  determined  can 
be  maintained  until  it  is  entirely  successful.  In  other 
words,  it  is  necessary  to  educate  hut  comparatively  few 
men  up  to  the  conviction  that  Western  arts  and  sciences 
are  better  than  those  of  Eastern  countries,  and  that  the 
appliances  of  Western  civilization  are  superior  to  those  of 
China,  in  order  to  control  and  direct  the  common  people, 
in  making  China  one  of  the  riehest  and  most  powerful 
nations  of  the  earth,  instead  of,  as  she  is  now,  the  poorest 
and  weakest.  She  is  rich  beyond  any  other  power  in  labor, 
while  her  mineral  resources  are  entirely  undeveloped,  and 
yet  there  are  good  grounds  for  supposing  them  to  be  sec- 
ond to  those  of  no  other  eountry  under  the  sun.  With 
intelligence  enough  on  the  part  of  the  Government  and 
the  official  class  to  control  and  direct  the  people  in  utiliz- 
ing the  resources  within  their  reach,  there  can  be  but  one 
result. 


360 


CHINA. 


Aud  this  brings  ns  to  the  question  'which  has  been 
asked  me  so  many  times  since  my  return  home,  “ Are  the 
Chinese  going  to  build  railroads,  open  mines,  and  erect 
furnaces  and  rolling-mills  ? ” I answer,  unhesitatingly, 
“ Yes — whenever  they  can  be  sho'wn  that  this  can  be  done 
with  their  own  money,  obtained,  at  first,  by  private  sub- 
scription, and  by  their  own  labor,  under  the  direction  of 
foreign  experts,  who  will  treat  them  fairly  and  honestly.” 
They  will  not  for  the  present  borrow  money  on  the  credit 
of  their  Government  or  a pledge  of  its  revenues  for  the  pur- 
pose of  paying  for  such  works,  nor  will  they  grant  con- 
cessions or  subsidies  to  foreigners.  So  far  as  I can  see, 
they  will  not  even  take  money  from  any  power  or  syndi- 
cate, and  agree  to  secure  the  repayment  of  the  same  by 
a mortgage  upon  the  works  to  be  created  thereby.  As 
has  been  shown  in  a previous  chapter,  their  leading 
statesmen  want  railroads,  and  have  an  intelligent  under- 
standing of  how  they  are  to  be  utilized  for  the  benefit 
of  the  country ; but  they  are  not  willing  to  have  them 
upon  any  terms  which  will  increase  European  influence 
in  China,  or  give  European  powers  the  slightest  pretext 
for  intermeddling  'with  the  internal  aflairs  of  the  country 
or  its  government.  They  have  no  surplus  in  the  public 
treasury  with  which  to  establish  and  jiay  for  a system  of 
state  railroads,  and  nothing  but  a great  emergency  could, 
induce  them  to  raise  the  money  by  taxation  or  to  borrow 
it,  even  upon  the  simple  pledge  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment’s faith  to  repay  it ; for,  while  they  know  they  can 
pay  interest  on  a hundred  million  dollars,  if  necessary, 
they  look  with  doubt  upon  their  capacity  to  repay  the 
principal,  and  therefore  dread  to  assume  any  such  obliga- 
tion. They  are,  without  knowing  it,  strong  protection- 
ists, and  look  upon  it  as  a national  calamity  to  be  com- 
pelled to  send  money  out  of  the  country  for  the  purpose  of 
paying  interest.  If  they  could  build  railroads  with  Chinese 


PROBABILITY  OF  RAILROADS. 


361 


money,  Chinese  skilled  labor,  and  Chinese  materials,  in- 
cluding steel  rails  and  machinery,  there  is  good  reason 
for  believing  that  they  would  start  at  once,  notwithstand- 
ing the  opposition  of  the  censors  and  the  Board  of  Reve- 
nue, which  have  been  strong  enough  heretofore  to  kill  off 
or  to  postpone  indefinitely  every  proposition  which  has 
been  submitted.  Under  proper  Government  protection 
there  is  also  good  reason  for  believing  that  the  necessary 
money  for  the  initial  lines  can  be  raised  from  the  native 
merchants  at  the  treaty  ports,  and  of  course  common  labor 
can  be  had  in  any  quantity  and  at  the  lowest  prices  ; but, 
inasmuch  as  there  are  no  iron-mines  opened,  and  no 
furnaces  or  rolling-mills  built,  it  would  greatly  delay  the 
construction  of  the  first  railroads  if  it  were  necessary  to 
wait  till  steel  rails  and  machinery  could  be  manufactured 
therefor  at  home.  They  know  this,  and  that  the  first 
roads  built  in  this  way  would  cost  much  more  than 
they  would  if  imported  materials  were  used,  but  they 
do  not  care.  They  argue,  with  great  cogency,  that  the 
money  would  all  be  spent  at  home,  and  that  even  if 
the  roads  cost  ten  times  as  much  per  mile,  built  of 
native  materials,  with  native  labor,  and  the  least  pos- 
sible number  of  foreign  experts,  it  will  be  better  for  the 
country  in  the  end ; and  at  all  events,  that  is  the  way 
they  would  like  to  have  it. 

The  best  practical  solution  of  the  present  difficulty 
will  probably  be  for  them  to  lay  out  and  construct  the 
initial  lines,  iising  capital  subscribed  by  Chinese  subjects, 
and  materials  bought  wherever  they  can  get  them  cheap- 
est. They  should,  of  course,  employ  American  experts 
and  adopt  the  American  system  of  construction,  for  the 
reasons  that  they  are  more  practical,  economical,  and  effi- 
cient, and  better  adapted  to  the  requirement  of  the  case 
in  hand.  Besides,  the  Americans  are  their  nearest  neigh- 
bors, and,  having  no  desire  to  establish  colonies  or  to 
16 


362 


CHINA. 


acquire  foreign  possessions,  are  less  liable  to  quarrel  with 
China,  or  to  interfere  under  any  pretext  with  her  internal 
affairs. 

On  the  other  hand,  our  Government  should  do  all  in 
its  power  to  foster  friendly  relations  with  the  Chinese. 
It  should  establish  its  legation  at  Peking,  and  its  consul- 
ates throughout  the  empire,  on  the  most  liberal  scale.  Its 
diplomatic  and  consular  agents  should  be  habitually  se- 
lected with  great  care,  and  should  be  paid  as  much  as  any 
other  power  pays  for  similar  service  ; they  should  be  housed 
at  the  public  expense,  and  surrounded  with  every  appli- 
ance likely  to  increase  the  respect  or  attract  the  admiration 
of  the  Chinese  people  and  authorities.  Whatever  may  be- 
come the  policy  of  our  Government  in  reference  to  the 
continuance  of  diplomatic  relations  with  Europe,  it  is 
certain  that  for  many  years,  perhaps  for  centuries,  we 
must  maintain  a minister  at  Peking,  and  he  should  in 
rank,  state,  and  consideration  he  a fitting  representative 
of  the  power,  wealth,  and  intelligence  of  the  Great  Kepub- 
lic.  Tlie  Chinese,  like  all  Oriental  people,  are  more  or 
less  impressed  by  the  external  evidences  of  strength  and 
greatness ; and,  purely  as  a matter  of  business,  our  Gov- 
ernment could  not  do  better  than  to  buy  the  land  offered 
it  by  the  Chinese  Government,  erect  suitable  buildings 
thereon,  furnish  them  handsomely,  advance  the  pay  of 
the  minister,  secretaries,  and  attaches  to  the  highest  rates 
and  allowances  that  anybody  has  ever  suggested  in  their 
behalf,  surround  them  with  servants,  and  even  give  them 
a platoon  of  cavalry,  splendidly  equipped  and  mounted, 
to  act  as  escort  upon  all  visits  and  occasions  of  cere- 
mony, This  would  not  be  in  accordance  with  our  ideas 
of  republican  simplicity,  but  it  would  pay,  and  that 
is  a sufficient  argument ; besides,  the  Chinese  authori- 
ties do  not  care  for,  or  understand,  simplicity  in  official 
matters. 


OUR  COMMERCE  WITH  CHINA. 


363 


Our  commerce  with  the  Chinese  is  in  its  infancy,*  and 
as  commerce  is  not  only  profitable  in  a pecuniary  sense, 
but  is  primarily  the  origin  of  all  progress,  we  should  lose 
no  time  in  putting  our  diplomatic  and  consular  service 

* The  following  extract  from  an  able  and  interesting  speech  delivered 
by  the  Hon.  Richard  W.  Townshend,  of  Illinois,  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, on  February  3,  1887,  will  give  a fair  idea  of  the  importance 
of  the  China  trade : 

“ Owing  to  our  superior  advantage  over  Europe  in  distance,  and  other 
respects,  we  should  control  most  of  the  foreign  trade  in  China,  but  statis- 
tics reveal  to  us  the  fact  that  England  has  outstripped  us  in  that  trade, 
and  that  France  is  fast  overtaking  us.  Indeed,  it  is  said  that  to-day  three 
fourths  of  the  trade  of  China  is  with  England  and  her  colonies. 

“ There  are  twenty-two  ‘ treaty  ports  ’ in  China  open  to  foreign  com- 


merce. 

The  imports  at  treaty  ports  in  1886  were $168,000,000 

Exports  at  treaty  ports  in  1885  were 105,625,000 

Total  trade $273,626,000 

In  1886  United  States  imports  from  China $18,972,963 

In  1886  United  States  exports  to  China 7,620,681 

Total $26,493,644 


“ This  does  not  include  Hong-Kong,  which,  although  a British  island, 
yet,  as  it  is  only  a few  miles  off  the  coast  of  China,  and  its  trade  is  actu- 
ally as  much  a part  of  the  trade  of  China  as  if  it  was  under  the  Chinese 
dominion,  it  being  merely  a point  of  transshipment  of  products  destined 
for  China  or  brought  from  China,  our  trade  with  Hong-Kong,  therefore, 
should  be  added  to  that  of  our  trade  with  China.  In  1886  it  was : 


United  States  imports  from  IIong-Kong $1,072,459 

United  States  exports  to  Hong-Kong 4,056,236 

Total $5,128,696 


“ Which,  added  to  our  trade  with  China  already  mentioned,  aggregates 
for  1886  the  total  of  $31,632,239,  which  is  about  eight  per  cent  of  the 
trade  of  that  country,  as  against  seventy-five  per  cent  with  Great  Britain, 
and  the  balance,  with  other  countries.  What  a humiliation  to  our  na- 
tional pride  when  we  see  a rival  situated  so  far  away  from  China  outstrip 
us  when  our  western  border  is  on  the  same  ocean  with  China,  with  far 
superior  natural  advantages  in  our  favor  over  those  of  England  or  any 
European  country ! ’’ 


364 


CHINA. 


on  such  a basis  as  vrill  enable  it  to  promote  commerce  to 
the  fullest  extent.  There  is  a foolish  law  in  our  Eevised 
Statutes  which  prohibits  American  ministers  from  recom- 
mending any  one  for  office  or  employment  at  home  or 
abroad.  This  should  be  repealed  at  once,  and  both  diplo- 
matic and  consular  agents  should  be  instructed  that  the 
more  reputable  and  capable  Americans  they  can  find  em- 
ployment for  in  China  as  experts  in  the  arts  and  sci- 
ences, or  as  contractors  for  public  works,  or  as  instructors 
in  the  army  and  navy,  or  as  advisers  to  the  provincial 
and  Imperial  Governments,  the  better  they  will  please  the 
State  Department.  It  is  obvious  that  the  greater  the 
number  of  American  citizens  thus  employed  in  China  the 
greater  will  be  our  influence,  and  the  more  extended  and 
valuable  will  become  our  commerce  with  the  Chinese 
people. 

Congress  has  passed  the  Chinese  indemnity  bill,  and 
this  has  given  gi'eat  satisfaction  to  the  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment and  statesmen.  It  should  as  soon  as  possible 
authorize  the  President  to  lend  army  and  naval  officers ; 
and  should  in  addition  open  the  ISTaval  and  Military 
Academies  for  a limited  number  of  students  to  both  the 
Chinese  and  Japanese  Governments,  who  would  no  doubt 
be  thankful  for  the  favors  accorded,  and  would  in 
addition  regard  it  as  a gracious  and  kindly  act.  Again, 
I am  certain  that  it  would  pay,  no  matter  from  what 
point  of  view  it  is  considered. 

Manifestly,  whatever  our  Government  and  people 
would  do  they  should  do  promptly  and  cheerfully,  not 
with  a niggardly  or  a grudging  hand  ; for,  while  the  Chi- 
nese are  a poor  peojfie  and  must  needs  go  slowly  in  all 
that  constitutes  the  material  elements  of  progress,  they 
are  also  a self-respecting  people.  Their  governing  class 
is  in  addition  sensitive  as  well  as  conceited,  and  do  not 
consider  themselves  in  any  moral  or  inteUectual  sense  as 


POSSIBILITIES. 


365 


fit  objects  of  charity  or  condescension  on  the  part  of  any 
other  people  or  nation. 

Of  course,  it  is  impossible  to  predict  with  certainty 
when  China  will  move  in  specific  enterprises,  what  will 
be  her  direction  and  policy,  or  what  men  and  nation  will 
become  her  gipde.  That  she  will  move,  and,  in  fact,  is 
moving  in  a general  way,  I think  I have  shown  in  the 
preceding  pages  ; and,  when  the  reader  considers  the  facts 
set  forth,  and  especially  the  vast  territory,  the  innumer- 
able population,  and  the  boundless  natural  resources  wait- 
ing for  development  in  that  far-away  country,  he  will  find 
ample  subjects  for  speculation  and  prophecy.  That  she  is 
surrounded  by  great  perils,  and  confronted  by  many  com- 
plicated problems  offering  themselves  to  her  statesmen  for 
solution,  is  obvious  to  the  most  casual  observer.  Whether 
she  will  escape  the  former,  and  satisfactorily  solve  the  lat- 
ter, no  human  being  can  possibly  know  in  advance.  But 
with  Eussia  pressing  upon  her  northern  and  western  and  the 
British  Indian  Empire  upon  her  western  and  southwestern 
borders,  both  moving  in  accordance  with  the  requirements 

their  “permanent  interests,”  and  both  carrying  with 
them  all  the  appliances  of  modern  progress,  it  would  be 
more  than  a miracle  that  she  should  escape  war  and  spoli- 
ation, and  it  is  not  impossible  that  she  should  ultimately 
suffer  subjugation  and  dismemberment,  as  have  so  many 
other  countries  and  nations  of  Asia.  The  movement  of 
Russia  into  the  vast  region  between  the  Aral  Sea  and  the 
Issyk-Kul,  near  the  western  borders  of  Thibet,  the  capture 
and  annexation  of  Khiva,  Tashkend,  Merv,  Samarcand, 
Khokand,  and  Bokhara,  and  the  building  of  a railroad 
from  the  Caspian  Sea,  in  the  same  general  direction,  has 
been  looked  upon  by  England  as  a special  menace  to 
Herat  and  her  Indian  Empire  ; and  it  certainly  is  a men- 
ace of  the  most  portentous  character.  But  it  should  not 
be  forgotten  by  England,  and  still  less  by  China,  that 
17 


366 


CHINA. 


Kassia  has  for  two  hundred  years  held  all  of  Northern 
Asia,  from  the  Ural  Mountains  to  the  Pacific  Ocean ; 
that  her  Eastern  possessions  in  that  almost  illimitable 
region  are  conterminous  with  those  of  China ; that  she  has 
been  for  the  last  century  engaged  in  subjugating  the  wild 
tribes  and  planting  civilized  colonies ; that  of  late  years 
her  settlements  in  the  Amur  Valley  have  been  growing 
with  amazing  rapidity ; and,  finally,  that  it  can  not  be  a 
great  while  in  the  world’s  time  till  they  are  connected 
with  Europe  by  a railroad  or  railroads,  which  will  bring 
all  the  resources  of  the  empire  for  conquest  to  the  very 
gates  of  China.  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  latter 
is  in  a far  worse  condition  for  defense  than  is  the  Indian 
Empire,  backed  by  all  the  intelligence,  wealth,  and  mili- 
tary power  of  Great  Britain  and  her  flourishing  colonies, 
it  may  well  be  admitted  that  Eussia  is  merely  protecting 
her  flank  and  her  lines  of  communication  in  Southern 
Asia,  while  she  is  really  aiming  at  the  rich  plains,  the 
open  seaports,  and  the  boundless  resources  of  her  sleeping 
and  unconscious  neighbor  of  Eastern  Asia.  Admitting, 
however,  that  her  primary  object  is,  as  commonly  be- 
lieved, the  conquest  of  Persia,  Afghanistan,  and  British 
India,  and  that,  if  she  really  sets  about  its  accomplish- 
ment with  the  earnestness  that  is  attributed  to  her,  she 
will  succeed,  it  is  obvious  that,  pari  passu,  the  danger  to 
China,  although  deferred  for  a quarter  of  a century,  or 
even  longer,  will  then  be  increased  a hundred-fold. 

In  all  of  this  I take  no  account  of  France  or  Germany 
for  the  present ; for,  although  the  former  has  twice  gone 
to  war  with  China,  and  has  recently  made  good  her  lodg- 
ment on  the  southeastern  border  of  the  empire,  and  both 
have  shown  themselves  anxious  to  push  their  commercial 
interests  by  all  the  means  in  their  power,  it  can  not  be 
contended  that  either  of  them  can  seriously  endanger  the 
Chinese  Government  or  its  territorial  possessions. 


POSSIBILITIES. 


367 


Finally,  it  is  always  possible  that  the  Imperial  Chinese 
Government  may  perceive  its  danger  in  time,  rearrange 
and  perfect  its  civil  administration,  organize  its  army 
and  navy  in  accordance  with  modern  methods,  build  rail- 
roads, and  develop  its  natural  resources,  and  thus,  as  well 
as  by  its  isolation  and  remoteness  and  by  the  aid  of  its 
innumerable  population,  render  its  position  practically 
secure  against  all  hostile  encroachment.  It  can  not  be 
claimed  that  the  Chinese  are  a warlike  people,  and  hence 
I,  for  one,  do  not  regard  it  as  at  all  likely  that  they  will 
ever  become  aggressive  toward  their  neighbors,  or  danger- 
ous to  foreign  powers ; but  in  the  walks  of  peace,  to  which 
they  are  impelled  by  their  true  policy — ^in  agriculture,  the 
arts,  and  manufactures — it  is  almost  impossible  to  set  a 
limit  upon  their  progress,  or  to  the  influence  thereof  upon 
the  trade,  the  prosperity,  and  the  happiness  of  themselves 
and  of  the  world  at  large. 


Note, — I have  not  deemed  it  necessary  or  desirable  to  burden  this 
book  with  copies  of  the  treaties  between  the  United  States  and  the  Chi- 
nese or  Ta  Tsing  Empire,  as  they  call  it,  nor  with  statistical  tables  of  the 
trade  between  the  two  countries,  for  they  are  not  only  cumbersome  but 
dry,  and,  besides,  they  can  be  readily  got  at  in  other  publications  per- 
taining more  especially  to  such  subjects. 


J.  H.  W 


IITDEX. 


Administration,  minor  branches 
of,  186. 

Allied  demands  on  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment in  1856,  336,  337,  340. 

Americans  in  China,  316. 

Ancestral  worship,  349. 

Anglo  - Chinese  complications  in 
1866,  336. 

Aristocracy,  nature  of  the,  181. 

Armstrong,  the  American  commo- 
dore, Canton  forts  attacked  by, 
336. 

Avenue  of  Statuary,  the,  226. 

Banca,  city  of,  300. 

Barkul,  62. 

Boards,  the  Six  Great,  184-193. 

Boulger’s  “ China,”  ix. 

Bowring,  Sir  John,  336. 

Brick-tea,  64. 

British  trade,  aggressive  nature  of, 
318. 

Buddhism,  a decadent  religion,  349. 

Buffalo,  the  water-,  74,  306. 

Burgevine,  122,  123. 

Burial  customs,  97-100. 

Burlingame,  Hon.  A.  P.,  his  mission 
to  foreign  governments,  366, 
367. 


Cambaluc,  Mecca  of  Eastern  Asia, 
218. 

Camel  transportation,  64. 

Camphor-gum,  298. 

Canton,  freely  opened  to  foreigners, 
330. 

seized  by  the  allied  fleet,  336. 

Cantonese,  the,  hatred  of,  by  other 
Chinese,  334. 

Caravans,  Mongolian,  216. 

Censorate,  the,  192,  193. 
its  force  as  a foe  of  progress, 
193. 

most  powerful  of  all  the  govern- 
mental boards,  360,  361. 

Central  Flowery  Kingdom,  66. 

Chang-Chin-Chun,  243. 

Chang-hwa,  city  of,  301. 

Chee-foo,  86,  88,  89. 

Cheshire,  Mr.,  Chinese  secretary, 
216. 

Chihli,  V. 

Chi-ho,  283,  284. 

China  and  Japan,  reasons  for  a new 
book  on,  vii. 

China,  area  of,  26,  27. 
author’s  object  in  visiting,  iv. 
canal  system  of,  43. 
ceremonial  visits  in,  107. 


370 


INDEX. 


China,  climate  of,  31,  32. 

contraction  of,  in  historic  times, 
27. 

first  made  aware  of  superior 
power  of  foreign  nations  by 
the  Opium  War,  329. 
immense  possibilities  of,  369. 
isolation  of,  28-31. 
lack  of  railroads  in,  iii. 
Merchants’  Steamship  Company, 
86. 

mental  conservatism  of,  81. 
military  music  in,  101,  116. 
military  weakness  of,  96. 
mineral  wealth  of,  52. 
navy  of,  90. 
provinces  of,  31. 
topography  of,  32. 

Chin-Chiang-pu,  240. 

Chi-nan-fu,  v,  281,  283. 

Chinese  authorities  refuse  to  sign 
treaties  at  Peking,  338. 
burial-customs,  97-100. 
civilization,  20-22. 
civilization,  future  of,  83,  84. 
classics,  the  knowledge  of,  sole 
ground  of  official  appointment, 
196. 

Engineering  and  Mining  Com- 
pany, 227. 

attitude  toward  railway  improve- 
ment, iii. 

indemnity  bill,  passed  by  Con- 
gress, 364. 

navy,  difficulties  in  organizing, 
92,  93. 

New  Year,  288,  289. 
non-intercourse  of  foreign  mer- 
chants with,  102. 
race,  strength  and  health  of  the, 
71. 


Chinese  revenues  compared  with 

— those  of  India,  209. 

rulers,  paucity  of  ability  in,  viii. 
stagnation,  remedies  for,  3 1 1 , 3 1 2. 
Tartary,  or  Hi,  62. 
troops  partly  foreign  drilled,  96. 
written  language,  125. 

Ching,  Prince,  President  of  the 
Board  of  Foreign  Affairs,  294. 
coadjutor  in  naval  control,  91.  ■ 

Chi-ning-Chou,  266. 

Chinkiang,  vi. 

Chow,  Duke,  174. 

Chii-fu,  home  and  burial-place  of 
Confucius,  267-273. 

Chu-kiang,  or  Pearl  River,  44. 

Chun,  Prince  (see  Seventh  Prince), 
administrator  of  navy  and 
coast-defenses,  91. 

Ciang-ho,  227. 

Civil  Office,  Board  of,  188. 

Climate  of  China,  31,  32. 

Clothing,  76,  77. 

Coal,  67-62. 

Colliery  of  Kaiping,  67-69. 

Colonial  Office,  192. 

Compradores,  333. 

Compression  of  the  female  foot, 
origin  of,  69,  71. 

Commercial  morals,  287,  288. 

Confucius,  V. 

and  his  descendants,  268. 
and  his  disciples,  teachings  of, 
the  whole  of  Chinese  educa- 
tion, 309,  310. 
temples  of,  269-273. 
tombs  of  his  family,  274,  276. 

Corea,  52. 

Cotton,  77. 

Council,  General,  182. 

Curiosity  of  Chinese  mobs,  268-264. 


INDEX. 


371 


Dinner-party  in  Japanese  style,  6- 

12. 

Diplomatic  corps,  the,  166. 

Domestic  animals,  their  scarcity, 

13. 

East  India  Company,  316,  818. 

Education,  308,  311. 
absolute  need  of  a change  in  its 
system,  346. 

Elliot,  Admiral,  324. 

Captain,  321,  324. 

Emperor  of  Japan,  reception  of  the 
author  by,  2 ; palace  of,  3 ; de- 
scription of,  4,  6. 

English  Government,  its  immorality 
in  the  Opium  War,  328. 

English  in  China,  315. 

Enouye,  Count,  Japanese  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  3. 

Ethnography,  67,  68. 

European  communication  with  Chi- 
na, history  of,  311,  321. 

Examination,  public,  for  office,  196, 
196. 

Expenditures,  governmental,  210, 
211. 

summary  of,  212. 

Famines,  66,  66, 

Financial  system,  200-214. 

Food  resources,  71,  74. 

Foreigners  in  China,  21. 

Foreign  loans,  dread  of,  218. 

Foreign  merchants,  agreement  of, 
not  to  deal  in  opium,  323. 
influence  of,  in  suppressing  the 
Taipings,  23,  24. 

Foreign  powers,  alert  to  control 
trade  and  internal  improve- 
ments, 176  176. 


Formosa,  animals  of,  306,  306. 
beautiful  scenery  in,  298. 
description  of,  295-307. 
its  commerce,  present  and  future, 
303,  304,  307. 
lack  of  harbors  in,  299. 
mineral  resources  of,  306. 
savage  tribes  of,  297. 
tea-culture  in,  302. 

Funded  debt,  212. 

Fung-shuy,  349. 

Gaishas,  dancing  and  singing  girls 
of  Japan,  8-12. 

“ Gazette,”  Peking,  170,  183,  184. 

Gordon,  120-124. 
award  of  the  “Yellow  Jacket” 
and  other  honors  to,  332. 
Wilson’s  life  of,  author  indebted 
to,  ix. 

Government,  absolute  character  of 
the,  179,  180. 
formalism  in  the,  181. 
organization  of,  182-199. 

Governor-general,  authority  and 
duties  of,  194,  195. 

Grand  Canal,  v,  43,  78. 
a visit  to,  233-246. 

Chinese  estimate  of  its  impor- 
tance, 242. 

Li  Hung-Chang’s  memorial  on, 
244. 

regulation  of  the  waters  of,  240, 
241. 

solution  of,  possible  by  scientific 
engineering,  244. 

Great  Plain,  the,  64-66. 
appearance  of  the,  96. 
character  of  its  inhabitants,  291, 
292. 

Great  Wall,  v,  62,  78,  216-228. 


372 


INDEX. 


Hang-kow,  338. 

Hang-Chow,  54. 

Hart,  Sir  Robert,  head  of  imperial 
maritime  customs,  93. 

remarkable  administrative  power 
of,  208. 

revenue  collected  by,  334. 

“Herald,”  the  North  China,  183, 
184. 

Hienfung,  Emperor,  16Y. 

death  of,  342. 

Hien-tsu,  founder  of  the  present 
dynasty,  166. 

Hoang-ho,  devastating  spring  fresh- 
ets of  the  (see  Yellow  River), 
36. 

embankments  on  the  (see  Yellow 
River),  36-38. 

its  course  and  character  (see 
Yellow  River),  33-36. 

Honan,  v. 

Hong-Kong,  cession  of,  to  the  Eng- 
lish, 325,  327. 

made  a free  port  by  the  British, 
335. 

Hostility  to  foreigners,  reasons  for, 
320,  321. 

Houses  and  house-building,  75,  76. 

Hubbard,  Governor,  American  min- 
ister to  Japan,  2. 

Hue,  Abbe,  his  theory  of  munda- 
tions  of  the  YeUow  River,  250. 

Hung-tse-Chuen,  Taiping  leader,  28. 

possible  achievements  of,  332. 

Ignorance  of  the  masses,  81. 

Hi,  or  Chinese  Tartary,  52. 

Imperial  treasury,  property  of  the, 
360,  361. 

Industrial  development,  the  future 
of,  360. 


Inland  Sea,  beauty  of,  1. 

Inns,  a description  of,  237,  238. 
Intellectual  development  arrested, 
809-311. 

International  relations  with  Japan, 
changes  in  the,  16,  17. 

Iron,  57-62. 

Ito,  Count,  Japanese  prime-minis- 
ter,  3. 

Japan,  vi. 

duck-hunting  in,  7,  8. 
fascination  of,  for  the  traveler, 
17,  18. 

genuine  progress  of,  18,  15. 
government  of,  13,  14. 
railroads  of,  14,  15. 
spring  in,  2. 

Japanese  ministers,  accomplish- 
ments of,  3. 

Japanese  wrestling,  8-10. 
Jinrikishas,  man-power,  carriages, 
vi. 

Jehol,  341. 

Kai-fung-fu,  capital  of  Honan,  v. 
246. 

visit  to,  257-264. 

Kaiping,  v. 

coal-mines  of,  226-232. 
railway,  229,  230. 

Kashgar,  52. 

Kelung,  city  of,  299. 

Khoten,  52. 

Kienlung,  168. 

Kioto,  Japan,  vi. 

Kirin,  52. 

Eiirrea,  52. 

Ki  - ying,  imperial  commissioner, 
proclamation  of,  329. 

Kobe,  Japan,  vi. 


INDEX. 


SIS 


Kowlung,  ceded  to  the  British,  341. 

Kufu,  burial-place  of  Confucius,  v. 

Kuldja,  62. 
expedition,  64. 

Kung,  Prince,  173. 
his  memorial  on  Western  arts  and 
sciences,  352,  355. 
negotiator  of  peace  with  the  al- 
lies, 341. 

Kwang  Hsu,  the  new  Emperor,  166- 
168,  171-176. 

Ewan-lun  Mountains,  52. 

Kyan-Chan,  harbor  of,  90. 

Land-tax,  202. 

Lang,  Captain,  naval  assistant  to 
Viceroy  Li,  91,  92. 

Language,  written,  82,  126. 

Lao-Hwang-ho,  the  river,  285. 

Lao-mu-Miaio,  temple  of  the  Holy 
Mother,  280. 

Lay,  Mr.,  334. 

Liautung,  52. 

Lien-Sheng-tien,  a model  Chinese 
inn,  277. 

Li  Hung-Chang,  v,  90. 
author’s  report  of  his  investiga- 
tions to,  293. 

director  of  naval  affairs,  91. 
discussion  of  railroads  by,  113, 
114. 

his  relation  to  foreign  powers, 
197. 

interview  with,  by  the  author, 
106-116. 

invitation  to  visit,  vi. 
most  progressive  and  powerful  of 
Chinese  statesmen,  24. 
sketch  of,  106, 109, 110,  118, 119. 

Likin,  the,  or  tax  on  internal  com- 
merce, 206,  206. 


Lin-ching,  240,  241. 

Literary  language,  the,  a distinct 
tongue,  82. 

Literati,  the,  or  office-holders, 
181. 

Liu  Ming-Ch’uan,  152,  296. 

Viceroy  of  Formosa,  invitation  to 
visit,  vi. 

Locomotive,  first,  in  China,  68,  227 
-229. 

Loess  terraces,  fertility  of,  49. 
nature  and  theories  about  their 
origin,  49,  60. 

Lung-mun-Kou,  248,  264. 

Lung-Wang  Miao,  240. 

Macao,  313. 

Manchu  caste,  distinction  from  the 
subject  race,  68. 

Manchuria,  62. 

Marco  Polo,  stoiy  of,  edited  by  Colo- 
nel Yule,  viii. 

Maritime  customs  duties,  208. 
organization  of,  334. 

Martin,  Dr.  W.  A.  P.,  President  of 
Tung-wen  College,  366. 

Metallurgy,  difficulties  of  Chinese 
progress  in,  61,  62. 

Military  helplessness,  176-178. 

Military  weakness,  96. 

Min,  an  important  river,  44. 

Mineral  wealth,  62. 

Ming  tombs,  223. 

Missionaries,  English  and  Ameri- 
can, 281,  282,  286,  287. 

Missionary  progress,  346,  347. 

Mongolia,  Inner  and  Outer,  62,  53. 
gold  mines  in,  63. 

Mountain  system,  48,  49,  61,  62. 

Nagahama,  Japan,  vi.  . 


374 


INDEX. 


Nagasaki,  Japan,  vi. 

Nakasendo,  Japan,  vi. 

Nanking,  vi,  295. 

Napier,  Lord,  first  to  protest  against 
official  non  - intercourse,  319, 
320. 

Navy  of  China,  90. 

Navy-yard  and  docks,  89. 

Opium,  smuggling  in,  336. 
trade  in,  321-323. 
war,  the,  324-327. 
treaty  which  followed  it,  327. 
Osaka,  Japan,  vi. 

Otsu,  Japan,  vi. 

Pa-li  Miao,  243. 

Pang-Chia-Chwang,  286,  287. 
Pan-ting-fu,  104. 

Parker,  Admiral  Sir  William, 
326. 

Parker,  W.  II.,  American  minister 
to  Corea,  2. 

Parkes,  Sir  Harry,  340. 

Peh-tang,  the  anxiety  of  the  govern- 
ment about,  46. 
town  and  river,  227. 

Pei-ho  batteries,  attacked  by  allied 
fleet,  337,  340. 

Pei-ho  River,  vi. 

strategic  value  of  the,  46,  46. 
importance  of  the,  to  Chinese 
commerce,  46. 

Peking,  v. 

description  of,  160,  166. 
treaties  of  peace  signed  at,  341, 
342. 

Pescadores,  the,  307. 

Ping  Tin,  281. 

Population,  63,  64. 

Port  Arthur,  89. 


Portuguese  in  China,  313. 

Pottinger,  Sir  Henry,  326. 

Poverty,  universal,  78. 

Provinces  of  China,  31. 

Provincial  governments,  the  nine- 
teen, 193. 

Psalmanazar,  George,  295. 

Punishments,  Board  of,  190. 

Railroads,  pressing  need  of,  63. 
obstacles  to  the  establishment  of, 
99. 

a memorial  concerning,  by  Liu 
Ming  Ch’uan,  126-135. 
only  practicable  method  of  build- 
ing, 361. 

supported  by  Li  Hung-Chang  and 
Lin-K’un-Yi,  136-163. 

Revenue,  Board  of,  186,  187. 

Revenues,  summary  of,  208. 
different  estimates  of,  210. 

Rites,  Board  of,  188. 

River  engineering,  crudity  of  the 
Chinese  system  of,  284,  286. 

Rivers,  most  of  the  Chinese,  dry  in 
the  rainless  season,  47. 

Robinson,  Sir  George  B.,  321. 

Rockhill,  Mr.,  First  Secretary  of 
American  Legation,  216. 

Russell  and  Company,  first  steam- 
boat proprietors,  86. 

Russia,  danger  threatening  from, 
314,  366,  366. 

Russians  in  China,  314. 

Sakimoto,  Japan,  vi. 

Salt  monopoly,  204,  206. 

Sankolinsin’a  Folly,  104. 

Sankolinsin,  Prince,  340. 

Secretariat,  the  Grand,  182. 

Sekigahara,  Japan,  vi. 


INDEX. 


375 


Seventh  Prince,  the,  father  of  the 
Emperor  (see  Prince  Chun). 
Sha-ho,  217. 

Shamo,  or  Gobi,  sandy  desert  of,  62. 
Shanghai,  vi. 

description  of,  20-25. 

Shanghai,  Navigation  Company,  86. 
Shan-hai-Quan,  64. 

Shantung,  v. 

Shih-li  pu,  243. 

Shinking,  62. 

Siebelin,  Captain,  naval  assistant  to 
Viceroy  Li,  91. 

Simonoseki,  Japan,  vi. 

Spaniards  in  China,  313. 

Summer  Palace  burned  by  the  allies, 
341. 

Superstition,  universal,  349. 

Taian-fu,  277. 

Taipak-fu,  301. 

Taiping  rebellion,  v. 

at  first  encouraged  by  foreign 
merchants,  336. 
commerce  stimulated  by,  333. 
former  misapprehension  of,  331. 
its  influence  in  educating  Chinese 
statesmen,  331. 

Taishan,  v. 

inscriptions  on  the  rocks  of,  279, 
280. 

sacred  mountain,  278-280. 
temples  on,  279,  280. 

Taiwan-fu,  city  of,  296,  300. 

Taku  forts,  93,  94. 

capture  of,  by  the  allies,  94. 
Tamsui,  296. 

Tao-chung-fu,  246. 

Tashkend,  62. 

Tatnall  Commodore,  94. 
co-operates  with  the  allies,  889. 


Taukwang,  the  Emperor,  first  to 
make  the  opium-trade  illegal, 
322. 

Ta-Wen-ho,  240. 
the  river,  277. 

Taxes,  how  collected,  203. 

inefficiency  of  method,  203,  204. 
miscellaneous,  207. 

Telegraph  system,  124,  126. 

Ter-chou,  239,  288. 

Thibet,  probable  mineral  wealth  of, 
62,  63. 

Throne,  difficulties  of  approaching 
the,  169,  170. 

present  powers  behind  the,  344. 

Tien-Shan  Peh-lu,  52. 

Tien-Shan  or  Celestial  Mountains, 
62. 

Tien-Shan  Nan-Lu,  52. 

Tientsin,  v. 

center  of  all  progressive  move- 
ments, 105. 

description  of,  103,  104. 
destruction  of  French  mission  at, 
104,  347. 
races  at,  101. 

residence  of  Viceroy  Li,  103. 

Tokio,  vi. 

Tombs  of  the  Ming  dynasty,  222- 
224. 

Topography  of  China,  32. 

Townshend,  Congressman,  his 
speech  on  the  China  trade, 
363. 

Tseng  Quo-chu’an,  Viceroy,  vi,  120, 
296. 

Tseng  Quo-fan,  120. 

Tsin  Chi-Hwangti,  builder  of  the 
Great  Wall,  219. 

Tsitsihar,  62. 

Tso  Tsung-tang,  120,  164-167. 


376  INDEX. 


Tsung-li  Yamen,  Board  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  165. 

author’s  report  of  his  investiga- 
tions to,  294. 
composition  of,  185. 

Tung  Chi,  late  Emperor,  IG?. 

Tung-wen  College,  352-356. 

Turkistan,  Eastern,  62. 

Twatutia,  seat  of  Formosan  govern, 
ment,  296. 

Tycoon,  decadence  of  the  power  of 
the,  6. 

Tz’-u  Hsi,  Empress-Dowager,  167- 
169, 171,  172. 

United  States,  the,  its  true  Chinese 
policy,  362-364. 

Urum-tsi,  52. 

Wade,  Sir  Thomas,  122,  334. 

Walled  cities,  78,  79. 

War,  Board  of,  189. 

Ward,  American  minister,  embar- 
rasses other  plenipotentiaries, 
339. 

Ward,  General,  organizer  of  the 
“ Ever-Victorious  Army,”  33, 
120,  121. 


Ward,  Gen.,  receives  divine  honors 
after  death,  332. 

Wei-hai-wei,  90. 

Wheelbarrow  carriages,  278. 
Williams,  S.  Wells,  missionary  and 
diplomat,  “ Middle  Kingdom  ” 
by,  vii. 

Women  in  Japan,  8-12. 

Woosung  River,  20. 

Works,  Board  of,  191,  192. 

Yang-tse-kiang,  vi,  19. 
affluents  of,  42. 
description  of,  40-42. 

Yellow  River  (see  Hoang-ho) 

V. 

causes  of  its  floods  (see  Hoang- 
ho),  236. 

inundations  of  (see  Hoang-ho), 
248,  255. 

embankments  of,  irregularly 
built  (see  Hoang-ho),  245 
246. 

Yokohama,  vi. 

1 Yokogawa,  Japan,  vi. 

! Yungloh,  Ming  Emperor,  222. 
Yu-wang-shang-to,  280. 


THE  END. 


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